Speaking at his final rally before Sri Lanka’s presidential election last week, Anura Kumara Dissanayake promised to lead the country’s “first-ever uprising of people to form their own government through the ballot”. 

Dissanayake’s subsequent victory over candidates from Sri Lanka’s two long-ruling political camps has put the left-wing populist — who has cited Marx, Lenin and Engels as his top heroes — at the pinnacle of the island’s politics.

Sri Lanka’s establishment and some foreign diplomatic and economic partners are unsettled by the historic role played by Dissanayake’s People’s Liberation Front (JVP) in violent uprisings against the state.

The National People’s Power alliance, a JVP-led alliance with other political and social groups under which he campaigned, has demanded changes in the country’s IMF-backed debt restructuring and economic recovery plan.

Dissanayake, who is widely known by his initials AKD, has already dissolved parliament, setting the stage for elections in mid-November that will test whether his personal popularity translates into broader support for an alliance previously derided by opponents as a marginal force.

Addressing the nation on Wednesday, the bearded 55-year-old politician promised to create a “law-abiding nation . . . while ensuring the social security of all citizens”.

Wearing one of his trademark buttoned-up white shirts, Sri Lanka’s ninth president said he planned to begin talks with the IMF “immediately” and had already begun negotiating with creditors “to expedite the process and secure necessary debt relief”.

The IMF said it was looking forward to working with the new president in helping Sri Lanka recover from its economic crisis and that it hoped to discuss its $3bn financing programme with the new administration “as soon as possible”.

The JVP is unabashed about its Marxist roots. The party’s emblem remains the hammer and sickle; its website features founder Rohana Wijeweera in a Che Guevara-style black beret and its Colombo headquarters proudly displays trophies and tributes from communist Cuba, China and Vietnam.

Asked to name his heroes in a 2015 interview still posted on the JVP website, Dissanayake cited only communist luminaries, including Guevara, Wijeweera and Fidel Castro.

However, analysts say he has played a crucial role in bringing the party and its broader NPP camp to embrace a centre-left programme that recognises the role business must play in rescuing the bankrupt country’s economy.

“Labelling the NPP as left, socialist, Marxist is very outdated,” said Jayadeva Uyangoda, a political analyst and emeritus professor at the University of Colombo. “Old ideological labels are no longer applicable at this political moment.”

Dissanayake was born in 1968 in rural north-central Sri Lanka to a labourer father and housewife mother. He has recalled studying as a child under the lights of the post office in Thambuttegama because it was the only place in the village with electricity, and also selling mangoes on trains during school holidays.

He was the first from his school to attend university, and studied physics at the University of Kelaniya near Colombo, where he first became active in politics via the JVP’s student wing in 1989.

The JVP was founded in the 1960s as an explicitly revolutionary Marxist-Leninist party and had a leading role in unsuccessful violent insurrections in 1971 and 1987-89. Two of Dissanayake’s cousins were victims of extrajudicial killings by government troops in the 1980s, and some of his student activist comrades also died during a period he has described as a “tremendous shock”.

The party was operating underground when Dissanayake joined, but was already seeking to reposition itself as a mainstream political party. As he rose through the ranks, it renounced armed struggle and re-entered parliamentary politics in 1994.

Dissanayake became national organiser of the JVP’s Socialist Students’ Union in 1997, joined the party’s governing politburo in 1998 and became one of its MPs in 2000, briefly serving as agriculture minister in a coalition government four years later.

After Dissanayake became JVP leader in 2014, he apologised for the party’s role in past insurrections, telling Sri Lanka’s Daily Mirror: “Twice we took up arms; however, in the future we assure the people of Sri Lanka that this will not ever reoccur.” In 2019 he helped form the NPP and ran for the presidency, but took only 3 per cent of the vote.

Sri Lanka’s 2022 economic meltdown created ideal conditions for an outsider candidate campaigning against the status quo, however. The debt-laden country’s struggle to pay for fuel, food and medicines sparked the mobilisation of a mass movement dubbed the Aragalaya, or “struggle”. Protesters blaming Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the 2019 election winner, for economic mismanagement and corruption over-ran the presidential palace and sent him fleeing into exile.

“In many ways, AKD reflected the kind of struggles that came up in the Aragalaya: the fight against corruption, an anti-establishment mood, and a desire for a more accessible, transparent, accessible politics,” Harini Amarasuriya, Dissanayake’s new prime minister, told the Financial Times this week.

In its election manifesto, the NPP said it would seek “a more palatable” agreement with the IMF, which analysts said would probably entail a call for lower interest payments and more forgiving growth and other targets on which the bailout is based.

Alongside numerous promises of tax cuts and exemptions, the manifesto also recognised the role of the private sector in recovery, calling for a better environment for start-ups and a business-friendly “single window” service for companies seeking licences and permits.

Now Dissanayake will have to balance such pledges against the need to reassure holders of Sri Lanka’s debt. He will also need to play its diplomatic cards carefully at a time when Beijing and New Delhi are jostling for regional influence. Both Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated the Sri Lankan leader on his victory, but Indian media have portrayed him as “anti-India”. 

Analysts say AKD’s room for manoeuvre as he seeks to bring Sri Lanka out of default are limited — and any external economic shock could derail recovery. If the NPP does not win by a landslide in November, he will also need to form a coalition with opponents to achieve a stable government.

In his inaugural speech, Dissanayake struck a humble note, acknowledging that there were “things that I am knowledgeable about and things I am not”, but adding that his goal was “to do everything possible to make people once again feel respect for politicians”. 

Online dating giants and start-ups are betting on a different kind of human connection in the search for revenue growth: friendship.

Bumble, Muzz and Match Group are pushing their friend-finding and community-building products as an alternative model for digital matchmaking, aimed at attracting younger users that have been hit by so-called dating app fatigue.

Bumble, which owns the eponymous female-focused dating app as well as Badoo and Fruitz, said it was bullish about the “untapped potential” of “the friendship space”.

“The opportunity there is quite limitless for us,” said chief executive Lidiane Jones at an investor event this month.

In May, the group acquired community-building product Geneva, which connects people based on shared interests, building on the launch of its friend-finding app BFF last year.

The push into friendship apps comes as some of the biggest online dating players have struggled with a post-pandemic slowdown in growth. Bumble shed a quarter of its market value after slashing its revenue outlook in August.

Jones said Bumble would focus this autumn on “scaling the growth of Geneva and BFF” in order to “over time diversify our business monetisation model”.

Match’s newest app Yuzu, launched in February, is also its first product to explicitly offer a social-only mode as well as a dating function.

The app, which is designed exclusively for the Asian community, allows users to toggle between “social”, “dating”, or “social and dating” modes — a feature the $9.6bn company has suggested it may expand to its wider portfolio of more than 40 dating brands.

“This is a testing ground for us,” Match’s chief financial officer Gary Swidler said at an investor conference this month. “You can draw the line, I think, from things we’re testing in emerging brands, including Yuzu, and what we might be thinking down the road at Tinder.”

Smaller rivals have also moved into the friendship market this year. The decade-old Muslim ‘marriage app’ Muzz, which has 1.5mn monthly active users according to Sensor Tower, began rolling out Muzz Social, a friend-finding and social networking feature, in February.

New users of Muzz Social are automatically added to groups according to their location, and can also join networks based on hobbies or interests. “Automatically you’ve got a bunch of communities you could reach out to,” said founder and chief executive Shahzad Younas.

Gay dating app Grindr, whose user numbers have continued to climb amid slowdowns at both Bumble and Tinder, has also explored adding social features, both for friendship and professional networking, in a bid to broaden its user base.

Start-ups are also seeking to tap into the so-called “loneliness economy” in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic.

French start-up Timeleft, which algorithmically matches groups of six people to go for a meal together, expanded into the US and UK this year and now operates in over 200 cities.

Events and social connections company Pie secured $11.5mn in funding in September for an app designed to help users meet locals in real life as part of what founder Andy Dunn called “a mission to defeat social isolation”.

But analysts are sceptical that a pivot to friendship will significantly boost revenue growth for existing online dating companies.

Tinder, Hinge, Grindr and Bumble all rely on “freemium” subscription models for the bulk of their revenues, but analysts warn that platforms may struggle to find users willing to pay for friendship — especially when mainstream social networks, like Facebook, are free.

“It’s simple. People are more willing to pay for romance than for friends,” said Ygal Arounian, an analyst at Citi.

Both Bumble and Muzz said they were considering paid partnerships and advertising to monetise their friendship products, in addition to subscriptions.

But building a successful advertising business could require a major push to recruit new users and promote daily engagement with the products. Bumble’s BFF has just 735,000 monthly active users, according to Sensor Tower, while its flagship dating product has more than 20mn. 

Connecting payment with real-life meetups is another option. Users of Timeleft, for example, pay a fee or take out a membership, to reserve a space at one of the company’s weekly dinners. Timeleft keeps the entire fee, while users pay for their own meals at partner restaurants.

But even if they do not make money themselves, Bumble and Muzz are betting that friendship products will help keep users engaged with their brands even when they are not actively seeking a partner, as well as offering a route to their more profitable dating businesses.

Timeleft chief executive Maxime Barbier said friendship products could be the future of online matchmaking. “Dating as it is — swiping, texting and one-on-one first dates — is dying. People are so tired of it and they see us as an alternative.”

BREWERY hops are finally getting hip.

Ale – usually associated with bushy-bearded blokes – is enjoying a trendy renaissance, with one in three women also enjoying a regular sup.

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If you’re ale-curious but wary of the dark and sinister-looking “real” stuff, or simply don’t know where to start with this acquired taste tipple, you can give it a go with lighter – and cheaper – versions from the supermarkets before hitting the pub for the real deal.

Here, Helena Nicklin, offers her selection of top newbie at-home ales.

Harbour Session IPA, Lidl

£1.85, 440ml, 4% ABV

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AN exclusive Lidl brew, a can of Harbour Session, which is decked out in Creme Egg colours, feels like an IPA “lite” so it’s perhaps not a bad one to begin with if you’re new to this category.

IPA purists might well say it’s a bit too thin rather than hoppy – but they can continue propping up the bar with their pint of cask while you enjoy this at home as it’s cheap and very easy to glug.

Looks fun with its bright colours so would make a great party ale. Worth a try even if it is not what you end up sipping in the pub.

2/5

£2, 500ml, 4.6% ABV

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OAKHAM was the first UK brewery to produce a beer with 100% citra hops.

These are a fairly new type used for their fruity, citrus and floral aromatics and flavours, and known for adding vibrancy to ales.

If you can get past the quirky label then glugging this very light gold will offer you bright tropical fruit and candied lemon peel flavours.

It’s hip and hoppy with lots going on so worth giving it a go.

My top tip for anyone switching tipples from a glass of white vino is that if you’re into sauvignon blanc, you’ll love this.

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£2,25, 500ml, 5% ABV

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BLONDE ale is even lighter than amber and the clue is in the name as it generally has a gorgeous, light gold hue.

Such styles tend to be crisp and pretty easy-drinking with light, biscuity notes.

If you’ve never had ale before, something like this would be a great place to start.

This organic tipple is made with real honey, malt and hops.

It has a touch of baked apple fruitiness and a ­subtle nectar note without being sweet or too intense.

Delicious cracked open on its own any time, and lovely paired with salty crisps.

3/5

Black Sheep Ale, Tesco

£2, 500ml, 4.4% ABV

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WHILE you currently can’t get real dark and savoury cask ale to glug at home – unless you have your own pub, that is – an amber ale like this, with its less hoppy, more caramel-toffee notes, is a great place to start to get a feel for the darker stuff.

Whether you are a newbie to this type of drink or just want to try some different options in the ­comfort of your own home then this classic Yorkshire tipple is rich, balanced and smooth, with a Malteser-like, malty sweetness.

It’s awesome with a meaty pie. Trendy bottle too.

5/5

Adnams Ghost Ship Ale, Asda

£2, 500ml, 4.5% ABV

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IF it’s the vibrant, citrusy notes you love in a pale ale then spooky ­sipper Ghost Ship, with its powerful twist of lemon and lime, should be right up your street.

Made with a mix of British and American barley and rye, it’s a little hoppy and has elderflower hints along with biscuity notes.

Apparently inspired by smugglers and our haunted coastlines, it’s a great thirst-slayer – and with its spectral label it would definitely be a fabulous choice if you’re getting the beers in for Halloween.

4/5

BrewDog Punk IPA, Sainsbury’s £5.25 (Nectar),

330ml x 4, 5.4% ABV

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IF you’ve tried pale ale before and enjoyed its light, bright hoppiness but want a bit more of that flavour, then India pale ale is the way to go.

Brewdog’s version is a go-to for many, and for a good reason – it gets the balance just right between citrus and hops, and has a moreish earthy note on the finish.

An easy-to-drink classic that would be a great intro to IPAs.

It is well-priced – more so at the moment as it is on offer – so if it isn’t for you then you won’t break the bank. Drink it chilled with snacks.

3/5

Saltaire Blonde Ale, Morrisons

£2.25, 500ml, 4% ABV

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SOME ingredients really do have the best names and Saltaire Ale says it is made with Bohemian saaz hops, which feels fitting given its slightly quirky profile.

Light, refreshing and soft, there’s a gentle, spicy maltiness to this well-priced blonde, which hails from Yorkshire.

A lower ABV makes it an easy-drinking choice – there’s lots of flavour here without being heavy.

It’s definitely a top at-home brew to try if you are just starting out on your ale journey.

4/5

William Bros Birds & Bees, Aldi

£1.65, 500ml, 4.3% ABV

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NOT yet sure about the bitter hops of pale ales and IPAs?

Then a golden ale might be the best go-to for you.

This affordable offering gives you a lot of bang for your buck – and its slightly lower ABV than some other options might be appealing for certain sippers, too.

More about ripe, tropical fruit flavours and delicate florals, golden ales like this one have a real ­summer party vibe.

This is a great one for spreading a ­little sunshine into a soggy autumn day. Or sipping ­outside in the summer.

3/5

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The UK must mobilise £1.6tn of funding by 2040 to meet the nation’s public infrastructure needs, according to new research that underscores the vast investment demands confronting Sir Keir Starmer’s government. 

The research from consultancy EY comes as chancellor Rachel Reeves contemplates loosening her fiscal rules to allow the Labour government to increase borrowing to pay for higher levels of public investment.

On Friday, Lord Gus O’Donnell, formerly the UK’s most senior civil servant, added to mounting calls that the chancellor should ditch her “absurd” debt rule as part of fiscal reforms that bolster capital spending.

The prospect of higher borrowing has put gilt investors on edge this week as they await clearer signals from Labour about its plans to plough more public money into the nation’s ailing infrastructure.

Reeves on Monday told the Labour party’s annual conference she would end the “low investment that feeds decline” as she hinted that a rethink of the UK’s fiscal framework was under way.

Starmer, the prime minister, later declared in a visit to New York for the UN General Assembly this week that he had “always thought that we should borrow to invest”. He added that government would be a “catalyst” for private spending.

The EY report, led by former Treasury adviser Mats Persson, estimated a £1.6tn in required spending between now and 2040 in areas including energy, transport, and defence.

Far greater private sector involvement would be required alongside public spending if the needs were to be met, said Persson, now an EY partner.

“There is an absolute need as well as significant potential for more private investment into UK infrastructure assets and capital programmes that have traditionally been funded by taxpayers,” said Persson.

The consultancy drew its estimates from the government’s National Infrastructure and Construction pipeline of planned and projected infrastructure programmes, and departmental capital projects that have not been allocated money.

The list of unfunded projects include rail networks, upcoming phases of the Tempest air defence programme, energy projects as well as hospitals and schools. The figure excludes projects already under way such as the HS2 high speed rail line and those the NIC has said are being funded by the private sector.

Existing fiscal scenarios suggested that only £900bn of the programmes would be covered by public spending, EY said, leaving a £700bn shortfall.

Given the UK’s poor record of delivering infrastructure projects on budget, the true bill could be a further £1tn higher, EY warned.

The UK has sat at the bottom of a G7 league table of total investment for most of the past three decades, damaging the quality of infrastructure including roads and hospitals.

Reeves also faces intense pressure to find extra funding for day-to-day expenditure on public services ranging from education to the courts, setting up painful decisions in the October 30 budget.

Treasury officials are working on an overhaul to the UK’s fiscal rules as they seek to balance demands for spending on public services and infrastructure with warnings from the UK’s fiscal watchdog that Britain’s debt levels are on an “unsustainable” upward path.

In a column for the Financial Times, former cabinet secretary O’Donnell argued that the Treasury should incorporate measures of public debt that better reflected assets as well as liabilities, a move that would enable greater capital spending.

He also criticised the UK’s fiscal rule — adopted by Reeves from the previous Conservative government — that requires public debt to be falling year on year in five years’ time.

“We should ditch the last government’s absurd debt rule, which requires debt to be falling between years four and five, but says nothing about other years,” he said.

He argued that the government should take steps to reassure investors that the UK’s public finances were on a sustainable path to “allow space for higher, worthwhile investments while retaining market credibility”.

O’Donnell said the government should seek to balance day-to-day spending against taxes in three years, rather than five, and require the independent Office for Budget Responsibility to provide an independent assessment of debt sustainability.

Reeves is said by colleagues to be determined to stick to Labour’s manifesto commitment to a fiscal rule under which debt must fall as a share of GDP in the fifth year of the forecast. Her focus is instead on how that debt is measured, they said.

A Treasury spokesperson said Reeves’s October 30 Budget — the first from a Labour government since 2010 — would be built on “the rock of economic stability, including robust fiscal rules that were set out in the manifesto.”