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Palestinian olive farmers resist West Bank land grabs

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Palestinian olive farmers resist West Bank land grabs

Israel’s war on Palestine has now decisively expanded to the West Bank, where the most aggressive IDF military campaign in decades is now underway. Yet not all was well in the West Bank before this most recent invasion. Palestinians in the West Bank have dealt with a protracted war waged by Zionist settlers and the IDF for decades. One method of resistance has been through agriculture, which for many generations in Palestine has revolved around the cultivation of olives. Cyrus Copeland of the organization Treedom for Palestine joins The Marc Steiner Show to discuss how the Palestinian Farmers’ Union uses “freedom farms” to sustain the livelihoods of Palestinians and resist the Israeli onslaught.

Studio Production: Cameron Granadino
Post-Production: Alina Nehlich


Transcript

Marc Steiner:  Hi. I’m Marc Steiner, host of The Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. If you’re watching or listening to this now, we know you appreciate the stories we bring to you. We need your support to continue producing uncompromising, movement-building journalism that reaches ordinary people. We don’t accept advertising, sponsorships, or use paywalls. We rely entirely on supporters like you.

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Welcome to The Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner. It’s great to have you all with us.

And in our continuing look at what is happening in Palestine-Israel, this horrendous war that is taking place, we are going to cover it in a different way today. The other day, I looked at a film called Where Olive Trees Weep, and I was really taken by that film. This series of conversations are borne of that film, and you will hear many people from that film as well as the directors.

And today we’re talking with Cyrus Copeland, who is executive director of Treedom, T-R-E-E-D-O-M, it’s not me slurring, For Palestine. And Treedom for Palestine is a nonprofit that works in the West Bank and works in collaboration with the Palestinian Farmers’ Union — We’ll be talking to one of the leaders of that union coming up soon — And Treedom wants to cultivate 1,000 Freedom Farms all through the West Bank, and we’ll talk more about that in a moment. And it is part of their struggle. It is going on there now, and even though it sounds like a wonderful, nice project, nothing is easy in Palestine.

Cyrus Copeland, welcome. Good to have you with us.

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Cyrus Copeland:  Marc, awfully good to be with you. Thank you, sir.

Marc Steiner:  So, let’s begin. Tell me a bit about the history of this, first, Treedom, and how that came to be, and what it is.

Cyrus Copeland:  So I didn’t start as a nonprofit pioneer. I began and still am a writer, and the subject of the book that I’m working on right now took me to Jerusalem in exploration of this idea of tikkun olam, which, I don’t know, do you know what that means?

Marc Steiner:  Tikkun olam, yes, repair —

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Cyrus Copeland:  Tikkun olam, it’s this idea of repairing the earth or healing the earth. I’m fascinated by it. I love it for all the obvious reasons. But I had precious little experience with it and with olive trees in general. I had planted one tree over the span of my life, in memory of my dad. When he passed away, we planted an oak tree in Valley Forge for him.

Marc Steiner:  Huh.

Cyrus Copeland:  After doing that, I would go back to the tree to see how it’s doing and how tall it had grown, what its leafage was looking like, and realized that, for better or for worse, I was now in a relationship with a tree [Steiner laughs]. It struck me as an odd and simple and beautiful thing.

Marc Steiner:  Right.

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Cyrus Copeland:  But it wasn’t until I got to Palestine, and specifically the West Bank, and I looked around and realized how deeply multidimensional the Palestinian relationship is to their beloved olive trees, and I was very humbled by that and very touched by it. It’s legal, it’s environmental, it’s economic, it’s religious, it’s spiritual, it’s communal, all these ways that a tree influences a society and culture. And I was very impressed by that.

But it wasn’t until I landed on a small farm in the middle of the West Bank that was started by a gentleman, Motaz, who was the very first Treedom Farmer, that I looked around and realized the simple enormity of what he had managed to do on this small tract of land in the middle of all the complications that come of being a farmer in Palestine. And I was really touched by it, Marc, touched in a very profound way.

As a writer, I’m kind of used to using how I feel about stuff to navigate what a good narrative is, and I know when I’ve landed in the middle of a good story, I kind of get that goose bumpy feeling. As soon as I set foot on that Freedom Farm, I knew that I had found it, and it, in some way, had found me.

When I went there, I didn’t intend to start this foundation, Treedom For Palestine, which plants sustainable olive tree farms in the West Bank, but the seed of that idea was born on that day, on that little tract of land, and so that was how this all began.

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Marc Steiner:  I was interested as I was looking at this, because olive trees are kind of the center of the Palestinian world in many ways, and I also happen to love Palestinian olive oil that I get regularly from my friends [laughs].

Cyrus Copeland:  It’s awesome. It’s so good, isn’t it?

Marc Steiner:  It’s really good.

Cyrus Copeland:  It’s got a just nice kicky organic earthy flavor to it.

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Marc Steiner:  It’s the best I’ve ever had. But having said that, I’m just curious, how long this has been going on, and what is the political effect? Right now we’re facing something that is as bad, if not worse, than what happened in 1967 and what happened in 1948. They’re akin, in terms of the expulsion of Palestinians in the war in ’67, and then the colonization that began to take place in Gaza and in the West Bank. And you’re out trying to help farmers create this economy to build olive oil in the midst of that.

So, talk a bit about that struggle to do that, what you face, and the tensions that must arise in even trying to do that.

Cyrus Copeland:  There are immense, diverse, and deep challenges that come from being a farmer in the West Bank. Those challenges are manyfold, and I’ll just give you a few examples of what that looks like.

Marc Steiner:  Please, yeah.

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Cyrus Copeland:  They pay exorbitant prices for water, up to 30 times what an Israeli settler who is farming will pay for water. 30 times. They’re not allowed to use electricity or to build shelters for shade on their land. Their access, you may know that their access to the land is often restricted.

Settler violence is a really big thing. On a good year, before this war began, settlers would routinely uproot or destroy 2,000 olive trees every year. Since the war began, settler violence is up 400%.

All of these challenges add up to a situation which is quite purposeful in that, policy-wise, the occupation has made it very difficult for farmers to do what they do. There are some reasons behind that. We can get into those reasons in a bit if you like.

So what we’ve done, Treedom, along with the Palestinian Farmers’ Union — And the Palestinian Farmers’ Union actually designed the prototype for a Treedom Farm. They came up with a prototype that is specifically designed to address the challenges of what it means to farm under the occupation. That prototype is basically we will plant 250 olive trees on a two-and-a-half acre tract of land. They will be irrigated during the dry summer months, at least, we’ll lay down an irrigation system for them. And, importantly, every single Treedom Farm that we plant is surrounded by steel fencing for the protection of both the farmers and the trees.

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So, is it a very difficult situation to plant nowadays? Yes, it is, but our partner on the ground, the Palestinian Farmers’ Union, is exceedingly good at what they do. And the structure that we are working with, this idea of a Freedom Farm, is a workable one right now. It is scalable. Right now, there are a little more than 70 Freedom Farms that have been planted across the West Bank. Every single one of those Freedom Farms is still standing.

Marc Steiner:  It seems, when you mention the Palestinian Farmers’ Union, as I’ve seen, it was written, have 20,000 small-scale farmers who are farming around the West Bank for the most part. But given the politics of this moment, A, restricting water, the ability to water, the ability to really irrigate the way that things have to be irrigated on a farm, this war itself — One of my dearest friends, Ali Zarrab, who is from Ramallah, his nephew, walking down the street during the midst of this war, shot in the back by settlers.

Cyrus Copeland:  Oh [inaudible].

Marc Steiner:  And so, how does this function in the midst of all this?

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Cyrus Copeland:  Yeah. Yup. Yeah, sorry to hear about that. There is another story which really hit me hard, which was another farmer, his name was Bilal Saleh. You may have heard about him, if you do, he would’ve been on your radar last October. An olive tree farmer who was shot and killed in cold blood by Israeli settlers as he was harvesting the olives on his farm. That story got a fair amount of play in the media for all the obvious reasons.

But it really took the wind out of my sail, Marc, and it landed very personally with me. And Abbas, the president of the PFU, the Palestinian Farmers’ Union, and I spoke a little bit about what we would like to do in response to that to help ensure that this kind of stuff doesn’t happen over and over and over again.

And so, we ended up planting a Freedom Farm for his widow, Ikhlas, who was now left without somebody who provided for their family and left without a father for her children. So, she was now thrust into the dual role of doing that. We actually, just two months ago, planted a Freedom Farm for her, ensuring that she would be able to carry on the good work that her husband did. Bilal, he loved olive trees. He loved what he did. He loved what he did. But again, we provided her with a safe environment in which to still be able to do the thing that her husband did by fencing in that structure.

How does this happen? How do we continue to do this in spite of what’s going on? That is really testament to the resilience and the strategic creativity that the Farmers’ Union brings to bear in their day-to-day activities. They know where it’s safe to plant. They know how far they can push the envelope. They know the intersection of what it means to plant for people who are in great need, where food insecurity is also high, but to do so in a region which is sufficiently distanced from whatever settlements might be, as to make sure that this is not just a statement that we’re making, but a really sustainable farm that we’re beginning here.

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Does that answer your question? I feel like that went off on a little tangent.

Marc Steiner:  It does, but it leads to a couple of other questions for me. One is about you and one’s about the Palestinian farmers at this moment. How many times have you been back and forth to Palestine?

Cyrus Copeland:  One.

Marc Steiner:  One?

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Cyrus Copeland:  Just one. I was there several years ago, and it was when, as I mentioned, I went there to explore this ideology for a book that I’m working on right now. My life went off in an entirely different direction. But that one time that I was there was enough to plant the seed of Treedom for Palestine.

Marc Steiner:  No pun intended.

Cyrus Copeland:  Not at all, but thank you for noticing it [Steiner laughs]. As writers, I love wordplay, and so the idea of Treedom, I don’t know. I like the name of our organization so much.

So I’ve been there once. I’ve obviously been in continual contact with our partners on the ground there. He and I speak several times a week, at least. So, while my heart and head is here in Philadelphia, my soul is also bifurcated and is in the very difficult territory of what it means to do what they’re doing in the West Bank right now.

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One other thing, I wanted to mention this. You talked about Philadelphia, and I was walking around Jerusalem one day, and I came across a carbon copy of the Liberty Bell in a park in Jerusalem. And it was just the oddest thing, Marc, because as a Philadelphian, I know what the Liberty Bell looks like. It’s very iconic. And they had taken and literally done a carbon copy of this bell.

And so at the time, the war hadn’t broken out, and the issues that you and I are talking about, they were still front and center for all the obvious reasons. But this idea of what real personal liberty means, whether that’s economic, geopolitical, cultural, land-based, it just got amped up for me an additional degree. And to know that there is this other thing, another copy of the Liberty Bell very near many of the farms that we are planting, just makes it an even more, I don’t know, what’s the word, symbolic, I guess.

Marc Steiner:  I’m curious. In your conversations with Abbas and others since this war began in Gaza, how has that changed and altered the dynamic? It was already difficult because Israel has put restrictions on what Palestinian farmers can do, how much water they can get, has made it very difficult for people to survive on the West Bank doing the work they’ve done for generations and generations and generations. So, I’m curious how all the work you all are doing, how has it been affected by this war?

Cyrus Copeland:  We do what we do strategically and with great consideration to what the risks are. And when I say that the PFU is exceedingly good at assessing those risks and operating in spite of them, it’s not an exaggeration. They’re really good at what they do. And so the work of planting goes on, war or no war. We are still planting for the future.

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Marc Steiner:  As I watched the documentary, which we’ll be covering, Where Olive Trees Weep

Cyrus Copeland:  Yeah, Marc, just one little thing. We have planted, over the past two-and-a-half months, 10 Freedom Farms. Each one of those farms is 250 trees that have to be sourced, planted, planned. So many things need to come together to do this. The irrigation system needs to be brought there. There are roadblocks that the IDF puts up daily, and so there are so many factors in play that go into planting a farm, but we still do it. This is what they do.

And they’re used to operating under challenges and obstacles, because this is the Palestinian experience. It’s been the experience for decades now, it’s just been amped up considerably.

Marc Steiner:  So the question is, given the occupation, given this war, given all the obstacles to any farmer who’s Palestinian at the moment to survive, A, how do they survive in this program? And B, how do you get the olive oil out?

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Cyrus Copeland:  These are thoughtful questions. Olive trees, it takes a while for them to fruit. The trees that we plant are between two and three years old. It’s going to take them two to three more years for their first harvest. So what we’ll do to make sure that the farmer has sustainable income is use the irrigation systems that we lay down by planting vegetables or herbs in the middle of the tracts of trees that we plant.

So for example, if we plant za’atar, or thyme, for a farmer, that is an herb that can be harvested four times a year, so that farmer can take za’atar to the market and sell it and make sure that they have an income until the point where their olive trees start to fruit. That’s what it means to do this in the short term.

In the long term, when the trees start to fruit and the farm becomes a mature farm, a mature farm will generate, I think it’s 36… $34,000 or $36,000 of olive oil every year. That’s a lifeline for a farmer and for their community. If you actually multiply that out over the 500-year lifespan of an olive tree — Because I don’t know if you knew this, I didn’t realize this until I realized that an olive tree’s natural lifespan is 500 years or more.

Marc Steiner:  Mm-hmm (affirmative).

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Cyrus Copeland:  If you multiply that out over their 500-year lifespan from that single two and a half acre tract of land, you are generating $18 million of olive oil that will feed 15 generations of farmers and their families, bring that many communities together, and also has a really cool environmental impact, because olive trees are also really good for the environment, so that also becomes a form of climate action. The trees on a Freedom Farm will collectively synthesize, I think it’s 9 million pounds of carbon, also, over their natural lifespan.

So the short-term benefits and the short-term challenges, because one day this war will be over, but those trees will still be in the ground and doing the work of what it means to be an olive tree for the farmer who chooses to farm them. And the benefits of that will carry long past the immediate challenges of what it means to be a farmer in this day, in this climate and environment.

Marc Steiner:  And I think another point here to talk a bit about is important, which has been happening a lot in parts of the developing world, but it’s really important here in Palestine at the moment, is that a lot of these farmers and the people involved who are actually doing this are women.

Cyrus Copeland:  Yeah, so that’s the other thing that we do is we do the work of supporting, along with the PFU, gender equality in the West Bank. And 50% of the Freedom Farms that Treedom for Palestine plants are planted for female farmers. And in doing so, we’re strengthening their roles, not just in their families, but also in their communities, and eventually in local government as well.

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So the act of planting, just planting a tree, the intention that you bring to it has so much delightful carryover into so many different arenas, and gender equality is just one of those arenas.

Marc Steiner:  One of the things that strikes me as I was reading about this and watching the film is that both Israelis and Palestinians love their olive oil, and the olive tree, the olive branch, has been a tree and branch of peace.

Cyrus Copeland:  Mm (affirmative). Yeah.

Marc Steiner:  And a uniting force, and symbolically even, it’s important. To see when you talk about the future, that if something like this, these trees and the movement around these trees and working with Palestinian farmers can help generate the peace across these lines, it’s turning a symbolic victory into a material victory.

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Cyrus Copeland:  Isn’t that lovely? One loves the olive tree for so many different reasons, but amongst those reasons, at the forefront for me, is what they represent in the form of an olive branch, and what it means to extend an olive branch across the world to the West Bank in the act of planting.

The way I think about it, Marc, is that by doing what we’re doing, we’re actually putting the building blocks for a longer term peaceful coexistence into the earth itself. The way I think about it is that we’re taking a polarized holy land and turning it into a thriving and prosperous heartland.

And if we can’t learn to be in this together, do this together, coexist together, looking to the olive tree, which has been on this contentious land that’s been fought over for thousands of years, it doesn’t know geographical boundary. It doesn’t know religious identity or cultural identity. And as trees, they communicate with each other invisibly under the ground. In so many ways, these trees are examples of who we might yet be and become.

Marc Steiner:  That’s a beautiful thought, and I think we’ll be talking very shortly with Abbas Melhem, who is executive director of the Palestinian Farmers’ Union. Thank you, Cyrus, for making the introductions and hearing more about that. Because I’m also very curious about what these farmers are facing now in the midst of this war, 50,000 Palestinians killed, mostly women and children, and what the obstacles that people who are even working with you are facing in harvesting, selling their food, staying alive to do the work. Imagine doing all this in the midst of this war.

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Cyrus Copeland:  It’s astonishing. He will be an exquisite spokesperson to talk a little bit more about that in greater depth and dimension than I could ever muster, Marc.

Marc Steiner:  Well, I’m really glad we made this connection. And Cyrus Copeland, I really do appreciate the work you’re doing. It’s really critically important. And people might say, he’s only planting olive trees. What do you mean, only planting olive trees? He’s building a world, helping to build a world, a sustainable world for farmers and for peace in the future. It’s a really critical point.

And before I conclude here, I want you, if you could, and we’ll put this on the screen — Not screen, we’re audio — But we’ll put this down online, how people can be in touch with you and how they can help.

Cyrus Copeland:  They can connect with us on our website, treedomforpalestine.org, read a little bit more about what they do, and if they decide that they would like to join this “tree-volution” and be a force of planting instead of fighting for change, we would welcome that assistance and their donations with great gratitude.

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Marc Steiner:  And I’m sure you’re saying Treedom, T-R-E-E-D-O-M.

Cyrus Copeland:  Treedomforpalestine.org.

Marc Steiner:  Yes. Right, right. So don’t look up F, it’s T. But this has been one of the… Cyrus Copeland, thank you so much. We’re looking forward to our conversation with Abbas Melhem and the people who are in the movie itself, Where Olive Trees Weep. And it’s been an important conversation, and we’ll stay in touch. Thank you so much for your introductions. Thank you so much for joining us today.

Cyrus Copeland:  Oh, it’s been a delight. Thank you, Marc.

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Marc Steiner:  Once again, let me thank Cyrus Copeland for joining us today. You can be in touch with his organization, Treedom, that’s T-R-E-E-D-O-M for Palestine at treedomforpalestine.org.

And thanks to Cameron Granadino for running the program today, audio editor Alina Nehlich for doing all the work she does to make us sound good, Rosette Sewali for producing The Marc Steiner Show, and the tireless Kayla Rivara for making it all work behind the scenes, and everyone here at The Real News for making this show possible.

Please let me know what you thought about what you heard today, what you’d like us to cover. Just write to me at mss@therealnews.com, and I’ll get right back to you.

Once again, thank you to Cyrus Copeland for joining us today and the work that he does. And keep listening as we explore the lives of people resisting the occupation, Palestinians and Israelis, who are featured in the film documentary Where Olive Trees Weep. We’ll be talking with Abbas Melhem, executive director of the Palestinian Farmers’ Union, in the coming week, the gentleman we talked about on this program today. So, for the crew here at The Real News, I’m Marc Steiner. Stay involved, keep listening, and take care.

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Civil Liberties at Risk Under Vietnam’s Tô Lâm

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On May 25, 2023, a Vietnamese court in Danang sentenced 39-year-old noodle vendor Bui Tuan Lam to six years in prison for posting an online clip deemed anti-government propaganda. Detained since 2021, Lam was isolated from his wife and children for two years before his trial drew international attention for its bizarre background and questionable legality. The dangerous video in question? A TikTok-style parody video mocking then-Minister of Public Security Tô Lâm’s extravagant culinary selection at a steakhouse in London.

One year into the food vendor’s sentence, now-President Tô Lâm’s political fortunes changed dramatically. On August 3, the former top security official was unanimously elected as Vietnam’s next Communist Party General Secretary, the most powerful position in the country. It was the culmination of his meteoric political rise, facilitated by the death of his mentor and longtime party boss Nguyen Phu Trong, in July. Pledging to build on his predecessor’s legacy, Tô Lâm made it clear that he will continue prioritizing the anti-corruption policies and security measures that defined his tenure at the Ministry of Public Security. 

However, as Bui Tuan Lam and the other 160 Vietnamese political prisoners have come to realize, Tô Lâm’s extrajudicial definition of a security threat includes public dissent, civil liberties, and even lighthearted comedy. 

Born on July 10, 1954, Tô Lâm has always prized security. After graduating from the People’s Security Academy in 1979, he held various law enforcement roles until his elevation to the Ministry of Public Security in 2016. There, he defined himself as an excellent political enforcer, leading an impressive anti-corruption campaign under Trong’s direction. Together, Lâm and Trong’s “Blazing Furnace” campaign targeted over 20,000 government officials in 2023, a dramatic increase from previous efforts. 

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“Tô Lâm was appointed one of five deputy chairmen of the Central Steering on Anti-Corruption that was the spearhead of Trong’s blazing furnace campaign,” Carl Thayer, an emeritus professor of politics at the University of New South Wales, told me. “As Minister of Public Security, Tô Lâm was also responsible for the harassment, intimidation, arrest and imprisonment of political and civil society activists.”

To General Secretary Trong, Tô Lâm’s role in Hanoi as an enforcer quickly became apparent. In Lâm’s first week at the Ministry, the former law enforcement officer oversaw the brutal suppression of protests against Formosa Ha Tinh Steel, the company responsible for arguably the worst environmental disaster in Vietnamese history. 41 protesters were arrested, including activist Hoang Duc Binh, who was sentenced to 14 years in prison for advocating on behalf of local fishermen affected by the disaster. 

Two years later, Tô Lâm’s Ministry of Public Security significantly expanded government surveillance powers. The Law on Cyber Security, passed by the National Assembly in 2018, required telecommunication providers to record and store their users’ private data, including “full name, date of birth, place of birth, nationality, profession, position, place of residence, contact address.” Despite widespread condemnation and international outrage, the law continues to undermine Vietnamese civil liberties and online privacy. 

It’s not just democratic organizers and human rights advocates who have been targeted under Tô Lâm’s security regime. Le Trong Hung, a former middle school teacher, was arrested in 2021 after challenging General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong to a nationally televised debate. Another teacher, 43-year-old Bui Van Thuan, was also arrested that same year and sentenced to nearly a decade in prison for publicly criticizing the Communist Party. Even Lâm’s own police officers, such as Captain Le Chi Thanh, have been prosecuted for exposing corruption within the Ministry of Public Security. 

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Tô Lâm’s self-styled campaign to root out “corruption” and enhance state security also coincidentally targeted political opponents within his own party. “Tô Lâm used the Investigative Police Department of the Ministry of Public Security to gather evidence of corruption by the President Vo Van Thuong, the Chairman of the National Assembly Vuong Dinh Hue, and the Permanent member of the party Secretariat Truong Thi Mai,” says Thayer. “These were the three most powerful figures in the leadership under General Secretary Trong. All were pressured into resigning in turn.”

Since taking office in August, General Secretary Lâm has moved quickly to solidify his position on the international stage. Last week, the Vietnamese leader visited Beijing to meet with China’s Xi Jinping, marking his first official overseas trip. The visit came nearly a year after Vietnam upgraded its diplomatic relations with both Japan and the United States. However, this continuation of former President Trong’s “Bamboo Diplomacy” should not be interpreted as a sign that Lâm intends to govern as a carbon copy of his mentor. Tô Lâm’s particularly abysmal human rights record distinguishes him as a unique threat to civil liberties and basic freedoms, further cementing a decade-long trend of increasing censorship and political persecution in Vietnam.

[Ting Cui edited this piece.]

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.

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Record Indian gold imports help drive bullion’s rally

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A surge in demand among Indian consumers for gold jewellery and bars after a recent cut to tariffs is helping to drive global bullion prices to a series of fresh highs.

India’s gold imports hit their highest level on record by dollar value in August at $10.06bn, according to government data released Tuesday. That implies roughly 131 tonnes of bullion imports, the sixth-highest total on record by volume, according to a preliminary estimate from consultancy Metals Focus. 

The high gold price — which is up by one-quarter since the start of the year — has traditionally deterred price-sensitive Asian buyers, with Indians reducing demand for gold jewellery in response.

But the Indian government cut import duties on gold by 9 percentage points at the end of July, triggering a renewed surge in demand in the world’s second-largest buyer of gold.

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“The impact of the duty cut was unprecedented, it was incredible,” said Philip Newman, managing director of Metals Focus in London. “It really brought consumers in.”

The tariff cut has been a boon for Indian jewellery stores such as MK Jewels in the upmarket Mumbai suburb of Bandra West, where director Ram Raimalani said “demand has been fantastic”.

Customers were packed into the store browsing for necklaces and bangles on a recent afternoon, and Raimalani is expecting an annual sales boost of as much as 40 per cent during the multi-month festival and wedding season that runs from September to February. 

Raimalani praised India’s government and “Modi ji”, an honorific for Prime Minister Narendra Modi, for reducing gold duties.

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Column chart of tariff cut triggers import leap last month showing Indian gold imports

Expectations of rapid interest rate cuts by the US Federal Reserve have been the main driver of gold’s huge rally this year, according to analysts. Lower borrowing costs increase the attraction of assets with no yield, such as bullion, and are also likely to weigh on the dollar, in which gold is denominated.

The Fed cut rates by half a per cent on Wednesday, pushing gold to yet another record high, just below $2,600. 

But strong demand for gold jewellery and bars, as well as buying by central banks, have also helped buoy prices. 

India accounted for about a third of gold jewellery demand last year, and has become the world’s second-largest bar and coin market, according to data from the World Gold Council, an industry body.

However, that demand has meant that domestic gold prices in India are quickly catching up to the level they were at before the tariff duty cut, according to Harshal Barot, senior research consultant at Metals Focus. 

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“That entire benefit [of the tariff cut] has kind of vanished,” said Barot. “Now that prices are going up again, we will have to see if consumers still buy as usual.”

Jewellery buying had been flagging before the cut in import duty, with demand in India in the first half of 2024 at its lowest level since 2020, according to the World Gold Council.

India’s central bank has also been on a gold buying spree, adding 42 tonnes of gold to its reserves during the first seven months of the year — more than double its purchases for the whole of 2023. 

A person familiar with the Reserve Bank of India’s thinking called the gold purchases a “routine” part of its foreign exchange reserve and currency stability management.

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Line chart of  showing Rate cut expectations send gold to record high

In China, the world’s biggest physical buyer of gold, high prices have meant fewer jewellery sales, but more sales of gold bars and coins, which surged 62 per cent in the second quarter compared with a year earlier.

“We observed strong positive correlation between gold investment demand and the gold price,” wrote the World Gold Council, referring to China.

All of this has helped support the physical market and mitigate the impact that high prices can have in eroding demand. 

“It acts as a stable foundation for demand,” said Paul Wong, a market strategist at Sprott Asset Management. “In parts of Asia, gold is readily convertible into currency,” making it popular for savings, he said.

Western investor demand has also been a big factor in bullion’s rally, with a net $7.6bn flowing into gold-backed exchange traded funds over the past four months. 

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After hitting a fresh high on Wednesday, analysts warn there could be a correction in the gold price.

“When you have this scale of anticipation [of rate cuts], for this long, there is room for disappointment,” said Adrian Ash, London-based director of research at BullionVault, an online gold marketplace. “I think there is scope for a pullback in precious alongside other assets.”

Whether or not gold pulls back from its record highs, Indian jewellery demand looks set to remain strong through the coming wedding season, according to MK Jewels’ Raimalani.

Soaring prices of bullion have been no deterrent to his customers, he added. “Indians are the happiest when prices go high because they already own so much gold. It’s like an investment.”

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‘Doomsday’ Glacier Is Set to Melt Faster

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‘Doomsday’ Glacier Is Set to Melt Faster

Tidal action on the underside of the Thwaites Glacier in the Antarctic will “inexorably” accelerate melting this century, according to new research by British and American scientists. The researchers warn the faster melting could destabilize the entire West Antarctic ice sheet, leading to its eventual collapse.

The massive glacier—which is roughly the size of Florida—is of particular interest to scientists because of the rapid speed at which it is changing and the impact its loss would have on sea levels (the reason for its “Doomsday” moniker). It also acts as an anchor holding back the West Antarctic ice sheet.

Warmed ocean water melts doomsday glacier faster
Yasin Demirci—Anadolu/Getty Images

More than 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) thick in places, Thwaites has been likened to a cork in a bottle. Were it to collapse, sea levels would rise by 65 centimeters (26 inches). That’s already a significant amount, given oceans are currently rising 4.6 millimeters a year. But if it led to the eventual loss of the entire ice sheet, sea levels would rise 3.3 meters.

While some computer models suggest reductions in greenhouse gas emissions under the 2015 Paris Agreement may mitigate the glacier’s retreat, the outlook for the glacier remains “grim,” according to a report by the International Thwaites Glacier Collaboration (ITGC), a project that includes researchers from the British Antarctic Survey, the U.S. National Science Foundation and the U.K.’s Natural Environment Research Council.

Thwaites has been retreating for more than 80 years but that process has accelerated in the past 30, Rob Larter, a marine geophysicist who contributed to the research, said in a news release. “Our findings indicate it is set to retreat further and faster.” Other dynamics that aren’t currently incorporated into large-scale models could speed up its demise, the new research shows. 

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Using a torpedo-shaped robot, scientists determined that the underside of Thwaites is insulated by a thin layer of cold water. However, in areas where the parts of the glacier lift off the seabed and the ice begins to float, tidal action is pumping warmer sea water, at high pressure, as far as 10 kilometers under the ice. The process is disrupting that insulating layer and will likely significantly speed up how fast the grounding zone—the area where the glacier sits on the seabed—retreats.

A similar process has been observed on glaciers in Greenland.

The group also flagged a worst-case scenario in which 100-meter-or-higher ice cliffs at the front of Thwaites are formed and then rapidly calve off icebergs, causing runaway glacial retreat that could raise sea levels by tens of centimeters in this century. However, the researchers said it’s too early to know if such scenarios are likely.

A key unanswered question is whether the loss of Thwaites Glacier is already irreversible. Heavy snowfalls, for example, regularly occur in the Antarctic and help replenish ice loss, Michelle Maclennan, a climate scientist with the University of Colorado at Boulder, explained during a news briefing. “The problem though is that we have this imbalance: There is more ice loss occurring than snowfall can compensate for,” she said. 

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Increased moisture in the planet’s atmosphere, caused by global warming evaporating ocean waters, could result in more Antarctic snow—at least for a while. At a certain point, though, that’s expected to switch over to rain and surface melting on the ice, creating a situation where the glacier is melting from above and below. How fast that happens depends in part on nations’ progress to slow climate change.

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David Lammy seeks emergency boost to aid cash to offset rising cost of migrant hotels

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Britain’s foreign secretary David Lammy is pushing for an emergency top-up to development spending as ballooning costs of supporting asylum seekers threaten to drain overseas aid to its lowest level since 2007.

The UK government spent £4.3bn hosting asylum seekers and refugees in Britain in the last financial year, more than a quarter of its £15.4bn overseas aid budget, according to official data. This more than consumed the £2.5bn increases in the aid budget scheduled between 2022 and 2024 by former Conservative chancellor Jeremy Hunt.

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People familiar with Lammy’s thinking say he fears that if Rachel Reeves, the chancellor, resists calls to at least match Hunt’s offer, the aid budget will be further eviscerated, undermining the government’s ambitions on the global stage.

Currently, the housing of asylum seekers in hotels is controlled by the Home Office but largely paid for out of the aid budget, a set-up introduced in 2010 when spending on the programme was relatively modest.

In the longer term, development agencies and some Foreign Office officials want the costs capped or paid for by the Home Office itself.

However, such a move would be politically fraught, the people said, as it would require billions of pounds of extra funding for the Home Office at a time the government is preparing widespread cuts across departments.

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Sir Keir Starmer, the prime minister, is due to attend a string of upcoming international events, starting with the UN general assembly this month, then a Commonwealth summit in Samoa, a G20 meeting in Brazil, and COP-29 climate talks in Azerbaijan later this autumn.

International partners will be looking at these meetings for signs that the change of government in the UK marks a change in direction on development.

Britain’s leading role was eroded by Rishi Sunak after he cut the previously ringfenced spending from 0.7 per cent of gross national income to 0.5 per cent when he was chancellor in 2020.

“When he turns up at the UN next week and the G20 and COP a few weeks later, the PM has a unique opportunity to reintroduce the UK under Labour as a trustworthy partner that sees the opportunity of rebooting and reinvesting in a reformed fairer international financial system,” said Jamie Drummond, co-founder of aid advocacy group One.

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“But to be that trusted partner you need to be an intentional investor — not an accidental cutter.”

Speaking on Tuesday in a speech outlining UK ambitions to regain a leading role in the global response to climate change, Lammy said the government wanted to get back to spending 0.7 per cent of GNI on overseas aid but that it could not be done overnight.   

“Part of the reason the funding has not been there is because climate has driven a migration crisis,” he said. “We have ended up in this place where we made a choice to spend development aid on housing people across the country and having a huge accommodation and hotel bill as a consequence,” he said.

Under OECD rules, some money spent in-country on support for refugees and asylum seekers can be classified as aid because it constitutes a form of humanitarian assistance.

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But the amount the UK has been spending on refugees from its aid budget has shot up from an average of £20mn a year between 2009-2013 to £4.3bn last year, far more than any other OECD donor country, according to Bond, the network of NGOs working in international development.

Spending per refugee from the aid budget has also risen from an average of £1,000 a year in 2009-2013 to around £21,500 in 2021, largely as a result of the use of hotels to accommodate asylum seekers.

The Independent Commission for Aid Impact watchdog argues that the Home Office has had little incentive to manage the funds carefully because they come from a different department’s budget.

In her July 29 speech outlining the dire fiscal straits that Labour inherited from the previous Conservative government, Reeves projected the cost of the asylum system would rise to £6.4bn this year.

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Labour was hoping to cut this by at least £800mn, she said, by ending plans to deport migrants to Rwanda. A Home Office official said the government was also ensuring that asylum claims were dealt with faster and those ineligible deported quickly.

But the Foreign Office projects that on current trends, overseas aid as a proportion of UK income (when asylum costs are factored in) will drop to 0.35 per cent of national income by 2028.

Without emergency funding to plug the immediate cost of housing tens of thousands of migrants in hotels, that will happen as soon as this year, according to Bond, bringing overseas aid levels to their lowest as a proportion of national income, since 2007.

The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office said: “The UK’s future [official development assistance] budget will be announced at the Budget. We would not comment on speculation.”

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AI translation now ‘good enough’ for Economist to deploy

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AI translation now 'good enough' for Economist to deploy

The Economist has deployed AI-translated content on its budget-friendly “snack-sized” app Espresso after deciding the technology had reached the “good enough” mark.

Ludwig Siegele, senior editor for AI initiatives at The Economist, told Press Gazette that AI translation will never be a “solved problem”, especially in journalism because it is difficult to translate well due to its cultural specificities.

However he said it has reached the point where it is good enough to have introduced AI-powered, in-app translations in French, German, Mandarin and Spanish on The Economist’s “bite-sized”, cut-price app Espresso (which has just over 20,000 subscribers).

Espresso has also just been made free to high school and university students aged 16 and older globally as part of a project by The Economist to make its journalism more accessible to audiences around the world.

Siegele said that amid “lots of hype” about AI, the questions to ask are: “What is it good for? Does it work? And does it work with what we’re trying to do?”

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He added that the project to make The Economist’s content “more accessible to more people” via Espresso was a “good point to start”.

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“The big challenge of AI is the technology, at least for us, is not good enough,” he continued. “It’s interesting, but to really develop a product, I think in many cases, it’s not good enough yet. But in that case, it worked.

“I wouldn’t say that translation is a solved problem, it is never going to be a solved problem, especially in journalism, because journalism is really difficult to translate. But it’s good enough for that type of content.”

The Economist is using AI translation tool DeepL alongside its own tech on the backend.

“It’s quite complicated,” Siegele said. “The translation is the least of it at this point. The translation isn’t perfect. If you look at it closely it has its quirks, but it’s pretty good. And we’re working on a kind of second workflow which makes it even better.”

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The AI-translated text is not edited by humans because, Siegele said, the “workflow is so tight” on Espresso which updates around 20 times a day.

“There is no natural thing where we can say ‘okay, now everything is done. Let’s translate, and let’s look at the translations and make sure they’re perfect’. That doesn’t work… The only thing we can do is, if it’s really embarrassing, we’ll take it down and the next version in 20 minutes will be better.”

One embarrassing example, Siegele admitted, is that the tool turned German Chancellor Olaf Scholz into a woman.

But Siegele said a French reader has already got in touch to say: “I don’t read English. This is great. Finally, I can read The Economist without having to put it into Google Translate and get bad translations.”

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The Economist’s AI-translated social videos

The Economist simultaneously launched AI-translated videos on its social platforms in the same four languages.

The videos are all a maximum of 90 seconds meaning it is not too much work to check them – crucial as, unlike the Espresso article translations, they are edited by humans (native language speakers working for The Economist) taking about 15 minutes per video.

For the videos The Economist is using AI video tool Hey Gen. Siegele said: “The way that works is you give them the original video and they do a provisional translation and then you can proofread the translation. So whereas the translations for the app are basically automatic – I mean, we can take them down and we will be able to change them, but at this point, they’re completely automatic – videos are proofread, and so in this way we can make sure that the translations are really good.”

In addition they are using “voice clones” which means journalists who speak in a video have some snippets of themselves given to Hey Gen to build and that is used to create the finished product.

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The voice clones are not essential, Siegele explained, as translations can be done automatically regardless. Journalists can opt out of having their voices used in this way, and any data stored will be deleted if the employee leaves The Economist. But the clones do mean the quality is “much better”.

They have a labelling system for the app articles and videos that can show they are “AI translated” or “AI transformed”. But, Siegele said, they are “not going to have a long list of AI things we may have used to build this article for brainstorming or fact checking or whatever, because in the end it’s like a tool, it’s like Google search. We are still responsible, and there’s almost always a human except for edge cases like the Espresso translations or with podcast transcripts…”

Economist ‘will be strategic’ when choosing how to roll out AI

Asked whether the text translation could be rolled out to more Economist products, Siegele said: “That’s of course a goal but it remains to be seen.”

He said that although translation for Espresso is automated, it would not be the goal to do the same throughout The Economist.

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He also said they still have to find out if people are “actually interested” and if they can “develop a translation engine that is good enough”.

“But I don’t think we will become a multi-linguistic, multi-language publication anytime soon. We will be much more strategic with what we what we translate… But I think there is globally a lot of demand for good journalism, and if the technology makes it possible, why not expand the access to our content?

“If it’s not too expensive – and it was too expensive before. It’s no longer.”

Other ways The Economist is experimenting with AI, although they have not yet been implemented, include a style bot and fact-checking.

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Expect to see “some kind of summarisation” of articles, Siegele continued, “which probably will go beyond the five bullet points or three bullet points you increasingly see, because that’s kind of table stakes. People expect that. But there are other ways of doing it”.

He also suggested some kind of chatbot but “not an Economist GPT – that’s difficult and people are not that interested in that. Perhaps more narrow chatbots”. And said versioning, or repurposing articles for different audiences or different languages, could also follow.

“The usual stuff,” Siegele said. “There’s only so many good ideas out there. We’re working on all of them.” But he said he wants colleagues to come up with solutions to their problems rather than him as “the AI guy” imposing things.

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Kentucky sheriff held over fatal shooting of judge in court

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Kentucky sheriff held over fatal shooting of judge in court

A Kentucky sheriff has been arrested after fatally shooting a judge in his chambers, police say.

District Judge Kevin Mullins died at the scene after being shot multiple times in the Letcher County Courthouse, Kentucky State Police said.

Letcher County Sheriff Shawn Stines, 43, has been charged with one count of first-degree murder.

The shooting happened on Thursday after an argument inside the court, police said, but they have not yet revealed a motive.

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Officials said Mullins, 54, was shot multiple times at around 14:00 local time on Thursday at the court in Whitesburg, Kentucky, a small rural town about 150 miles (240km) south-east of Lexington.

Sheriff Stines was arrested at the scene without incident, Kentucky State Police said. They did not reveal the nature of the argument before the shooting.

According to local newspaper the Mountain Eagle, Sheriff Stines walked into the judge’s outer office and told court employees that he needed to speak alone with Mullins.

The two entered the judge’s chambers, closing the door behind them. Those outside heard gun shots, the newspaper reported.

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Sheriff Stines reportedly walked out with his hands up and surrendered to police. He was handcuffed in the courthouse foyer.

The state attorney general, Russell Coleman, said in a post on X, formerly Twitter, that his office “will fully investigate and pursue justice”.

Kentucky State Police spokesman Matt Gayheart told a news conference that the town was shocked by the incident

“This community is small in nature, and we’re all shook,” he said.

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Mr Gayheart said that 50 employees were inside the court building when the shooting occurred.

No-one else was hurt. A school in the area was briefly placed on lockdown.

Kentucky Supreme Court Chief Justice Laurance B VanMeter said he was “shocked by this act of violence”.

Announcing Judge Mullins’ death on social media, Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear said: “There is far too much violence in this world, and I pray there is a path to a better tomorrow.”

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