4 min read2 hr

Paul Johnson, a former director of the Institute for Fiscal Studies think tank, said Whitehall had not carried out the necessary work to produce a more “targeted” scheme than the support made available to households in 2022 following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Johnson, now a senior adviser at the consultancy Frontier Economics, said it means that if the Keir Starmer government decides to step in to protect household bills from rising energy prices, it will be “just very, very expensive”.

Speaking on The Rundown podcast from PoliticsHome, the leading economist said he had urged the previous Conservative government to invest “serious” money in data collection to develop a more targeted scheme, but that this work was not undertaken.

Johnson explained that a more “sensible” scheme would allow the government to provide support to those who need it most, rather than to all households.

Appearing alongside him on this week’s episode was Bill Esterson, Labour MP for Sefton Central and chair of the energy security and net zero committee. 

They appeared on the podcast as the US and Israel’s war with Iran continues. The conflict has had a major impact on international energy prices, largely due to disruption in the Strait of Hormuz, a vital shipping lane responsible for around 20 per cent of the world’s oil supply. 

Esterson agreed with Johnson that the “data sharing just isn’t there” to create more targeted support for energy bills, despite calls from within the industry and his committee.

The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) watchdog estimated that ministers spent almost £80bn on energy support for both households and businesses in the two fiscal years after Vladimir Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Earlier this week, Starmer warned that the UK is exposed to international price shocks, as it was at the onset of the Ukraine war, saying “the longer this [conflict] goes on, the more likely the potential for an impact on our economy, impact into the lives and households of everybody and every business”.

On Wednesday, Chancellor Rachel Reeves acknowledged the government may have to step in to protect energy bills, telling the Treasury select committee that “nothing is off the table”.

‘We are looking at a whole range of different scenarios,” she told MPs.

“One reason why any future package, if it were necessary, would be more affordable is that we are now less reliant on international energy price movements than we were before Russia invaded Ukraine, because we have invested more in homegrown, renewable energy.”

She added: “We are looking at targeted support as well as broader measures, but it is just too early to say what is needed.”

Johnson told The Rundown that lessons from the 2022 support package, which included a £400 grant for all domestic energy customers, on how to spend the money more effectively, have not been learned.

“What was announced then [in 2022] was staggeringly expensive and staggeringly generous, and it’s partly because it held everybody’s bills down,” he said.

“It was staggeringly expensive, and the reason was that the government simply didn’t have the information that allowed them to target this in a sensible way at people who had a combination of relatively low incomes and relatively high spending on energy.

“And I remember saying at the time it would be worth investing a couple of billion quid, I mean serious money, in making this information available. 

“Now, as far as I’m aware, they still don’t have anything which would allow them to target, and so, therefore, if this [Iran war] does go on a long time and the prices go up really significantly, I suspect that the political pressure to keep everyone’s bills down again will be very significant. 

“And then that does become just very, very expensive, and it’s even harder now than it was four or five years ago because debt is so high.”

Esterson added: “The data sharing just isn’t there. It’s a call that all of the major retailers have made to enable the kind of action that Paul’s been outlining there. It will be very, very important. 

“It’s one of the recommendations we’ve made as a committee. Hopefully, the government will listen to it.”

The Labour MP added that there is “going to be the need for other policy measures” if higher energy prices last beyond the start of July, when the current Ofgem price cap expires.

• Click here to listen to the full conversation on the latest episode of The Rundown, or search for ‘PoliticsHome’ wherever you get your podcasts.

Dr Daniel Pitt is an Honorary Fellow at the University of Buckingham. 

British politics lacks an informed discourse about our constitution and its traditions. This is unfortunate as we govern through discourse.

We even have Reform UK politicians calling themselves ‘Shadow Chancellor’ and ‘Shadow Home Secretary’, which is outright nonsense, and it also lacks constitutional morality.

Sadly, our constitutional edifice is strewn with New Labour’s carbuncles. We need the policies to make both precise incisions to drain the carbuncles and a course of antibiotics.

So, it was a breath of fresh air to watch Pierre Poilievre, the leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, in a video of him visiting Runnymede during his trip to Britain. The video is simply but sublimely titled ‘Our ancient English liberty’.

Poilievre’s video is powerful with imagery of place, a story of a shared common constitutional tradition, and it also provides Canadians with a sense of self that stretches across time and an ocean. The best of all, it succeeded in showing that our constitutional tradition lives and breathes whilst embedding it within the Canadian national identity.

One can nitpick about some of the details in the video, such as the claim that the Magna Carta was ‘signed’ by King John; in fact, his seal was appended to the charter.

Indeed, the Magna Carta myth has become a fundamental part of our self-image, especially during the nineteenth century, but the myth is fading away.

But which Magna Carta? The 1215 version had a very brief lifespan indeed, as Pope Innocent III repudiated it. The 1216 version is far more conservative than its more radical 1215 counterpart, because the radical elements were removed by Henry III’s man. It was reissued again in 1217, and the provisions in relation to the forests were put in a separate charter called The Charter of the Forest. It was again reissued in 1225.

It took until 1297 to have statutory form with the title The Great Charter of The Liberties of England, and of The Liberties of The Forest.

The charter was not about universal rights or freedom but about power politics and averting a civil war. It unintentionally, through an invisible hand, created a legal order that was established by solving specific conflicts. Of course, the charter itself was just a political solution to a political struggle.

There is chaos and contingency in actual history, yet great men and women can change it. A stateman’s narrative must be and is a much simpler one than a historian’s.

Statemen can be more romantic and mythologise; they can try to shape the political culture in which they operate. Their oratory should use powerful imagery to tell a national story with a swift-moving narrative that provides an interpretation of who we are and where we are going.

Yes, myth will be part of their story, our story. The best conservative orators, from both sides of the Atlantic Ocean, such as Ronald Reagan and Winston Churchill, employed these skills. It is the role of the Conservative statesmen to provide good myths, as Benjamin Disraeli knew all too well.

The reason for this is that our national identity is driven by the moral imagination of great people and their interpretations of great events.

Our national story can reveal itself in the form of myth and symbols. Myths are not necessarily falsehoods; on the contrary, they are essential truths that are packaged in a story. This style of communication is impactful because human beings are narrative-driven creatures and love a good story. This is a backwards-looking process which creates our nation’s story, which we then tell ourselves and pass on to our children and grandchildren.

Our civic national identity is closely connected with our sense of sharing a common tradition and a set of manners. This involves an awareness of our common history and the great continuity of this history. Both our constitution and our culture, which are mutually reinforcing, show elements of this continuity. However, we have to treat those carbuncles.

Critical events and documents, such as Magna Carta, provide us with an opportunity to renew and reclaim our national story that has a deep meaning and which makes sense to us today. Poilievre did this as easily as eating an apple. We need to learn from it.

As George Orwell indicates, “myths which are believed in tend to become true”. Why? According to Orwell, this is because we will try to live them.

These myths facilitate a bond of sympathy between us, creating a national spirit, which is unmistakable in our constitutional traditions. New Labour’s carbuncles are a repudiation of this tradition, and the Conservatives must reaffirm our impressive constitutional tradition. This idea of belonging to a historical constitutional tradition leads us to believe that we are part of a collective national identity, and that is why constitutional reform matters.

These national myths, including the Magna Carta myth, are a powerful way of recruiting loyalty to our constitutional tradition and to our country. The stories and myths that we tell ourselves are a product of a shared loyalty. Poilievre’s video on Magna Carta is an exemplar for us to learn from.

Wrapping up policy proposals within a grand narrative of their historical importance and situating them within a long national story has powerful imagery that can move the conservative soul.

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There’s something about the ideal of being a great host that is just so uniquely appealing.

Maybe it’s the retro glamour of it all – in any decade, the idea of being an it-girl who’s got it all figured out always seems to go hand-in-hand with the ability to throw a great party.

If you’ve got the urge to boost your hosting skills, here’s everything you need to throw the dinner party of your dreams – from statement salt and pepper shakers to chic napkins and lots more.

(Mim Friday / Alamy)

3 min read33 min

Life expectancy is shaped by the decisions we take in Parliament. Decades of uneven investment have carved inequality into the lives of children in coastal towns. Unless we act with urgency, they will inherit a Britain that rewards wealth and punishes geography.

When Keir Starmer visited my by-election in May 2024, he spoke about the pride and ambition of our town and the frustration when that pride is met with neglect rather than investment. He was right. Blackpool has never lacked pride or ambition. What it has lacked is sustained commitment from those with the power to change things.

Nine of England’s 10 most deprived neighbourhoods are in coastal communities, seven being in Blackpool alone. Low wages, poor health, insecure work and deep-rooted disadvantage are not isolated problems; they are symptoms of a national economic model that has left coastal communities behind.

If we are serious about rebalancing Britain, we must confront the system that has historically channelled investment away from towns like ours. That is why reforms to the Treasury’s Green Book are so significant. For years, benefit-cost ratios were treated as a blunt pass-or-fail test. Projects in already prosperous areas where returns are easier to measure, scored highest. Places with entrenched deprivation, where social returns are transformative but harder to quantify, were too often marked down.

The updated guidance allows investment decisions to account properly for social impact and regional need. In simple terms, coastal towns finally get a fairer hearing.

This is not abstract policy. It means transport, housing or regeneration projects in deprived communities can be judged on their ability to reduce inequality, improve health and raise wages, not simply on short-term financial return. The framework for change is there. What matters now is the resolve to use it boldly.

Economic rebalancing must move from rhetoric to reality. Growth has too often been concentrated in the South while coastal towns remain trapped in cycles of seasonal, low-paid work. For Blackpool, that means attracting high-value employment with clear routes for progression. Government should lead by incentivising private investment and backing sectors such as clean energy, digital services, health innovation and our visitor economy.

Coastal communities also face distinct challenges: ageing populations, fragile local economies, housing pressures, poor connectivity and stark health inequalities. These issues cut across departments, yet responsibility in Whitehall remains fragmented. That is why the recommendation of the House of Lords for a dedicated coastal communities minister deserves serious consideration. Coastal Britain cannot remain everyone’s secondary responsibility and no one’s primary focus. A dedicated minister would provide co-ordination, accountability and a clear voice to ensure policy is coherent rather than piecemeal.

Health inequality remains the starkest injustice. The life expectancy gap between Blackpool and Hampshire is preventable. Prevention, early intervention and properly funded local health services must sit at the heart of our agenda, because without health, opportunity is hollow.

People in coastal communities are not asking for favours; they are asking for fairness, investment that reflects need, decisions that respect local knowledge and change visible in everyday life. Pride without progress becomes frustration. Ambition without delivery becomes disillusionment.

When Blackpool succeeds, Britain succeeds. The test before us is simple: will we use the power of government to close the gap or allow another generation, including my son, to inherit neglect measured in years they never get to live? 

Chris Webb is the Labour MP for Blackpool South

With the NHS in a critical period of change,¹ there is an opportunity to look at where system reform can support necessary improvements in care. We believe one such area in need of review is the post-transplant care pathway.

For many people, a stem cell transplant can be lifesaving.² Yet for up to 30–40 per cent of transplant recipients, graft-versus-host disease (GvHD) presents a new set of challenges.² GvHD is caused by an immune response following a stem cell or bone marrow transplant, where the immune cells from the graft attack the host cells.³ 

The symptoms of GvHD are wide-ranging and affect each individual differently – but its impact can be life-changing.³ It can affect nearly any organ in the body, with symptoms ranging from rashes and skin dryness, painful joints and muscles, nausea and vomiting, and shortness of breath.³ These symptoms can have a significant impact on mobility, independence and quality of life.⁴

GvHD also has an economic impact. In 2022, Sanofi commissioned a survey with the help of Anthony Nolan of 27 participants to understand the physical, psychological, and social/economic impact of chronic GvHD (cGvHD).⁴ More than half of respondents cited a high impact on their ability to work, exercise, enjoy life and plan for the future.⁴

*Please note, symptoms are not exhaustive and patient experiences may differ.

Bringing the community together to map out priorities for change

To better understand the challenges and identify opportunities for meaningful improvement, a group of leading voices from across the transplant clinical and patient community came together for a roundtable discussion – organised and funded by Sanofi – in September 2025.

Among these voices was Steve, who developed severe GvHD following treatment for acute myeloid leukaemia. Over the course of his illness, he was admitted to hospital dozens of times, saw more than 160 clinicians and experienced complications ranging from sepsis to steroid-induced diabetes.

Leukaemia was one thing, but the aftermath of the transplant was a huge thing to deal with. – Steve

The group agreed there was a need to develop a robust set of recommendations for change within the post-transplant care pathway.

Health system reform offers a window of opportunity

The healthcare system offers significant potential to deliver change for people impacted by this condition. Discussions at the roundtable showed that by harnessing emerging technologies, better utilising data and adopting more effective models of care, improved care is within reach.

Further to the publication of the Government’s 10 Year Health Plan, the NHS is undergoing considerable reform nationally and locally – including shifting care from hospital into the community and the establishment of a Neighbourhood Health Service.¹

NHS reform provides an opportunity to transform GvHD care – demonstrating the Government’s commitment to supporting the transplant community and ensuring that the needs of the GvHD patient and carer community are not overlooked.

A vision for change

Based on insights gathered from key stakeholders in the transplant community, action is needed on the following priorities to drive change in the GvHD care pathway:

1. Improving access to multidisciplinary team care, to improve patient experiences and outcomes: post-transplant care should be integrated into emerging Neighbourhood Health Services, enabling patients to receive different services closer to home and avoid unnecessary hospital admissions. Mental health support must also become a core component of consistent, high-quality post-transplant care.
2. Utilising data and research to identify, and reduce, the risk and severity of GvHD: better use of data and investment in research can help to improve donor matching and predict, prevent and personalise GvHD care. This should include reviewing existing registries to enhance data quality and usability.
3. Harnessing technology, to support holistic, patient-centred follow-up care: digital infrastructure should be set up to enable transplant recipients to manage their ongoing care, for example through the NHS App or a dedicated post-transplant tool – including symptom monitoring and rapid access to advice. Patient data should also be fully interoperable across settings so that all healthcare professionals, including GPs, can support a transplant recipient across their care journey.

At its heart, this vision is about coordination and continuity. It is focused on ensuring that people feel they are receiving the best care following a transplant.

Taking these calls forward

GvHD may be a complication of transplant, but the gaps in care witnessed by these stakeholders are not inevitable. We believe, through collaboration between policymakers, clinicians, patient organisations and industry, meaningful change is within reach – and that we have a window of opportunity with current system reform to act on it.

As a parliamentarian, you have an opportunity to champion these calls in Parliament and raise them with the Government – helping to deliver improvements for the GvHD and transplant community.

Stem cell transplantation saves lives. Our shared ambition must now be to ensure that those lives are supported with high-quality, equitable and joined-up care — before, during and after transplant.

A Vision for Change in GvHD care

If you have any questions, please contact Sanofi via Laura Wetherly at [email protected].

MAT-XU-2600469 V1.0                                                                                              February 2026

1. Department of Health and Social Care (2025). 10 Year Health Plan for England: fit for the future. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/10-year-health-plan-for-england-fit-for-the-future [Accessed February 2026]
2. Anthony Nolan. 2021. Analysis of hospital activity and costs following allogeneic stem cell transplantation in England. Available at: https://www.anthonynolan.org/sites/default/files/2021-03/analysis-of-hospital-activity-and-costs.pdf [Accessed February 2026]
3. Anthony Nolan. 2021. An essential guide to graft versus host disease (GvHD). Available at: 2630PA Essential Guide to GvHD_Website.pdf [Accessed February 2026]
4. Hart D, et al. 2022. Investigating the Impact of Chronic Graft-Versus-Host Disease on Patient and Carer Health-Related Quality of Life: A Quantitative Study.

We couldn’t help but wonder… was Zendaya feeling the Carrie Bradshaw fantasy during her most recent red carpet appearance?

On Thursday evening, the Euphoria star was among the A-list guests at Essence magazine’s Black Women In Hollywood Awards, making her way into the event in a short white dress with an enormous flower dress.

And if you’re a Sex And The City fan, you might just recognise the red carpet look, as it was first worn by Sarah Jessica Parker in the opening scenes of the TV show’s first spin-off movie in the late 2000s.

Zendaya’s long-time publicist Law Roach confirmed that the homage was intentional in an Instagram post he shared shortly after the ceremony.

“And just like that… I found it!” the RuPaul’s Drag Race regular enthused, praising his client for sporting one of “the most iconic dresses in movie history”.

US broadcaster HBO – who helped bring Sex And The City to the masses in the 1990s – also commented on the post, writing: “And just like that, you found the perfect dress.”

Asked about Zendaya and Tom’s nuptials on a red carpet last week, Law appeared to let the cat out of the bag when he quipped to reporters: “The wedding has already happened. You missed it!”