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The Business of War & The Cost of American Delusions

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The Business of War & The Cost of American Delusions

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The Business of War & The Cost of American Delusions



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In the first half of the show, researcher and US military veteran Christian Sorensen joins Eleanor Goldfield to discuss the business of war, the mapping of it, the remarkable spread of it, and the very real ability and need to shift this trillion dollar industry to something more sustainable and peaceful. Sorensen explains how the military industrial complex in this country is the classic definition of fascism, and why confronting this uncomfortable fact is quite simply necessary for a livable future. Later in the show, we welcome Professor Richard Wolff back on the show, this time to articulate the dangerous delusions of American Exceptionalism that are not only hurting us, but our allies in Europe as well. Professor Wolff outlines extreme miscalculations vis a vis Russia, China, and Israel, how right-wing fear mongering is failing, and hope on the horizon thanks to leftist organizing and campaigning.

 

Video of the Interview with Christian Sorensen

Video of the Interview with Professor Richard Wolff

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Below is a Rough Transcript of the Interview with Christian Sorensen

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Eleanor Goldfield: Thanks, everyone, for joining us back at the Project Censored radio show. We’re very glad right now to be joined by Christian Sorensen, who’s a researcher focused on the bundling of military and big business.

A U. S. military veteran, he is a senior fellow at the Eisenhower Media Network, and his research is available at thebusinessofwar.substack.com. Christian, thanks so much for joining us.

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Christian Sorensen: Thank you very much for having me.

Eleanor Goldfield: So, Christian, I want to start with a map that you recently released, well, November of last year, which compiled public information of military contractor facilities in the United States and was also recently banned by Google, citing, quote, a potential violation of its dangerous and illegal activities policy, end quote.

Now, while we wait for a response from Google as to how mapping publicly available addresses is dangerous and/or illegal, could you walk us through some of the information that you compiled on this map?

Christian Sorensen: Absolutely. So, first of all, my methodology was to study publicly available military contracting announcements that are posted on the Pentagon’s website every day, every duty day, as well as corporate press releases and corporate job postings. And so I did that over about a 10 month span and took the disparate data and put that into a Google map and the map shows the locations of the top six corporations that are quote unquote military contractors. And it basically shows what these corporations produce, where they produce it.

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And then I took an extra step of suggesting, based on current capacity and, production, what these facilities could do tomorrow to start converting to a peace economy instead of economy based on war.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, and I want to get into that in a minute, but I also want to touch on something else that you’ve shared because what you just mentioned sounds like stuff that, that’s like the right to know, like we have a right to know, so mapping it really would just be like a public service, I feel.

And you’ve also done some great reporting on the remarkably wide net that’s cast by the military industrial complex, which includes corporations that I think most of us would not think of as military contractors, like GE, Honeywell, which does, you know, the temp controls in your homes, Comcast, Microsoft.

It seems like there’s just no ethical consumption under empire, to borrow the no ethical consumption under capitalism phrase.

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I mean, this net is so wide, you could probably spend the next two days just going through the corporations, but could you talk about how that net is cast and how we are perhaps purposefully not let into this idea that so many companies are in fact also part of the military industrial complex?

Christian Sorensen: Sure. So there are, fortunately, there are only a handful of corporations that are pure war corporations, pure corporations that just get maybe, you know, 96, 97, 98, 99 percent of their revenue from military contracting. And you know, Lockheed Martin is a good example. It gets about 96, 97 percent of its money from military contracting.

However, most corporations that are medium or large in size that contract with the U.S. Military do not get all of their or nearly all of their revenue from military contracting. And so I see that as a good thing. That means that they’re slightly ahead when it comes time to convert from a war economy to a peace economy.

So what I’ve done over the last decade is study these military contracting announcements, distill them and try to understand who profits from nonstop war.

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And what I did recently on my substack is to compile this into one sheet that shows the repeat offenders, the corporations that are constantly coming up in contract announcements.

And what do they do? What do they produce? So we know, for example, that the big six are, and these are the ones that I mapped as well: lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, now known as RTX, Northrop Grumman, General Dynamics, and L3Harris. Now they absolutely dominate military contracting. They take up maybe half of that space.

The other ones do everything that the military could possibly need. So basically since the Vietnam War, and increasingly since 9 11, more and more government military activity is handed over to corporations under what is commonly known as neoliberal economic policy. And so the military these days can’t move, it can’t shoot, it can’t communicate, it can’t do anything without corporations being fully involved.

And so there are corporations that provide technology for war, and the hardware and software for espionage. Those include Booz Allen Hamilton, Hackey, Leidos. These are sizable corporations.

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Then you have massive conglomerates. These are huge multinational corporations that also know, like these other corporations, that military contracting is incredibly lucrative. So you have a Textron, which makes golf carts, and it makes all kinds of civilian goods and sells all kinds of services to civilians. But it also makes attack helicopters. It also makes spy planes. It also makes small drones. You mentioned Honeywell. That’s another one. Honeywell makes filters for your air conditioning in your home. It does thermostats, temperature regulation inside your home, but then it also makes navigation systems. It makes helicopter and tank engines, armored vehicles, and the like. So this, you know, this can go on and on and on and on.

You have massive project management firms, which, I’ve seen in my study of contracting, really dive into and really flock to the military budget over the last 10 years. And these are corporations like AECOM, which recently bought or bought URS within the last 10 years. And just, it’s, it’s massive. The AECOM does things like base operations. It does a lot of logitics, overseas stock, military stock that is pre positioned overseas. So AECOM, Bechtel, Jacobs, Flohr. KBR should be a name that is familiar to people because it was involved in some notorious alleged profiteering during the early invasion and occupation of Iraq.

So you have all these different categories of big business that keep the Pentagon and the military operations around the globe up and running, and they profit while that goes on.

So other categories include accounting firms that audit the military. They get in on it. Consulting firms get in on it. IT corporations that we know like Amazon, HP, IBM, Intel, Microsoft. They provide the military computing backbone, you know, your telecoms also provide communications infrastructure and research and development.

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You have private equity firms increasingly buying up medium sized war corporations, blending them, and then trying to sell them for a profit later on. So it really goes on and on.

The big takeaway is that corporations large and small know that the business of war is incredibly lucrative and that it is not really regulated. And there are corporations like Transdime which is alleged in very good reporting, mainstream reporting even, to price gouge the Pentagon so there’s a incredible room for profit and this is a direct transfer of the working class taxpayers taxes to the Pentagon and then to big business and big business knows where the money is.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, absolutely. And as you say, you could go on and on and I definitely recommend that folks check out your substack because you have that that one page that is a deep dive, even though it’s just that one page. It’s a really powerful and disgusting read.

And people should not be that surprised, though, I think that people have this feeling that, oh, it’s, it’s different, it’s changed. You know, like the fact that IBM worked with Germany during the Second World War to do the computing system inside concentration camps, or that’s where Fanta came from, so that Coca Cola could keep going with the market in Europe during the war, I just feel like people think, well, that’s the disgusting thing that happened back then.

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But it just seems like the PR has gotten better. You know, Honeywell’s commercials are not obviously showing the despicable war machine that they’re profiting from. And I feel like it’s even more insidious than that because what I didn’t really realize, which you also shared on that one sheet, is how this intersects with colonialism here at home.

And you point out that many tribes are also military contractors. Could you talk a little bit about that?

Christian Sorensen: So there was an act in the 1970s called the Alaskan Native Claims Settlement Act . And what it basically did was it said, all right, the feds, the U.S. federal government said, all right, you Alaskan native tribes can no longer have outstanding claims, and grievances regarding the genocide of the natives that the U.S. government and, in large part, the U.S. Military took part in during the establishment and the expansion of the colonies.

And so what the text of the act said is, all right, if you drop these claims, then in turn, we will provide you with several perks and incentives. And a big one was preferable bidding in government contracting.

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And as we know, government contracting is largely military contracting. And so what basically happened since the 70s over the last several decades is that these corporations, the corporations that represent the Alaskan Native Tribes have turned into very adept military contractors, and they do everything from, you know, small and medium sized information technology to, you know, they pop up all over the place. They really do everything.

They do logistics. Sometimes they do, they create small gear and sometimes even weaponry. It’s really astonishing. And it speaks to the power of the federal government and the power of military contracting.

And if we don’t all unite as the proverbial 99 percent and push back against this, then the US ruling class will get its way in the near term and in the long term.

And so, I don’t really know where to go from there because the money that is available through military contracting is so ready. It’s so there, and these tribes are in so deep. And it’s actually important to state that the act was signed by the tribal leadership. It was not ratified in a broadly democratic manner by everyone in the tribes. So it’s important not to blame the tribes themselves. It’s just, it could be seen as an example of capitalist leadership coercing or effectively co opting leaders, not unlike what they do with union leaders over time. I think there’s an analogy there if anybody wants to dive into that. So, that is not exclusive to the Alaskan tribes. You know, you have Hawaiian native corporations as well, and you have some corporations like Cherokee in the contiguous 48 states that do the same thing.

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Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, again, a disgusting confluence of colonialism and imperialism.

And I wanted to ask you, because we’ve been talking about the budget and you were talking about price gouging, and I’m curious, what’s pushing what here? Because it seemed, like you mentioned, this is ready money, and every single year there The United States government puts more and more money into that budget. And as George Carlin said, the US is basically just an oil corporation with an army.

Is it the corporate world that pushes via price gouging or things like that for there to always be more money? Or is it like, as you also mentioned, the Pentagon has failed every audit, it doesn’t know what it has, but it keeps buying things. And because there’s just this war hawkish culture in the US, is it the government that’s pushing, or is it kind of a combination of the two?

Christian Sorensen: I would point to the classic definition of fascism, which is what we saw in the 30s and 40s in Italy under Mussolini and what we saw in the 30s and 40s in Germany under Hitler.

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And that classic definition is the bundling of government authority and big business. And that is exactly what the military industrial complex is. Now it is very uncomfortable for us in a country where we are taught that not only are we a democracy, but we are the example of a democracy to then confront the fact that maybe we’re not even a democracy, maybe we are one of the worst political economic systems one can imagine, and that is fascism.

So I argue that the military industrial complex is classic fascism. It is the bundling of government authority and big business. And it is that bundle, not government, not big business, but that bundling.

And we see it in many ways calling the shots. And so there’s no distinction between the two sides. And so sometimes you see, oh, hey, it’s big business capturing government through campaign finance or through dark money, donating to both of the capitalist political factions, the red team and the blue team, or through lobbying. But those are more like examples of the bundling in action.

It is important that we just take a step back and be honest with what we have here in the United States, and go from there because we can’t fix the system unless we understand how it operates.

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Eleanor Goldfield: Absolutely. And so I want to circle back to something that you mentioned before, which is your suggestions on how to shift this economy. And I really enjoy talking about intersections of issues, but particularly as an organizer, it seems like there’s a powerful connection between anti war movement and labor movement here.

Because these corporations that you’re talking about, they’re well known for, I mean, Amazon, Jesus, exploiting workers. And so I really appreciate about your substack, Business of War, you suggest these pivots, what you call economic conversion. Could you walk us through some of those ideas?

Christian Sorensen: Sure. So first let me define economic conversion. Economic conversion simply involves changing the output of existing industrial capacity. So if you are, for example, a Lockheed Martin plant in Marietta, Georgia, making a cargo plane, and that cargo plane is used right now for military, then changing that output is that cargo plan is now used for search and rescue or firefighting, or humanitarian relief or anything like that. So that’s a simple example. That’s a straightforward example.

Now it’s important to note that industry adjusts all the time. It adjusts all the time. Industry, big business is top down. It is corporate executives making the calls, doing, making the shots. The workers, the 99 percent do not have any say in this. It is not a democratic institution. Nonetheless, industry adjusts all the time, but it just happens to, under this current system, adjust in order to get more profit. So executives in the war industry regularly order, for example, new facilities to be built.

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We recently with the fad of hypersonic missiles. Industry did a really good job through its think tanks and through its politicians on the take of hyping up hypersonic missile capabilities of some of the official bad guys like Russia and China in order to then posture as our production of hypersonic missiles and technology as defensive. And this is a classic move where you inflate a threat overseas to then build up your own war profiteering here at home.

So Lockheed Martin, for example, opened a new facility in northern Alabama. It broke ground in 2019. It opened in 2021 to manufacture hypersonic weapons. Northrop Grumman did the same thing in Maryland for hypersonic propulsion systems. Broke ground four years ago, opened up last year in 2023.

So industry is constantly adjusting. So economic conversion is not something that industry can’t do. It adjusts all the time. It’s just adjusting for its own narrow war profiteering motives.

Now, there are numerous benefits to economic conversion. Wait, let me back up for a second. The map that I put out, that Google then censored, included suggestions based on current manufacturing capabilities for each facility to immediately pivot to producing stuff for peace or civilian use, not for war or espionage. And so every single facility that I’ve mapped belonging to the top six military contractors can indeed tomorrow, if there were the political will, start at least trying to produce for beneficial civilian fields. And so to say that it can’t be done is absolute nonsense. It absolutely can be done. The facilities already exist. And the workers in the facilities are brilliant, and they’re industrious, they are hardworking, they absolutely can produce beneficial, peaceful things for civilian use. And so, we know that every single facility in the largest war corporations can do this, and we know that the workers, like the engineers, the physicists, the welders, the truck drivers, the electricians can also do this so all that’s lacking is the political will and we can get to that later.

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And the workers would benefit incredibly. Right now the workers in the war industry produce products that are used in war and espionage and the ruling class, the one percent, the executives, the financial tycoons, Wall street barons, they take the profit that the workers create. The workers are given a wage disguising the fact that the workers produce way more money every single day, and that money is profit and the ruling class takes that profit. The ruling class uses that profit for stock buybacks, dividend payments to shareholders, for political aims like dark money. They have all sorts of things, none of which help the workers, by the way. Massive compensation for corporate executives is another example of where the profit goes.

So once the workplace is democratized then the workers, not the executives, will be in charge, and the workers will keep the profit that they make, and the workers will then, under economic conversion, be producing good stuff, stuff that actually helps us. And there are even more benefits. Less death, less destruction, less pollution. Every single major military contractor, at least in the top six, has been accused, even by the EPA and by the federal government, which doesn’t really regulate industry, so you can imagine how bad the situation really is if our government actually regulated industry, have been accused of polluting. The Orlando Sentinel did a piece on Lockheed Martin pollution in Orlando. Local papers in Los Angeles have done pieces on Raytheon pollution out there, and even some corporate websites in corporate 10K reports to the SEC, which are released every year, acknowledge pollution.

So there’d be less pollution because the workers would not, first of all, not be producing products that pollute through the manufacturing process, and they wouldn’t pollute their own their hometown anyway. Why would you pollute your own soil, your own air, your own drinking water? So that’s another benefit.

Economic conversion also frees up all of this roughly $1 trillion that we spend every year on war and espionage to then be used for the benefit of the American public because you’re no longer fighting, you’re no longer deploying the troops all around the world for corporate profit and to bully countries and, you know, to invade and occupy countries and open up countries for multinational corporate plunder.

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You are actually democratizing in the process, you’re establishing democracy in the United States and you’re democratizing foreign policy. So, there’s political space to bring the troops home and take care of them, there is enormous one trillion dollars that instead of being spent on war and espionage every year, is actually spent on the American public, which is in dire need of debt relief, affordable education, affordable housing, affordable housing, infrastructure, transportation, healthcare.

I mean, we are hurting as a people, and we are hurting as people because of corporate greed. We are hurting as people because of the permanent warfare state. So yeah, money that once was tied up in this massive war and espionage budget is now freed for public need.

So the benefits are enormous. And it’s, it’s really encouraging that programs like Project Censored and others in the independent media are talking about it, because it’s really the future.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, absolutely. And I wanted to get your take on this political will aspect, because I don’t like the silver bullet questions, like, oh, what do we do? But I am curious, particularly with your background, because this government never does anything good because it just woke up one day and was like, wow, this is the right thing to do. Everything that has happened that we would look at as positive in the history of this country has been done because people fought and oftentimes died in order to push that and make it politically untenable to do anything else.

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So with regards to this, I mean, it seems like workers would have a lot of power with this in terms of democratizing the workplace and then making that shift. But I’m also curious about veterans, because it seems like there’s a lot of power in these spaces where there are veterans, as you pointed out, coming home, not getting the care that they require.

You know, we’ve had Matthew Hoh on the show several times talking about this moral injury, extreme PTSD and things like that, and that there is a lot of solidarity there as well in terms of having that shift come from the inside as well.

Could you talk a little bit about how you see that, perhaps some potentials in terms of organizing in these spaces?

Christian Sorensen: I mean, I think you hit the nail on the head. There is a growing working class consciousness in this country and a growing understanding of how the system works. People are beginning to, thanks to organizers, thanks to people who have sacrificed their entire lives to get this information out there. You know, people from throughout the history of this country, the dissidents, the rebels who have taken time to educate us all, and on whose shoulders we stand here today.

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People are really starting to understand that the United States is a class society. The working class is everyone who puts in a day’s labor for a wage, you know, your truck driver, your nurse, your electrician, your farm worker, etc.

Then there’s the ruling class, the proverbial 1%. These are the Wall Street barons, the financial tycoons, the top corporate executives, the politicians on the armed services committees, and the foreign affairs committee, and the foreign relations committee, and the intel committees, who legislatively facilitate permanent warfare, nonstop war.

And so the ruling class, we come to understand, uses its tools including the armed forces, including economic sanctions and intelligence agencies to bully and harm governments that do not follow the edicts that Washington D.C. issues.

And D.C. is concerned solely with protecting and promoting capitalism around the globe. That is its core goal. And so we also come to know that the U.S. ruling class profits from war as it implements this belligerent foreign policy. And it is incredibly profitable, as we know. There’s nothing defensive about the military industrial complex. And this is what we sort of intuitively understand and have a hard time confronting as soldiers, sailors, airmen, marines, you know, guardians now.

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As the pawns of empire, we are bombarded with propaganda. We are really indoctrinated and people react different ways to it. Some people really double down on it. Some people really like consume it. And I get that. I absolutely get that. Some people are appalled by it. In any event, it’s getting harder and harder with our ability to share information, it’s getting harder and harder for the U.S. ruling class to keep the lid on our growing understanding of how the system works, and that is why censorship is so important these days. Both parties are committed to it. If you think or operate outside the anti worker system known as capitalism, then you will get censored, if you are deemed to be a threat to the system. So, big kudos to Project Censored for keeping on keeping on, you know?

Eleanor Goldfield: Well, kudos right back.

And, and right before we wrap up, I wanted to ask you about this because this is something else that you cover in your substack, and as a word nerd myself, I found it really interesting that you highlighted these things.

For instance, I’ll just give two examples: that you say it’s not the border industrial complex and it’s not the surveillance industrial complex. Could you talk a little bit about why you make those distinctions?

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Christian Sorensen: I just highlight that because you hear, it’s almost vogue to say that the new thing is a blank industrial complex.

And I say that it is not the border industrial complex. It is the military industrial complex doing the border. It is not the surveillance industrial complex. It is the military industrial complex doing surveillance because that’s exactly what it is. These are the same corporations. These are the same big businesses. These are the same wall street conglomerates, massive institutional stockholders, Vanguard, Blackrock, State Street that are behind the whole thing. It is the same business of war wherever it’s directed. If it’s directed overseas, it’s the same business of war. If it’s directed inside against the American public, it’s the same business of war, the same corporations that help NSA, for example, reportedly spy on countries around the world, corporations that you see in military contracting announcements like Caci, SAIC, Leidos, Booz Allen Hamilton. These are also the same corporations that keep appearing in, for example, the Snowden leaks regarding the surveillance of the American public here. So it’s not the surveillance industrial complex. It’s just the military industrial complex doing surveillance against the American public.

Same thing on the border. You see Amazon, you see Northrop Grumman establishing databases for documenting who comes, with facial recognition and massive databases. You see General Dynamics towers, you see all of the same corporations. They’re just finding new ways to profit off of a state of permanent warfare. So it’s important to clarify that. And I’m really glad you brought it up.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah. Thank you. I appreciate that you say that because I think it also makes the important point that the military industrial complex is not something that’s just pointed outward. I like to say imperialism is a home game and there’s no way that you can speak the language of violence outside of our borders and then be like Mr. Rogers here at home.

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So, Christian, thank you so much for taking the time to sit down with us. Again, if folks would like to check out your work, which I absolutely recommend that you do, his research is available at thebusinessofwar.substack.com. Christian, thank you again. Really appreciate it.

Christian Sorensen: Thank you so much.

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Below is a Rough Transcript of the Interview with Professor Richard Wolff

Please consider supporting our work at Patreon.com/ProjectCensored

Eleanor Goldfield: Thanks everyone for joining us back at the Project Censored radio show. We’re very glad to to invite back on the show Richard D. Wolff, who’s a professor of economics emeritus at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, a visiting professor in the graduate program in international affairs of the New School University in New York City. He’s the founder of Democracy at Work and host of the nationally syndicated show Economic Update. His books include The Sickness is the System: When Capitalism Fails To Save Us From Pandemics Or Itself, Understanding Socialism and Understanding Marxism and his work can be found at DemocracyatWork.Info

Professor Wolff, thank you so much for joining us back at the show.

Prof. Richard Wolff: Thank you. I’m really glad to be here.

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Eleanor Goldfield: So I want to start off by discussing a point that you made in a recent article in Counterpunch titled Empire Decline and Costly Delusions. I feel that a few things are true here. It’s true that the proxy war, the US proxy war in Ukraine against Russia is a total abject failure. It’s also true that a lot of nations are just clinging to the U.S., either equally delusional about U.S. power or just short term greedy. You know, Sweden joining NATO, France threatening to send troops to Ukraine, etc.

It seems like a bit of a two step on the global stage. And I’m wondering, I wanted to get your take here, how much will these loyalties to U.S. empire bolster the U.S. either politically, economically, or both?

Prof. Richard Wolff: You know, I’m fascinated by Europe as well. Both of my parents were born in Europe. My father was French and my mother German, and so I speak those languages because I grew up with them, and so I follow this a great deal.

And it’s very, very important. You have a bizarre situation in Europe. You have governments that are overwhelmingly, with a couple of exceptions, but overwhelmingly center right or tilting that way or moving that way at the same time that the prospects and conditions for Europe, all of Europe, are worse than anything I have not only ever seen in my life, but imagined as ever happening.

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I mean, at the most basic level, and I approach it as an economist, so, you know, I apologize, but that’s the angle through which I look at things. Europe is now finding itself caught, and I use that word, between two economic powerhouses: the United States on the one hand, and China and its allies on the other.

And it is a harsh reality that it is not competing with either of them effectively, and It still has a long, horrible colonial legacy to overcome, and that’s far from done, as evidenced by the migrational catastrophes that are all over Europe, from Sweden in the north, Italy in the south, and everywhere in between.

This is a very, very hard time, number one. All the highest tech in the world is now monopolized either by the United States or by China, and the Europeans, yes, there are some cases where they are at the forefront also, I don’t want to overstate this, but the broad picture is unmistakable.

Europe is not able to define and to construct a viable alternative. The right wing, having always looked to the United States as the protector, the model, and everything else, they don’t know what to do other than act out their impossible situation. So, that takes bizarre forms. Suddenly deciding that Russia is a great enemy.

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It’s almost as if, The Cold War, which was over, has been brought back so that you can run the same statements, make the same, I mean, I heard the one that I found the funniest, let me amuse you. A few days ago, I participated in a conference electronically in Europe. And a serious politician, whose name I won’t mention, but who’s pretty well known in northern Europe started talking about the domino theory.

And I raised my hand and I said, what are you talking about? And he said, well, if we let Russia win, as if he had the option of not letting Russia win, but if we let Russia win, then, next there’ll be Slovakia, and after that Poland, and on and on and on. Or Sweden, it didn’t stop at Eastern Europe, it went all across Western Europe as well.

And he said, this is a very serious reality. And so I decided I would have fun with him. And I said, you know, I remember the domino theory. I was a college student back in the war in Vietnam when the secretary of defense and the president of the United States warned us repeatedly about the domino theory that if the communists won in Vietnam, well then, Laos, Cambodia, Thailand, Malaysia, fill in the blank, would all get. And I said, you know, it was a shock to all of us when the United States lost, the communists in Vietnam won, and not a single domino ever happened. The guy was, he didn’t know what to do. He just didn’t know what to do, and I enjoyed his discomfiture at this.

But it’s interesting when you come up with a theory like that, because it means usually you don’t have much in the way of a justification, and so you’re desperate, you’re trying to hold on.

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It’s a little bit like we do here in the United States, tell people that it’s necessary to fight wars everywhere else, because otherwise those wars would come here, as if the war is inevitable, only the location is the issue, which, you know, which is a way of thinking that is childish and, and, and otherwise not to be taken seriously.

Anyway, long story short for the prospects of Europe, they can’t get together. Their divisions are now the source of unbelievable impossibility of a coordinated program. And so they limp, some more, some less in the, in the bag of the United States, even though the country that was always the closest is now a basket case.

Britain is a disaster as an economy. Their working class has suffered more than those in the rest of Europe. They’re the ones closest to the United States. They were the one that was supposed to be successful by breaking away from the rest of Europe. The whole Brexit disaster. All of that is now, not only by the way, proven wrong, but even many of the stalwart supporters of Brexit have changed their mind because the wind has, has altered.

So I, I think what you’re seeing is a kind of desperate effort by the center right, long associated with subordination to the United States, trying to hold on by hyping that role. In other words, by literally re stimulating the Russia versus America. Because in that story, they know what their place is. And they have a population they hope will remember all of that trauma and give them the benefit of the doubt. So they become the creators of the demonized Putin club. You know, it’s bizarre to watch in Sweden and Finland with their shifts from the more neutral position they used to enjoy occupying to now embracing NATO at the worst historical moment imaginable.

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And I don’t think, you know, of course I could be wrong, I don’t think this is a sustainable arrangement. I don’t think you’re going to see the mass of people willing to do this, to decline, which is what happening in Europe.

I mean, I don’t mean to be mean spirited, but much of the European self delusion was based, good and bad, on Germany.

That Germany was the powerhouse economy and would somehow carry Europe, even though, to be honest, much of Germany’s achievement was at the expense of other parts of Europe, because of the way that the unified currency was created, Germany had advantages it should not have had. And what the Germans call Wirtschaftswunder, which translates into English as economic miracle. Their economic miracle is now shown, because they’re in recession, they’re in terrible shape, to be have to been dependent on the dominance of the United States, which is gone, and the subordinate position of China, which is also gone. And Germany, which can’t now, because of its playing into this right wing pro U.S., it can’t break from this game, has to deny itself cheap Russian oil and gas, and the Chinese won’t let them compensate by shipping stuff to China. They’re done. They’re sitting there. They have no way out.

And even if you follow as I do, among the capitalist employers of Germany, there is a huge opposition to what’s going on. They understand that their position is the sacrificial lamb here. They can’t export the way they did. They can’t get cheap energy the way they did. That was the secret of the so called miracle. They know it better than anyone, and now it’s all gone, and there’s nothing in its place. And, you know, that government there, which is very weird anyway, the socialists, the greens, and the right wing libertarians, I mean, talk about a mess. This is a messed government that can barely function. And then you have the horrible ironies, which tells you how confused things are, that the loudest voice of demonizing the Russians comes from the leader of the Green Party, which makes no sense at all, except you have a very bizarre twisting of the politics, because there’s no clear way forward.

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Eleanor Goldfield: And of course there’s a lot of, you know, the East German versus West German, how people feel about Russia in those places.

And, I wanna get into one something that you also mentioned in the article with regards to this, you know, center right or far right wing rise that we’re seeing really globally, but in specifically talking about the US and Europe, I often say that neoliberalism is what paves and smooths the road towards fascism, and in your article, you write, “that there’s a shift away from neoliberal globalization toward economic nationalism.”

And I’m wondering if you could talk a little bit more about this economic shift and how that ties into right wing populist policies that we see especially in this country from both ruling parties.

Prof. Richard Wolff: Yeah, I’d love to. My point there, what I was trying to get at, was to get folks to understand that the neoliberal free trade globalization story of the last 30 years, more or less was a wonderful way for capitalists particularly in the United States, but around the world, to become much richer, to find extraordinary opportunities, mostly in China and in those parts of the world.

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And, and there is no mystery about this at all. China made a decision. Politically, whatever you think of it, they made a decision that they were going to offer capitalists in the West a deal. And the deal was real simple. We will give you access to our working class here in China. Okay? And our working class is highly motivated, now very well educated, especially compared to the rest of the old, what we used to call the third world, and very low wages. So you’re getting a disciplined, organized, educated, low wage, you can’t beat that. But better than that, we’re going to give you access to the fastest growing, largest market in the world for everything.

And, you know, if you go to business school, I’ve taught in business schools, you teach young entrepreneur types or people who imagine that they will do that one day. You teach them that the place you want to be if you want to make money and succeed and move up the corporate ladder is where the wages are low and the market is growing. I mean, hello, you know, you don’t need an advanced degree to get that. China said we have that. And we will give it to you.

But you have to come here. You have to abide by our rules. You have to allow us to share or use your technology, your management organizational skills. We recognize you have those. This is a deal. The kind of deal capitalists make among themselves all the time. That’s the deal. Nobody held a gun to their heads when Google and Apple and General Motors decided to take this deal because it was profitable.

And they increased it and they grew it and they made a ton of money. And in an irony, in an irony you have to enjoy the sort of the history of capitalism to appreciate, nothing had prepared the American people for any of this. That’s why to this day if you ask Americans, including pretty educated ones, and they start talking about these topics, they talk about the U.S. versus China, because they don’t seem to understand that somewhere between 40 and 50 percent of what we take from China now is produced by subsidiaries of American corporations.

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I mean, I could extend that argument, but you’re trying to use the either or of a past era and apply it to a changed situation, and that produces confusion and mess. And that’s what you have here. You have a major disconnect. Russia is China’s ally. It was before Ukraine, and it would be the logic, if you had half a brain, if you weren’t befuddled by something, if you’re going to go to war against Russia in Ukraine, Russia is going to turn to its biggest, richest ally. Of course it will! Number one.

Number two, Russia is going to use its resources, it’s not a poor country, and it’s going to devote that to fighting a war. And that’s not going to make it collapse any more than the United States turning to war in World War II collapsed us. On the contrary, World War II pulled us out of the Great Depression of the 1930s. It was a boost, which is exactly what it has done for Russia in spending that money to fight the war in Ukraine.

And that should have been understood as not only possible, but likely. If you put these two things together, ally with China, build up their economy through defense expenditure, and we know how the United States has always done that, then you would have understood that Russia was not, contrary to what President Biden said then, contrary to what Secretary of State Blinken says every other hour, or Janet Yellen at the Treasury, Russia’s ruble isn’t going to collapse.

It never did. Russia isn’t falling to its knees. It never did. This is all bizarre. These are miscalculations. And this was the point of that article. These miscalculations are so extreme, so off the mark that the only really interesting question is not to blame these individuals, but to ask what’s going on that otherwise perfectly reasonable, smart people would make such catastrophic miscalculations.

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And the answer is they’re living in denial. They think the United States is what it was. But that, if I may be so bold, is also the problem of the leadership of Sweden, Finland, and a dozen other places in Europe who cannot get their heads around a changed reality.

But this changed reality is not going to go away because they don’t see it. That’s like being a two year old who is frightened by a dog barking, puts his or her hands in front of his or her face, and then the barking dog disappears until they’re seven years old, and they realize it doesn’t work like that. We’re going to see, and we are seeing, I mean, let me give you the irony of ironies.

As we are speaking, there’s a delegation of the biggest, most capitalist CEOs of the United States in Beijing, hoping for a meeting with Xi Jinping, starting with Tim Cook at Apple and people like that. Why are they there? Because the Chinese have an evil communist party? They have nothing to do with that language. They would never use it. They are there, they are talking in an appreciative language about the Chinese and their future plans. You know, the bizarre juxtaposition of these guys going there and then our President, referring to the president of China as a thug, if I remember correctly, or a murderer, or, you know.

It is so out of kilter with the way the world is changing that you kind of stop, put your hands down and, and worry that there could be this level of denial.

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Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, absolutely. There’s actually a great video of somebody asking Biden if Xi Jinping’s a dictator and he goes, yes. And then there’s a video of Blinken who had, I think just met with him and worked so hard to try and undo that rhetoric and there’s a video of him going, ugh, and it’s beautiful. It’s just wonderful.

Prof. Richard Wolff: Although, you know, I like to tell people because they find it funny and it’s like gossip. I was a student at Yale getting my Ph.D. in economics at the same time that Janet Yellen was. We were students together. I had exactly the same education in economics as she did, literally, in the same room, from the same professor, reading the same books. And I know her well enough, I mean, we’re not friends or anything. But I know what she learned. It’s what I learned. And I know she knows better than what she has to say. And I, you know, I understand politicians do what they have to do in a context and I know she’s there. But I wonder, you know, late at night when she’s all alone and she’s looking in the mirror or listening to the music, what goes through her head?

But I also find the statements of many European politicians at the top of Europe absolutely bizarre. A level of slavishness to the United States, I mean, really. The other day, the British announced they were, they had sent somebody, I don’t remember who, to China. And they’re opening a new office in China. Why? Because they’re falling behind in access to China, and they want in. You know, the same reason why Kissinger and Nixon went 30 years ago not to fall behind. But they’re going to talk to the Chinese about the human rights issues in their country. This, this behavior as if you are coming from some moral purity, and are explaining to the lowlifes how they should improve their act. I mean, beyond the offense that it gives to everybody in that part of the world, it is a level of lost self awareness. I mean, maybe it plays to the American public or some sector of it, but other than that, this is self destructive.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, absolutely. And I basically call Sweden a US colony at this point because Sweden won’t do anything unless Uncle Sam says it’s okay.

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And, I mean, you see this with not just with what’s happening with Russia, but also with the genocide in Gaza. And I wanted to get your take on this because some people are saying that the U.S. ‘s loyalty to Israel will be a severe hit to it, if not politically, which it already is in some ways, then also economically.

I was wondering if you could you give your take on this based on what you’ve been seeing and do you see an economic hit already because of the U.S. support?

Prof. Richard Wolff: Well, the short answer to your question is Israel is taking an enormous economic hit.

And the only way it wouldn’t be an economic hit is if the United States steps in and bank rolls Israel to compensate for it, to offset the economic hit that this war has already imposed.

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And I’m saying that with a level of ignorance that has to be made clear. Every Arab country, and probably every Muslim country is trying to figure out how it can strike a blow, helping the Palestinians, hurting the Israelis, on the model of the Houthis in Yemen. They found a way to be supportive, in the way they think, of the Palestinian cause by interfering with the shipping in the Red Sea, to or from Israel. Okay, small story, having quite big effects, by the way, showing you again that a determined enemy like that you don’t want.

If you know American history, you’ll know that the British never imagined what the Americans could do in 1776, because they had a big army, they had a big navy, and the Americans had nothing, neither one. You know, and the famous story, you shoot your rifle and you run a few yards, shoot it again, and hope that the British think there’s a lot of people there, but it’s really only you and your cousin Fred.

You know, this sort of situation that Americans celebrated in school and then can’t imagine anyone else playing this game is really bizarre. But I don’t know how many Arab countries are figuring out right now how, with little risk to themselves, which they don’t want to take, clearly, they could do something. My guess is they’re already doing more than a little that we don’t know about, and they will be doing more, and this is an open-ended problem for Israel and for the United States to fund it.

And it leads me to say something that is also applicable to Europe. And I don’t mean to be an alarmist. I’m not, by tendency, it’s not to go that way. But at a certain point, the United States will face the following reckoning. It’s already happening. You can see it in the maneuvers at the U. N. around the ceasefire resolutions in the 27 forms that they keep taking. By now the United States and the last one abstained, having been the veto for all of them.

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You know what that is? That’s Mr. Biden discovering that the popular response in the United States has not been the overwhelming pro-Israel. That’s his. And that’s the upper layer of the Republican and Democratic parties. And that matches what you see in those European governments. They’re coming out of what was the situation, and they’re not understanding that that situation has changed.

But they will. That’s why you’re seeing these adjustments at the UN. It’s already becoming clear to them that the mass of people are either indifferent, or tilting towards the Palestinians as the victims in this story, or at least more so than the Israelis. They have to figure this out. This is not going to go away. This is not what they expected. It’s like the war in Ukraine. Not going to go away, not working out.

Now here’s the alarmist message. If I were a European, I would be very worried that at some point the United States is going to re evaluate this alliance with the Europeans and see it as not much worthwhile as it once was.

They’re going to have to come to terms with Russia and China unless they’re prepared for a nuclear war, which I’m assuming they’re not likely to do. They know what the Russians and Chinese can do. They’re very fearful that they can do more than we can. There are already hints of that in Ukraine. Hypersonic missiles are something the Russians seem to be ahead on, and who knows what else they’re doing. The Chinese are beating the Americans in technology in many fields. The idea that this will not attach to defense and military is naive, and Americans are going to have to face that, either because they lose that war in Ukraine, or whatever the next adventure is.

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And then what? Well, then the alliance with Europe will become much more fractured. And what happens when finally, in one or another of the major European countries, Germany, France, Italy, Britain, there is a swing to the left? Mr. Macron in France, for example, became president having won in the first round, roughly 23% of the vote. 21%, two percentage less was won by the unified left in that country. Just 2 percent less.

They didn’t go away. They’ve gotten stronger, not weaker. They have a mass movement because they have a really powerful labor movement. They have another mass movement called the Yellow Vests. There are a lot of political problems on the left in France but a victory by the left in France is not a crazy idea. And then what are they going to do? And what will that mean for the other lefts?

And remember, whatever you think about the right wing’s ascendancy, whether it be Orbán in Hungary, or the Polish government, or the rest, there is no solution to Europe’s problem in beating up on immigrants.

They’re not the problem. They never were. And you’re not going to solve whatever you do if you punt and do nothing, or you simply close your borders, or you deport significant numbers, or whatever combination of those you end up doing. It’s as preposterous in Europe as it is in the United States.

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We are a nation of 330 million people. We have an undocumented immigrant population, maybe 10, maybe 15 million. Okay, you do not need an advanced degree in economics, I have one, but you don’t need it to understand that 10 to 15 million of the poorest people on the planet are not a threat to the 330 million people that make up American capitalism. That’s ridiculous. Now, you can whip that up and make political hay for a while, but then what are you gonna do if Mr. Trump wins and deports 5 or 10 million people from this country? You know what? The misery, the unhappiness, the inequality of income and wealth are not going to change significantly.

And what do you tell the masses of the MAGA people then? And you’ll discover that maybe a left wing version of all of that, pro worker, will have an audience you didn’t expect.

You know, there’s an independent running for Senate in Indiana, if I’m not mistaken. No, Nebraska, Dan Osborne, and there’s one running in West Virginia.

These are working class people and who talk like that and who mean that and who are closer to Bernie Sanders than they ever are to Mr. Trump. And they say so. Now, why are they doing that? Why do they think there’s a possibility in places that would otherwise be thought of as hopeless for that kind of politics?

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Well, you might see the kind of shifts. We’ve seen them before. Remember the crash of the economy in 1929 led to a massive shift to the left in American politics, as it did in Europe as well. That’s where European social democracy took off. Okay, we may need another crash. We may be heading for one. But the right wing offers no solution There’s nothing in the Aufstand für Deutschland in Germany or the right wing.

Mr. Orban can be all about Christian civilization and anti immigrant and very popular, but that doesn’t solve the problem of Hungary, which has huge problems because it’s caught in a, it’s not acceptable to Russia, really, and it certainly isn’t acceptable to the rest of Europe.

These are, these are situations where I’m hopeful that the harsh realities will undo this peculiar leftover politics that is so out of tune with what the realities are.

Eleanor Goldfield: Well, I hope that you are correct. I hope that you are correct and that we see that, we see that left wing turn continuing in a lot of places. Hats off always to the French and their brilliant protests and organizing.

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Professor Wolff, thank you so much for taking the time for sitting down with us and as per usual, deconstructing a lot of these complex ideas and thoughts into easily digestible ones.

So thank you again.

Prof. Richard Wolff: Thank you very much for inviting me and I look forward to doing it again in the future if you think it’ll be useful.

Eleanor Goldfield: Always is.

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Delta to launch Salt Lake City-Seoul Incheon route

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Delta to launch Salt Lake City-Seoul Incheon route

This will be the airline’s fifth service from South Korea to the USA

Continue reading Delta to launch Salt Lake City-Seoul Incheon route at Business Traveller.

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‘My liquid BBL was safe – I still regret it’

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'My liquid BBL was safe – I still regret it'
Cairo Nakhate-Chirwa A woman with blonde hair sitting on a white sofaCairo Nakhate-Chirwa

Cairo, 26, had a Brazilian butt-lift just one day after finding a practitioner on Instagram

Cairo Nakhate-Chirwa had a non-surgical Brazilian butt-lift (BBL) in June.

She’s happy with the results – but says that she now regrets it after finding out the procedure was unregulated and potentially risky.

This comes after arrests were made following the death of Alice Webb, who is thought to have undergone the procedure.

A non-surgical BBL most often involves filler being injected into the buttock to make it bigger, more rounded or lifted, and is not regulated in the UK.

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Experts have called the lack of rules in the UK the “wild west” while NHS England has warned against the procedure entirely.

The Department of Health and Social Care says it is currently exploring regulatory options of the non-surgical cosmetics sector and says it will provide an update in due course.

Cairo used Instagram to find someone to give her a liquid BBL – another name for for a non-surgical BBL – in late June.

She found one page that was advertising the procedure for £1,200.

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Twenty-four hours later, she arrived at a London flat for her appointment.

She did not check whether the person performing the procedure was a qualified medical professional.

“When they’re advertising themselves, you just assume they are [qualified],” Cairo said.

But non-surgical cosmetic procedures are not regulated in the UK – this includes liquid BBLs.

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Family handout Alice Webb, a young woman with black hairFamily handout

Two people have been arrested on suspicion of manslaughter after Alice Webb, 33, died on Tuesday

The BBC contacted the person who performed Cairo’s BBL for comment, but they did not respond.

Cairo said the only drawback, aside from the “pain” of the procedure, was some leaking from the site of the injections two weeks later.

She said she looked into the risks for the first time after hearing about Alice Webb’s death – and that while her experience “wasn’t all negative”, she regretted it and wished she had done more research.

“I’m happy with how I look.

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“It made sense, it was cheaper. But now I’m questioning.”

What is a non-surgical Brazilian butt-lift?

Non-surgical BBLs can be done using local anaesthetic and generally take place in a clinic room – rather than a sterile operating theatre.

There are even reports of procedures taking place in hotel rooms.

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Recent research by organisation Save Face, suggests many people don’t know what is injected into their bodies.

The filler used could be hyaluronic acid & PLLA (Poly-L-lactic acid), for example.

NHS England strongly advises against having a non-surgical BBL “because it is unregulated”.

Surgical BBLs meanwhile often involve transferring fat from one part of the body into the buttock.

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This most often happens under general anaesthetic in an operating theatre, and can involve extensive liposuction, with large volumes of fat being transferred.

In 2018, because of concerns around high death rates linked to surgical BBLs, the British Association of Aesthetic Plastic Surgeons asked for a four-year pause on its members carrying out the procedure.

In 2022 it published new guidelines, encouraging surgeons to use a different technique – called superficial gluteal lipofilling (SGL).

While it uses fat collected from the body, this is only injected below the skin whereas BBLs insert fat deep into the muscles.

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It also recommends surgeons should only carry out SGLs while simultaneously using ultrasound scans so they can see where the cannulas are going.

This procedure carries its own risks.

‘We’re known as the wild west’

Mr Marc Pacifico of the British Association of Aesthetic Plastic Surgeons said the lack of regulation meant the UK was “known as the wild west”.

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In the UK, the filler injected during non-surgical procedures is not classed as a medicine, and so it does not need to be prescribed. Instead, it’s classed as a device.

“That’s one of the biggest loopholes we have in the country,” Mr Pacifico believes.

“And that’s why anyone and everyone could have access to get hold of them.”

This makes the UK “the most outlying country” in Europe, he said.

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Cairo Nakhate-Chirwa A young woman takes a selfie in the mirrorCairo Nakhate-Chirwa

Cairo hadn’t researched the risks of a liquid BBL before having the procedure

Dr Sophie Shotter, who runs her own private clinics and is a trustee of the British College of Aesthetic Medicine, said “a lot of people don’t have a clue” about the risks before signing up for a liquid BBL.

She says she does not offer non-surgical BBLs because of the potential risks – and although Cairo was OK, this isn’t the case for everyone.

A serious concern is that the injection can cause a blockage in a blood vessel that can in turn lead to a blood clot travelling to the lungs – what is known as a pulmonary embolism.

This can be lethal.

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Infections, scarring, significant deformities and reactions to local anaesthetic, including toxicity, are also risks.

There is no data on the death rate of liquid BBLs, but the British Association of Aesthetic Plastic Surgeons said the procedure was associated with a higher complication rate than other non-surgical procedures.

Dr Shotter said regulatory action had been slow “because the people in power don’t take it seriously”.

“I think it’s because of a little bit of inherent misogyny,” she said, since the procedures are more popular with women.

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She said she wanted to see regulation of who can administer fillers and where this is allowed to take place.

“It feels like it’s spiralling and spiralling.

“Alice’s case is absolutely tragic – but many of us feel like we’ve been expecting it for a while.”

NHS England advises against having a non-surgical BBL altogether.

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“There is no guarantee that the right safety measures are being taken,” the NHS’s National Medical Director Prof Sir Stephen Powis said.

Referring to all cosmetic procedures, a Department of Health and Social Care spokesperson said: “The safety of patients is paramount, and we would urge anyone considering a cosmetic procedure to consider the possible health impacts and find a reputable, insured, and qualified practitioner.”

‘Women are meant to be curvy’

Cairo, who performs as rapper Lavida Loca, said she wanted a BBL because of pressure to look a certain way: “In the hip hop world… women are meant to be curvy.”

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“I fell into the pressure. I tried to do it naturally and it wasn’t working, and I didn’t have enough fat on my body for a surgical BBL.”

Professor Elizabeth Daniels A woman with grey hair and glasses smiles in front of a grand wooden doorProfessor Elizabeth Daniels

Prof Elizabeth Daniels says we shouldn’t judge people who choose to have procedures like a liquid BBL

According to Prof Elizabeth Daniels, director of the Centre for Appearance Research at the University of West England, people who have cosmetic procedures often feel dissatisfied with their body image.

But she stressed that relationships and societal factors, like laws and mental health resources, also come into play.

“It’s important not to pathologise people or make assumptions about their motivations and instead think about – this is a big social issue and how can we make the situation better?”

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New towns are back. But can we still build them?

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Stevenage Museum was closed when I visited. But the church above it was open. St Andrew & St George, an airy Modernist concrete structure with a huge stained-glass window completed in 1966, the year England won the World Cup, was hosting a pantry to help locals out with a free cup of tea and a meal. The atmosphere was welcoming but restrained, a few people chatting, an older man eating a sandwich on his own, perched on a plywood pew.

Stevenage was once the future, a model for a new way of living. Its Modernism, mostly low-rise, functional and compact, looks almost quaint nowadays: an expression of a paternalistic era of state-sponsored building and council housing. In the 1950s, architects and urbanists came from all over the world to study the bold experiment that it embodied. Now it has become a kind of Modernist heritage, a version of a future that might have been.

Situated 27 miles north of London, Stevenage was the pioneering manifestation of the New Towns Act passed by parliament in 1946. It would be rapidly followed by Basildon and Bracknell, Corby and Crawley and, later, Runcorn, Ravenscraig, Cumbernauld and Telford — some successful, others a little less so. London had been devastated by bombing in the second world war, with more than a million dwellings damaged or destroyed, and the energetic new Labour government wasted no time in planning for a future dispersal of residents to beyond the war-torn, ragged and still industrial capital.

A black and white photo from the late 1950s or early 1960s showing a sunlit view of cyclists on a cycle path and pedestrians on a footpath, well away from the motor traffic in the background
Stevenage in its early days, with dedicated paths for cyclists and pedestrians © Heritage Images/Getty Images
A black and white photo of families out shopping in pedestrianised streets of functional late 1950s architecture
Stevenage’s pedestrianised town centre shopping area in 1958 © Getty Images

Now new towns are back as another new Labour government touts them as part of the solution to the UK’s housing crisis. The last government’s ambitious housebuilding targets were stymied by its own rural and suburban MPs, fearful of their constituents’ ire. Nimbyism has been a powerful force in politics. Almost everyone agrees on the need to build more houses — just not near where they live.

The new government’s legislative programme, set out in the King’s Speech this summer, suggested that communities would get a say on “how, not if” new homes are to be built. If the government is to confront the issue, new towns such as Stevenage must surely be back on the agenda. But are they, ultimately, a good thing?

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Five people, four of them in high-vis jackets, walk up a street, past a row of houses and parked cars
Labour leader Keir Starmer and deputy Angela Rayner on a visit to Derby during the election campaign earlier this year, when one of the party’s key pledges was to build more affordable homes © Getty Images

Just before the election, the now deputy prime minister Angela Rayner revealed new visions of today’s towns of the future, renderings apparently created using AI that showed mistily nostalgic Edwardian-style red-brick mansion blocks, tree-lined streets and pavement cafés. Rayner, whose ministerial brief covers housing, suggested that only “attractive” homes would be built. Who, after all, objects to “attractive” housing? David Milner, director of the lobby group Create Streets (responsible for those images) writes: “We believe beautiful and sustainable design helps to boost housing delivery by winning over residents.”

The historicism of those machine hallucinations is a revealing echo of lingering British anxieties over style and modernity. The nation (or at least its developers) proved a little resistant to Modernism in the early 20th century, its public buildings veering between Neo-Georgian or Art Deco and its housing dominated by Artsy-Craftsy, half-timbered semis with the occasional stab at a more “continental” Modernism. 

Stevenage represented a clean break. At its heart was the UK’s first Modernist town centre. Its design remains largely intact today; strolling through its streets, with their canopies, benches, green spaces and play areas, gives a little blast of postwar urban utopianism. The pedestrianised streets (also the nation’s first) might be a little shabbier than in mid-century photos; there are plenty of charity shops, slot-machine joints and a few big empty hulks (a defunct BHS and Poundland) but the centre is still lively. 

One focal point is an abstract, sculptural clock tower, a ghost of that most municipal centrepiece of the Victorian city, here transformed into a Modernist monument to the place itself: a ceramic map of the new town on one side, on another a portrait of Lewis Silkin, the minister responsible for establishing new towns. When Silkin arrived in the small old town of Stevenage next to the site in 1946 he was confronted by protests about the 10,000 new council homes in the Hertfordshire countryside. “It’s no good you jeering,” he shouted over the crowd. “It’s going to be done.”

New developments provoke huge resistance and the UK’s planning system is immensely amenable to objections. It follows that the government’s plans are heavily skewed towards reform of the planning system. The quasi-religious sanctity of the greenbelt is sensibly being questioned, and areas identified as “grey belt” (which might consist of car parks, derelict buildings, transport sidings, agricultural structures or petrol stations) could be freed up. Analysis by estate agents Knight Frank suggests such sites might accommodate up to 200,000 homes, mostly in the south and particularly the areas surrounding London.  

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New towns, though, are something else. Although the government is consulting on potential locations, one of the most obvious sites is the Oxford-Cambridge corridor, a long-mooted plan for a “knowledge-intensive arc” that would have, more or less at its centre, the last and most successful of the UK’s new towns: Milton Keynes. This band of development could accommodate up to a million new homes and be planned around a revived Oxford-to-Cambridge rail line. One upside is employment and desirability — tech, biosciences and pharma are all well rooted here. The danger is proximity to London and the university cities — new towns could become dreary dormitory suburbs with little life of their own.

But whatever the risks, the need is there. According to a report by Schroders, the average house now costs nine times average earnings; in 1999 it was half that. If Britain is to house itself in the future, something will have to give.


Back at the church in Stevenage, I talked to rector Karen Mitchell. She introduced me to Jan and Mike Wilson who, she said, were the “real locals”.

“I’d been married for a year and I got a council house here after being on the waiting list for two weeks,” Mike told me. “When Stevenage was built, it was all council houses. Everything.” 

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Jan adds: “Now our granddaughter has been on the waiting list for years. And it’s hopeless, there’s always going to be someone more needy.” This is not just perception. There are currently 1.3mn households on local authority waiting lists.

Unlike the similarly cash-strapped postwar Labour government — which facilitated a huge programme of slum clearance, prefabrication and council housing (along with founding the NHS and the welfare state) — this government appears to suggest that the new housing will be delivered largely by the private sector. 

Is this really the best route? There is little incentive for developers to flood the market with new homes and risk lowering prices, while huge public investment is needed in creating a new town. The postwar new towns were built by development corporations, government-established bodies that oversaw their planning and infrastructure. But this kind of large-scale planning has faded away as local authorities have been successively starved of cash in the post-austerity years. The 300 extra planners the government has promised will barely make a dent.  

In 1946, as in 2024, a Labour government had to introduce legislation to create new towns. The question is whether we still have the same ambition and confidence. Stevenage was a determined statement of intent, of faith in modernity expressed through building. This was a town designed for the automobile age but with a pedestrianised centre and a station half an hour from London. What do we want towns to be now? Those twee pictures of Edwardian-style streets suggest a certain timidity. 

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A map of the new towns built in the three phases of post-war development

Just as important as how they look is how they work and how they are financed. One economic tool used to great effect after the second world war — and is being considered again — is land value capture. The change in designation of land from agricultural to residential use can result (according to a recent report by the Centre for Progressive Policy) in an uplift of around 275 times the original value. Land speculation in the UK has had a crushing effect on new development, with landowners sitting on land until its value soars through change of use. 

For the postwar wave of new towns, land was compulsorily purchased at its agricultural price — not including what is known as “hope value”, the expectation of uplift created by the proposals. The towns were then able to use that increase in the value of their holdings and reinvest in the community. Government assumed the risk and communities reaped the rewards. This method has faded away in the UK, yet the Dutch new town of Almere (often dismissed as dull but which I think is absolutely fascinating) managed to capture an astonishing 90 per cent of the uplift in value of its land for public infrastructure.

A black and white photo from 1912 shows a horse-drawn cart on an empty street with a thatched cottage on one side and bigger houses in the background
A street in Letchworth in 1912 © Getty Images
A black and white photo shows a sunlit view of a tree-lined residential street with semi-detached houses and a pair of parked cars
A 1950s view of Welwyn Garden City © Alamy

The vision of an enhanced community with the private house and garden at its centre also characterised earlier versions of the new town. Stevenage is sandwiched between Letchworth and Welwyn, two experiments in that much-studied English phenomenon, the garden city. The addition of the word “garden” has sometimes been used to appease objectors, as if sounding a little greener will assuage neighbours’ fears about the horrors of urbanity. The term is the invention of Ebenezer Howard, who wrote the short but enduringly influential Garden Cities of To-morrow (1898) — a book that emerged precisely from a fear of London as a traffic and smoke-choked hellhole.  

Garden cities were to be limited in scale, surrounded by inviolable green belts; to be walkable, connected by public transport; and to contain all the elements required for a productive and civilised life: factories but also theatres and social clubs, market gardens, back gardens and even forests. They employed Community Land Trusts (non-profit corporations that held the land on behalf of the community while also acting as long-term stewards of public space) to keep control and maintain a stake in future success. They were gently ridiculed at the time as priggish places of self-consciously Arts and Crafts cottages, socialist sandals and skittles, towns with no pub. Letchworth’s main industry was a corset factory and it boasted the world’s first traffic roundabout (1904).

But the idea proved astonishingly influential. It spread to Australia (Canberra was planned as a garden city), Singapore, Zelenograd near Moscow (Lenin was rumoured to have visited Letchworth), the US (Augusta, Georgia, Reston, Virginia and the New Deal Greenbelt communities), to Christchurch in New Zealand and Jardim América in São Paulo.  

If British garden cities are often mocked for their gentle suburbanity, you might also point to Milton Keynes, once derided as the zenith of late modern dullness but now a thriving city of more than 280,000 with an eccentric mix of architecture, landscape (influenced by prehistory and Stonehenge as much as by Los Angeles), “car-centricity” as well as walkability.  

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The confidence in the future that spawned Milton Keynes in the late 1960s has faded. As prime minister, Gordon Brown attempted to launch a new generation of new towns in 2007 and, to generate more enthusiasm, christened them “eco-towns”. David Cameron’s coalition government  jumped on the garden city bandwagon and attempted to build one at Ebbsfleet in Kent, though it still it looks suspiciously like any other estate of executive homes. It remains, however, one of the most promising sites for a major new town with its connections to high-speed rail and the capital. Then chancellor George Osborne subsequently downgraded his ambitions to the painfully quaint notion of “garden villages”. 


Building by decree is rarely straightforward. Take Palmanova, a garrison town established in 1593 by the Venetian Republic and intended as a model city. There are rumours that Leonardo da Vinci was involved and, even if he wasn’t, its form was certainly influenced by his designs, planned in a star shape for optimal artillery defence. It was a disaster. No one wanted to live there. The climate was wrong, the location dull, metropolitan life absent. In the end the authorities resorted to populating it with convicts who were gifted free homes in a desperate attempt to keep it alive. It is still a soporific rarity, an unattractive Renaissance town.

An aerial view of a city planned in a star-like shape with streets radiating outwards in concentric rings
The planned fortified city of Palmanova in northern Italy © Alamy

Cities thrive on unpredictability, culture and commerce but also a pinch of vice. That cocktail is difficult to plan for and utopian regulation often kills it. While sometimes lovely, ideal settlements founded by well-meaning industrialists (Titus Salt’s Saltaire, Cadbury’s Bournville or Czech shoemaker Bata’s Zlín) are tainted by worker-capture; the same idea as giving tech employees free snacks to keep them on campus.

2.8mnResidents currently housed in the UK’s postwar new towns

Then there is Poundbury, Britain’s own retro-royalist utopia — a future that looks like a feudal past, only with parking garages and a branch of Waitrose. Built on land outside Dorchester belonging to the Duchy of Cornwall, this new town/extension was built in a vernacular style with a touch of classical, a little Georgian and a sort-of-medieval picturesque street plan. It’s undeniably popular. 

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Meanwhile, our confidence in the future seems to have been hijacked by Big Tech billionaires with their missions to Mars and Moon-shots. For a while, “smart cities” seemed to be the future but these began to sound suspiciously like data-mining operations.  

If we have lost that faith in the future that characterised Stevenage, and the ability to build the necessary large infrastructure (see the sorry HS2 high-speed rail saga), what is left is to expand existing successful cities. This is where the “grey-belt” reappears, the easing of the urban corset. But there are problems in even agreeing to what a city (or a city extension) of the future might look like. 

A colour photo of modern houses built of red brick against a sunny blue sky
Poundbury in southwest England, a recent vision of old-world architecture © Universal Images Group/Getty Images

The recent extraordinary reaction of the political right, in both the US and the UK, to the idea of “15-minute cities” — spinning the notion of a walkable, dense and well-distributed conurbation into a conspiracy theory about state control limiting citizens’ access to neighbourhoods in their cars — hints at these problems. Urbanists want compact quartiers, Paris-style, with local bakeries and surgeries; many homebuyers want double garages, driveways and big gardens. And the big developers that operate something close to a cartel in the UK market (their influence is unique in Europe and the results have been dire) like these better too — easier to build, and no problems with pesky infrastructure.  

Perhaps to counter the pervasive presence and influence of the housebuilders, there might also  be space to accommodate self-builders and eccentrics, places designated for experiments in new ways of communal living, new forms of ownership, new kinds of architecture. The rhetoric at the moment leans towards design codes and control, which is fine. But if the government is revising planning law, it could revisit rules facilitating residents to build their own more individual homes, suited to their particular needs. Almere allowed residents to design their homes any way they wish, with no aesthetic controls. The results are occasionally bizarre but they also accommodate eccentricity and individuality. Are these not a critical element of the English sense of identity? 

The postwar British new towns now house 2.8mn people and were, in retrospect, an audacious and incredible success. If there is a lesson to be drawn from them, it might be that government needs to take a central role. This is not something that can be left solely to a private sector that demands short-term profit. There is also an opportunity to revisit the commodification of housing that has led to the crisis. There are other forms of tenure beyond home ownership.

Cities take time to build. If there are a few mistakes along the way, they can be rectified in the future. And we can take heart in one thing: this has been done before.

Edwin Heathcote is the FT’s architecture critic

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Wales ‘should get a lot more’ rail funding from UK government

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Wales 'should get a lot more' rail funding from UK government
Getty Images Picture of Cardiff Central Station platformGetty Images

Wales’ rail investment is run from the Department for Transport in London

The Welsh economy is losing out because of a lack of rail investment, a transport expert has said.

Prof Mark Barry said Wales should be getting a lot more money, but because spending was controlled from Whitehall, England was more of a priority.

The first minister said she was doing everything she could to get more cash for the country’s railways.

The Welsh Conservatives said Wales should be getting its fair share of HS2 funding.

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The Labour UK government said investment was key to its priorities, but rail investment was run from the Department for Transport in London rather than the Welsh government.

Prof Barry, from Cardiff University, said that meant Wales was down the queue for cash.

He said: “We get about 1 to 2% of the funding available but should get a lot more.

“In an ideal world you’d be looking at 5 or 6% of the total UK investment in rail enhancement, but if you don’t invest in essential economic infrastructure – specifically in energy, transport and housing – then you can’t really expect your economy to turn a corner.”

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He said the amount of cash Wales was asking for was tiny compared with what had already been committed to English railways.

“The TransPennine Express Group Upgrade is a £10bn capital programme over 15 years,” he said.

“In Wales we’ve worked up over the last five years £2-3bn in very good business cases for rail investment, and the challenge is how is that going to get funded?”

PA Media HS2 trainsPA Media

Earlier this year Welsh ministers confirmed they would not go to court to seek billions of pounds extra to spend following high speed rail investment in England

In recent years the biggest argument has been about extra funding for Wales from the HS2 project.

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In opposition, Labour said the HS2 rail link should be an England only scheme and Wales should get money as a result.

First Minister Eluned Morgan said she had spoken to the UK chancellor about a dividend for Wales.

Opposition parties want to see Wales press for the cash, an estimated £4-5bn, which they have said would pay for much improvement.

The leader of the Welsh Conservatives in the Senedd, Andrew RT Davies MS, said: “We need to make sure that happens so that we can spend it on infrastructure and improvement in our transport operations here in Wales, and that needs to happen, and we were told that it was a turning of the page if Labour came into government on 4 July.

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“Well if that page is turned, let’s have that money, and let Eluned Morgan live up to what she’s professing to do, which is to stand up for Wales.”

‘Investment in Welsh rail’

But the UK government’s Welsh secretary Jo Stevens seemed to close the door on that idea when she was asked about it in Parliament earlier this month.

Plaid Cymru’s parliamentary leader, Liz Saville-Roberts, told the Commons: “The truth is that the railways are broken and Labour’s plan fails to address the chronic underfunding that is the cause, particularly in Wales.

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“In 2022, the secretary of state – then the shadow secretary of state – said that it was ‘utterly illogical’ to designate HS2 as an England and Wales project, and called on the Conservatives to ‘cough up’ the billions owed to Wales.

“Will she cough up now?”

In response, Ms Stevens said: “We cannot go back in time and change the way a project was commissioned, managed and classified by the previous Conservative government.

“They need to accept responsibility for the chaos, delay and waste on their watch.

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“What we can do though is work closely with our Senedd and local authority colleagues to develop and invest in transport projects that improve services for passengers right across Wales.”

In a statement, Ms Stevens’ department the Wales Office reaffirmed what she had said in the Commons and added: “Following years of neglect, this new UK government recognises the importance of investing in rail infrastructure in Wales.

“The Welsh secretary has already met with the transport secretary to discuss investment in Welsh rail.”

It added that Ms Stevens was working closely with the Welsh government to identify a range of improvements.

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“Alongside this the transport secretary is currently carrying out a review of the previous government’s transport commitments which will ensure our transport infrastructure portfolio drives economic growth and delivers value for money for taxpayers.”

In just over a month, the Chancellor Rachel Reeves will deliver a Budget which is expected to set the course for what the government plans to do on investment.

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‘You’re buying not just a physical work but a little part of me’

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Before he was known in the art world, Slawn set a challenge to his Instagram fans. If they wanted one of his customised T-shirts, in demand among his Gen-Z fan base, they should go to the Saatchi Yates gallery in Mayfair and ask for “an original Slawn” work. If his followers showed him a video of themselves doing this, he’d give them a shirt for free. The Saatchi Yates gallerists had never heard of Slawn before. But after this stunt, they would remember his name.

Two years later, Slawn has just completed his paintings for his first major solo exhibition, which is taking place at . . . Saatchi Yates. It’s as if he manifested the whole thing. Sitting in his north London studio, surrounded by canvases, Slawn looks like he has just rolled out of bed, in a green camo T-shirt and pyjama trousers, his grey beanie pulled low on his head, clutching a vape. He’s discussing the after-party for his exhibition’s opening night with a gallery employee. She says they need a list of names for the guest list soon, “to keep the randoms out”.

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“You can’t do that,” Slawn, 23, replies. “You won’t be able to keep people out. I know this, because I always used to find my way into places where they didn’t want me. They say you’re not going to be able to, but I always found my way inside.”

Over the past couple of years, Slawn has set his sights on finding his way inside London’s art scene. His graffiti-style work has been sold at Sotheby’s and he was asked last year to design the trophy for the Brit music awards, putting him in the company of artists such as Damien Hirst, Tracey Emin and Anish Kapoor. Then there is the trendy café he runs near Brick Lane with his girlfriend, where he can often be found hanging out with his two sons, Beau and Baby.

Slawn’s studio is buzzing today. One woman sketches jewellery designs at a table, dreaming up future Slawn bling that he thinks might interest rappers. Another is painting a portrait by the wall, part of the community of friends Slawn invites to use his space. A flow of people come in and out chatting, joking, painting and rolling joints. Slawn’s phone vibrates constantly — his mum calls from Nigeria, then his two-year-old son appears on FaceTime to say hello. In the middle of the room, a 15-year-old boy Slawn met while skateboarding is doing pull-ups from a beam under the ceiling. He can only manage one at the moment, but Slawn encourages him: “Yeah, two now. Go ahead, three. That’s how you build strength, bro.”

The painting shows a cartoon-like figure with blue skin and hair and a bright-red mouth and nose is wearing a blue T-shirt and holding up a fist
‘Bully’ (2024), by Slawn
The painting depicts two cartoon-like red-skinned figures with pointy ears, bright-blue lips and large eyes in an embrace
‘First Kiss’ (2024), by Slawn © Courtesy Saatchi Yates/the artist (2)

He says the kid reminds him of his hyperactive younger self. Born in Lagos as Olaolu Akeredolu-Ale, Slawn’s artistic imagination was nourished by a spell working for the country’s first skateboard company, Wafflesncream. When he was 18, he and some friends started the skatewear brand Motherlan, which attracted the interest of designer Virgil Abloh. Moving to London in 2018 to study graphic design at Middlesex University, Slawn began painting during the pandemic. This is when he arrived at his signature style, a free-flowing series of playful doodles, like Keith Haring by way of streetwear brand Obey.

Despite the myriad influences, his work, which generally uses acrylic and spray paint on canvas, regularly features the same ominous face. When asked who this is, Slawn says he wonders if it might be himself, and whether that makes him a narcissist. His style sometimes plays with caricatures resembling racist imagery, which he frames vaguely as social commentary but which has attracted criticism online.

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Slawn doesn’t claim to be a technically gifted painter. “I’m not conventionally the best artist, I’m not trained,” he says. “I barely know how to draw a face.” What he is undeniably good at is grabbing attention online and keeping it. He first gained popularity on Instagram (where he now has 312,000 followers) with a series of stunts where he gave out his artworks, culminating in a run of fight clubs where fans came to his studio and boxed each other for the chance to win an original piece. It is clearly his large social media following as well as his artistic reputation which has led to brand collabs with companies such as Rolex, Louis Vuitton and Rimowa.

A young man wearing a white and black T-shirt stands in front of a blue bus whose windows are spray-painted in blue, white and red
Slawn’s 1-54 installation coincides with his first major solo exhibition, at Saatchi Yates
A young man wearing a white and black T-shirt, white jogging bottoms and tan-coloured work boots stands at the top of a red step ladder in front of a blue double-decker bus adding blue eyes onto faces spray-painted on the windows
“I’m not conventionally the best artist, I’m not trained,” he says © Kemka Ajoku (2)

What does he think attracts people to his art? “A lot of times it’s your personality or the idea of yourself that you’re selling. That’s what makes it valuable. I might have spent less than an hour doing the painting, but you’re taking my whole life as well . . . You’re buying not just a physical work but a story, as well — a little part of me.”

Slawn’s next project is an installation at the 1-54 contemporary African art fair in Somerset House, London, for which he will customise two red double-decker buses with spray paint — though at the time of our interview, he hasn’t decided exactly what he’s going to do yet. “You know what, actually — ” he sits up, clicking his fingers, suddenly excited. “I should get a Tube train. How can I get one?” He starts googling Tube trains for sale and finds one for £8,000. “Yo, you can buy them! This is insane!” What would he do with a Tube train? “I could make a sculpture with it, or just paint it.” Is he actually going to buy one? He doesn’t pause: “I think so. I’ll just need to find somewhere to put it.”

A young man wearing a brown patterned fleece top, white jogging bottoms and tan-coloured work boots is seen through a graffiti-ed window. He stands next to a red bus holding a can of spray paint and a mobile phone
Slawn started the skatewear brand Motherlan with friends before moving to London to study graphic design © Kemka Ajoku

October 10-13, 1-54.com

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I built my three-bed dream home for £180k – how to do up a house on a budget

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I built my three-bed dream home for £180k - how to do up a house on a budget

SAM Jackman would never have been able to afford to build her own home had she not inherited a derelict bungalow and plot.

Back in 2014, the 41-year-old was extremely lucky to have the run-down property in Calstock, Cornwall, where she grew up, gifted to her by her parents.

Sam Jackman managed to build a dream home for £180k

2

Sam Jackman managed to build a dream home for £180k
The bungalow was turned into a 3-bed home with a balcony

2

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The bungalow was turned into a 3-bed home with a balcony

When Sam was given the plot of land by her father as an early inheritance, it had a run-down prefab bungalow on it, along with a dilapidated workshop space.

The former teacher and art museum worker, who now owns her own business, We Wear Boost, told The Sun: “My father was not keen on doing up a property himself, given the effort required, so wanted to pass it on.

“As I’m an only child, he gave me the opportunity to do it instead.

“As I didn’t have to purchase the plot, this saved me a major expense, meaning all money could be channelled into the self-build.”

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Sam’s original plan had been to completely gut the bungalow and renovate it.

But, once she discovered there were asbestos issues and after speaking to some experts, she realised it would cost roughly the same to tear it down and build a new home from scratch.

It took Sam around 12 months to build her own home on a budget after planning permission was granted, costing around £180,000 in total.

She has now lived there for just under a decade along with her partner, David, and their son, Charlie, 14 – and she absolutely loves it.

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Financing the project

But financing the project was no mean feat.

“Initially, I thought I’d just get a self-build mortgage,” she said. “But trying to get this over the line turned out to be really difficult.”

The couple also contemplated selling their home to release equity. At the time, Sam, her partner and son were living near Callington, just a few miles away from Calstock.

“I soon realised that I’d need to sell our home to help fund the build, because the mortgage kept falling through,” she said.

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“I put it on the market expecting it to take a few months to sell, but we received a full asking price offer within two days – and were asked to move out within a week.”

As Sam needed the money from the house sale, she agreed.

“But I’d effectively made us homeless,” she said. “Then suddenly, the stars aligned, and we found out my aunt had a rental property nearby that we could move into.”

This allowed Sam to sell her home and release around £30,000 in equity. In addition, she then took out a bridging loan for around £100,000. 

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“The rate on this was quite expensive, but it was only temporary, so it was affordable in the short term,” she said.

“Fortunately, as the self-build took shape, getting finance became easier.

“Once the property had bathrooms and a kitchen it became possible to get a ‘normal’ residential mortgage with a much more competitive rate.”

Breaking down the costs

One of the biggest expenses for Sam’s project was site clearance.

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“I reckon I paid out about £45,000 on the preparatory work,” she said.

“This included things such as asbestos surveys, which came in at around £6,000, and landscaping, which cost around £20,000. Then, once the actual build began, things felt as though they were progressing.”

Specialists had to be brought in for jobs such as the electrics and plumbing, too.

How Sam saved money on her build

But, Sam was very efficient when it came to buying fixtures and fittings, which massively brought down her costs.

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And a key part of Sam’s success in keeping costs down throughout the build was budgeting very carefully.

She said: “I was very honest with myself about the amount I had to spend in total, and therefore very disciplined about only choosing fixtures and fittings that were affordable.

“I decided not to go for high-end, and instead, opted for things like a ‘ready-made’ Howdens kitchen and Karndean vinyl flooring, which is easy to install and really hard-wearing too.”

She also focused on making it energy-efficient from the get-go to save money on her bills once she started living there.

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“We opted for an air source heat pump,” she explained.

“As the property didn’t have gas, I thought the pump was worth investing in.

“We got solar panels installed, too, which have helped us save on our electricity bills.”

Another of Sam’s clever money-saving ideas was to host ‘painting parties,’ where friends and neighbours came to help with the decorating.

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“When you’ve got to paint a large three-bed property entirely from scratch, you realise it’s going to take ages,” she said. “But with everyone chipping in, the job got done far more quickly and cheaply.”

She also opted to just have three larger bedrooms rather than more smaller bedrooms, which was actually more cost-efficient.

Instead, she spent that money on things she really wanted.

“The house also has a beautiful fireplace, underfloor heating and huge windows to enjoy the far-reaching views,” she explained.

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Having land around the property has meant Sam has had room to expand over time, too.

How to keep costs down on a self-build

Marc von Grundherr, director of property firm Denham and Reeves, said it’s important to prioritise spending money on more difficult tasks, while tackling easier tasks yourself to cut costs.

“Painting, clearing, even basic landscaping of the garden are all achievable tasks that can be accomplished with time and effort,” he said.

“The more important aspects of a home, such as gas, electric and plumbing are always best left to a professional.”

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Meanwhile, Tarquin Purdue, CEO of HaMuch.com, said materials can make a huge difference to how much a build costs.

“Materials make a huge difference to cost, especially during a property renovation, and the professionals will always ensure they use the right materials based on the budget they are given – so why wouldn’t you do the same? 

“Researching local suppliers, compare prices and look for deals, discounts and sales. It all adds up and it will give you a comprehensive view of what you can get from where and for the lowest price.

“If you are tight for cash, consider the next best alternative. Laminate flooring over hardwood, tiles flooring over marble, granite kitchen tops instead of quartz, composite decking over real wood or matte paint over expensive wallpaper.”

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Inside the ‘saddest’ Grand Designs house

Savills’s listing reads: “The property represents a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to take on and finish the specification and fit out of one of the UK’s most spectacularly situated coastal homes.

“The bespoke design has been brought to life through impressive engineering, with the building being anchored to the bedrock, blending whitewashed elevations with steel and glass, culminating with a lighthouse feature at one end giving almost 360-degree views of the coastline.

“The position combines privacy with a diverse range of breath-taking views, all set in around 3 acres, which includes a large area of foreshore, a private tidal beach area and coves.”

The property is set in three acres of land and is equipped with an infinity pool and a hot tub as well as a spacious driveway.

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Nic Chbat, director of Match Property estate agents in North Devon, who previously assisted with finding a buyer last year said at the time the sale stalled after the timeframe for the sale “expired”.

He added the previous buyer was “still wanting to buy the property,” and the sale was still expected to proceed.

The new listing though would suggest the purchase was never made with the sale now being handled by London-based estate agents Savills.

A spokeswoman for both Savills and the receivers Bellevue Mortlakes said: “The sale represents a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to purchase one of the UK’s most spectacularly situated coastal homes and for the buyer to put the finishing touches to the property’s interior to their own specification.

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“The current sale price (offers in excess of £5.25m) represents fair value noting the prevailing economic and heterogeneous nature of this opportunity.

“The property has panoramic sea views and is set in grounds of over three acres, including foreshore and a tidal beach, with accommodation extending to over 6,260 sq ft.

“The detached guest lodge/holiday let accommodation extends to about 1,270 sq ft and is included in the sale price.

“Subject to registration with the agents, the receiver has provided an extensive suite of information and supporting documentation relating to the building’s history, construction and title, which are available via an online data room.”

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