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Dirty Cops, Dirty Data

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Dirty Cops, Dirty Data

On the heels of 2023, a year when Baltimore’s annual homicide number significantly declined for the first time in nearly a decade, the Baltimore Police held a press conference to celebrate what public officials and the Department of Justice called “a significant milestone.”

That early 2024 “milestone”: two of the many reforms required by the federal consent decree—the result of a civil rights investigation following the 2015 police killing of Freddie Gray—were recently completed to the approval of the Department of Justice. These completed reforms are related to transporting people in police custody and “officer support and wellness practices.”

At the press conference, City Solicitor Ebony Thompson suggested that 2023’s violence reduction was the result of these reforms. “This milestone is occurring at a time when the city is achieving a recent and historic reduction in violent crime,” Thompson said, calling the reforms “a testament to the effectiveness of constitutional and community focused policing.”

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The arrest data in Open Baltimore demonstrates that, contrary to what would be expected, data gathering by police has become less comprehensive and more faulty since the implementation of the federal consent decree.

Another way of looking at this “milestone”: over the previous seven years, only around 5% of the consent decree-mandated reforms have been completed. Following the 2015 death of Freddie Gray, a Department of Justice civil rights investigation revealed a staggering pattern and practice of civil rights violations and discriminatory policing. As a result of that investigation, the Baltimore Police Department entered into a federal consent decree in April 2017. Seven years later, the most significant elements of the consent decree, regarding police misconduct (including use of force), have barely even begun. WYPR reported that “about 15% of the decree hasn’t been touched yet.”

This means the claim being made, really, is that murders have declined because police are reducing the number of “rough rides” and also receiving more wellness support—a specious connection, and an example of how reform is regularly misrepresented to the public by political leaders and police. 

As the Baltimore Police Department goes through another year under the consent decree, with changes to the department slow going, TRNN found that Baltimore data transparency and retention has gotten worse and its numbers have become increasingly unreliable.

This is a story of how much we do not know. 

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Deeply Flawed Data

The Baltimore City Police Department provides Open Baltimore, the city’s publicly accessible data hub, with data about crime and police activity. Baltimore’s political leaders and police pride themselves on data access and transparency. These datasets are often used as research tools for citizens, reporters, and those in policy development and law enforcement. Indeed, everyone is encouraged to consult Open Baltimore.

But we found these datasets to be deeply flawed in ways that would make any conclusions drawn from them unsound—especially for governance and policing. The arrest data in Open Baltimore demonstrates that, contrary to what would be expected, data gathering by police has become less comprehensive and more faulty since the implementation of the federal consent decree.

Specifically, there are significant differences between Open Baltimore arrest data and Uniform Crime Report data (UCR). UCR is provided to the FBI by law enforcement offices all over the country each year and was, for decades, the most referenced and most frequently cited dataset about crime. There are flaws with UCR, including the problem with all law enforcement data: it is self-reported by law enforcement. 

That said, UCR data for 1990-2020 was provided to TRNN by Baltimore Police via a public information request, making it the most comprehensive data set available for such a long period of time. 

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The number of arrests recorded in Open Baltimore data varies significantly from the numbers in UCR, often by thousands. Baltimore Police provide data to both the FBI and Open Baltimore, making the cause of differences between the two datasets especially confounding. Additionally, there are a significant number of arrests not included in the Open Baltimore dataset, and the differences between the numbers recorded in UCR and Open Baltimore data have widened over time. Arrests seemingly disappear from Open Baltimore.

In February 2023, we pulled an arrest data file from Open Baltimore. In the arrest data between the years 2010-2020, a total of 335,805 arrests were shown. 

That same arrest file was pulled four months later in June 2023. There were 386 fewer arrests. 

An additional data analysis was completed in January 2024. The same trend continued, at a much greater rate. In the course of nearly a year, more than 4,300 arrests were removed from the total for 2010-2020.

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Year # of arrests 2/8/23 # of arrests 6/23/23 # of arrests 1/24/24 Difference
(Feb. 2023-June 2023)
Difference
(Feb. 2023-Jan. 2024)
2010 45,560 45,515 45,224 -45 -336
2011 43,704 43,667 43,364 -37 -340
2012 42,681 42,632 42,333 -49 -348
2013 39,866 39,821 39,542 -45 -324
2014 37,495 37,447 37,078 -48 -417
2015 26,084 26,059 25,732 -25 -352
2016 23,420 23,402 23,089 -18 -331
2017 22,493 22,428 21,989 -65 -504
2018 20,940 20,912 20,543 -28 -397
2019 19,622 19,601 19,407 -21 -215
2020 13,940 13,935 13,162 -5 -778
Total 355,805 335,419 331,463 -386 -4342
Table 1: Total arrests recorded for years 2010-2020 as retrieved Feb. 2023 vs June 2023 vs. Jan. 2024 from Open Baltimore.

When we spoke to Baltimore City employees, including representatives from Open Baltimore and Baltimore Police, their reason for removing previously-recorded arrests from Open Baltimore’s data was unclear. Arrests that are documented but do not result in a charge, or are accidentally duplicated or inaccurately entered are removed during reviews by police. Additionally, the police explained that expungements may have something to do with the lower numbers of arrests. They could not tell us how frequently arrests are removed for either of those reasons.

This arrest data is frequently cited. One recent example of Open Baltimore’s flawed year-to-year data being cited is the Baltimore Banner’s 2022 analysis of arrests. At the end of 2022, the Banner reported that arrests had increased for the first time in nearly a decade. While the broad conclusions are correct—based on the data, arrests did slightly increase in 2022—the year-to-year arrest numbers cited by the Banner are quite different from past UCR numbers and contemporaneous reporting because the number of arrests recorded in those years in Open Baltimore have declined.

Whatever the reason for the lowered arrest numbers, it means that Open Baltimore provides an increasingly incomplete picture of police activity from the past as each dataset gets older. It is not a record of those people who were handcuffed and arrested at a specific point in time—their lives put on hold for weeks, months, or years—but a record of how some of those arrests were processed long after that, based on an unknown and unnamed number of factors.

A recent review of Open Baltimore shows that, months after our year-long analysis, arrest data continues to decline.

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TRNN also looked at geographic location data within Open Baltimore’s arrest data. Over the past 13 years, Open Baltimore’s arrest data is missing locations in, on average, 37% of arrests. That percentage increased from 4% in 2010 to as high as 61% in 2022. 

The percentage of missing data has increased significantly since 2015 when the city police were put under increased scrutiny following Freddie Gray’s death (46% missing location data) and in 2017 (49% missing data) when the consent decree was implemented.

Year # of arrests with missing location data 1/24/2024 Total arrests 1/24/2024 % of arrests with missing location data
2010 1,646 45,224 3.6%
2011 13,573 43,364 31.3%
2012 12,640 42,333 29.9%
2013 11,876 39,542 30.0%
2014 14,485 37,078 39.1%
2015 11,727 25,732 45.6%
2016 10,836 23,089 46.9%
2017 10,814 21,989 49.2%
2018 10,545 20,543 51.3%
2019 10,550 19,407 54.4%
2020 7.394 13,162 56.2%
2021 6,434 11,130 57.8%
2022 7,605 12,360 61.5%
2023 7,971 13,594 58.6%
Total 138,096 368,547 37.5%
Table 2: Missing location data by year per Open Baltimore.

It is unclear whether this location-based data is missing from police records as well, or if police records maintain this data with locations and, for reasons unknown, it was not given to Open Baltimore. 

One more example of how poor data entry has been in Baltimore: throughout the ’90s, there are entries in Maryland Case Search in which the officer name is “Officer, Police” or “Police, Officer.” Over 500 of these results are for arrests in Baltimore City where the last name is “Officer.” There are over 300 where the first name is “Police” and nearly 300 where the first name is “Baltimore.”   That data entry in the ’90s was poor is hardly a surprise. That these “Officer, Police” permutations have stood for decades in the database shows that data cleansing and validation has never been prioritized.

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Representatives from city government, including Open Baltimore, seemed entirely unaware of these problems with Open Baltimore’s data until we brought them to their attention. After months seeking comment or explanation, Open Baltimore was not able to provide a thorough explanation.

In a city where policing is scrutinized for bias and professionalized for data gathering, and police enforcement itself is informed by targeting “microzones,” the lack of comprehensive location data (nearly 40% is missing) available to the public is troubling.

Open Baltimore provides an increasingly incomplete picture of police activity from the past as each dataset gets older. It is not a record of those people who were handcuffed and arrested at a specific point in time—their lives put on hold for weeks, months, or years—but a record of how some of those arrests were processed long after that, based on an unknown and unnamed number of factors.

A History of Dirty Data

While there are problems with the police records provided to Open Baltimore, the unreliability of Baltimore crime data has been a decades-long problem. Collection and reporting of crime data has been a hotly contested issue in Baltimore and the data provided has been frequently insufficient, unsound, and in some cases, manipulated.

In the ’90s—the decade leading up to “zero tolerance”—then-Councilperson Martin O’Malley and others accused Mayor Kurt Schmoke of adjusting statistics to make crime seem lower than it actually was. Police Commissioner Thomas Frazier’s report in the mid-’90s about nonfatal shooting reductions was also challenged. 

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After O’Malley was elected mayor in 1999, he commissioned an audit which found violent crime was frequently downgraded. As a result of the audit, thousands of felonies were added to the official number for 1999. This also had the effect of making any decrease in crime during the first year of the O’Malley administration even more dramatic.

O’Malley would later be accused of the same sort of stats manipulation. In 2001, O’Malley said there were 78,000 arrests, but the official number was 86,000. Official arrest numbers for 2005 are around 100,000, while the ACLU claimed the number was 108,000. 

In 2006, WBAL Investigative Reporter Jayne Miller (a TRNN contributor) revealed that police were simply not counting all of the violent crimes reported. For example, Miller found that “police wrote no report of a shooting… despite locating and interviewing the intended target, who was not hurt. Instead, the officers combined the incident with armed robbery that occurred earlier that night in the same area—a practice known as duplicating.”

After 2006, the department shifted away from mass arrest towards what they framed as more “targeted” styles of policing, focused on violent offenders rather than low-level offenders. In Part Two of this series, we noted that the data from these years showed a decrease in low-level offenses but did not show an increase in the enforcement of violent crimes. A policy of greater focus on guns and gun possession during this period is also not reflected in the data. Gun seizures were much higher in the ’90s than in the period where gun policing was supposedly the focus.

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In our reporting, we also learned that gun seizure data—another metric often cited by the police to illustrate how hard police are working to get guns “off the street” and reduce violence—includes guns given to the police during gun buyback programs. For example, in 2017 there were 1,917 gun seizures. In 2018, there were 3,911. The reason for that jump was not the result of increased enforcement or a jump in the rate of illegal gun possession, it was because the city resurrected its gun buyback program. That 2018 buyback resulted in 1,089 guns handed over to police.

Willingly handing over a gun to police in exchange for cash is most likely not what the public imagines BPD is describing when they announce the total of gun “seizures” in a year.

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Baltimore Police do not provide data about nonfatal shooting numbers before 1999 because, police told us, the department does not have the ability to easily extract this number from the broader aggravated assault category that shootings were once categorized under. This means that the police department, whose strategies are often informed by data on shootings and murders, does not have information about the number of nonfatal shootings that occurred before 1999. There is seemingly no way to easily look at how that crucial number has historically changed.

“We Have No Idea What Is Happening”

These problems with data and the lack of transparency are costly. Baltimore spends more per capita on its police department than any other major American city, but the city and department have consistently failed in their oversight of how that money is actually spent, especially on police overtime. Exorbitant overtime is a commonly used indicator when searching for problem police officers and police corruption. For example, members of the infamous Gun Trace Task Force were among the officers who were nearly doubling their salary with overtime. And, as Baltimore Brew reported, the same overtime offenders appeared year after year; the Maryland State Office of Legislative Audits recently found that Baltimore Police “failed to effectively monitor $66.5 million in overtime.”

Police quarreled with the auditor’s conclusions and assured overtime practices would now be reformed and ready by the end of May 2024. They were not. Since 2016, the Baltimore Police has failed overtime audits each year—and each year, police explain that the department needs a little more time to fix overtime.

Melissa Schober, a community advocate, has been calling attention to the failed overtime audit by the Baltimore Police for years. She told TRNN that her concerns extend to the broader metrics used by police, not just overtime. Metrics remain oblique and undefined and, according to police, cannot improve because they are contingent upon a police budget they claim is inadequate. The Baltimore City police budget is nearly $600 million per year, Schober stressed.

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The refusal to properly share, let alone collect, this data also enables police misconduct.

“My fury isn’t just at the overtime overspending. It is that years after the Fiscal Year 2016—that’s July 1, 2015, so nearly a decade ago—we are still somehow ‘in progress’ on documenting metrics because carrying those things out are ‘budget dependent’ but they never manage to say how much they’re short and when they expect to complete the work,” Schober said. “Until and unless the BPD can say, ‘Here’s our outcome and here is the numerator and denominator and here’s how we validate those numbers (or counts), here’s our data dictionary and here’s how we train our folks to count things,’ we have no idea what is happening with money.” 

While the city celebrates the “progress” police are making with the federal consent decree, data remains incomplete. Some data-gathering related to the consent decree has not even begun.

The consent decree requires the police to record stop and search data, but, as the Baltimore Banner reported, that has not even started, even though it is perhaps the most crucial way, data-wise, to get a sense of discriminatory and unconstitutional policing. The Baltimore Sun recently reported that Baltimore Police do not keep track of how often their officers get in police chases. Soon after the Sun published their story, police released the data they previously said they did not track.

The refusal to properly share, let alone collect, this data also enables police misconduct. There is no way to determine how often questionable stops occur, because it is only when police stops result in arrests that they are recorded. For defense attorneys, this is not only a gap in data, it’s a convenient way for police not to account for constitutional violations.

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The lack of stop and search data means constitutional violations are revealed only when they happen to someone arrested for a crime—at which point the constitutional violation is often ignored by prosecutors and judges because the arrestee was found to have broken the law. 

“Police are never discouraged from crossing the line when they stop and search someone without probable cause—and they are actually encouraged to cross the line any time they find a gun,” defense attorney and former public defender Natalie Finegar told TRNN. 

Since 2017, Baltimore Police have relied on an expansive—and controversial—plainclothes policing unit called DAT (District Action Team) whose primary job is gun and drug interdiction. They do this in part by searching people they deem “suspicious” or representing “characteristics of an armed person.” The Baltimore Police argue that this kind of “proactive policing” and these types of questionable stops are vital to violence reduction. The police lack data to back up this claim.

“When auditors looked at percent of time spent on proactive policing, the BPD was unable to produce documentation detailing how and why they selected that as a performance measure, and then how they monitored, controlled, and analyzed data.”

Melissa Schober, community advocate

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“While it can be difficult to correlate officer proactivity and visibility to what crimes have been prevented, we have seen that when these units are deployed, they have an impact on crime suppression and calming for the community,” Baltimore Police spokesperson Lindsey Eldridge told TRNN.

According to Schober, the problem is not only the inability of police to provide data, but to even explain why certain data points such as “proactive policing” were even analyzed. 

“When auditors looked at percent of time spent on proactive policing, the BPD was unable to produce documentation detailing how and why they selected that as a performance measure, and then how they monitored, controlled, and analyzed data,” Schober said.

Data’s Inconvenient Truths

Last year, Baltimore recorded 262 murders, a decline of 70 from 2022—a “historic” reduction. This drop in murders is notable and important. Far fewer people died in Baltimore from gun violence last year compared to previous years, and these declines have continued into 2024—as of June, murders had declined by another 36%. 

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Our data analysis in Part Two noted that, due to population decline, the current drop in murders puts the city’s murder rate—people killed per 100,000at almost the exact same place it was in 1990. The use of that 300 number as a benchmark, as we explained in Part One, dates back to the early ’90s when the city first surpassed 300 murders per year, and also had a significantly higher population. When accounting for population decline, 1990’s 300 murders-per-year number is around 240 murders.

In 2024, Baltimore will likely have far fewer than even 240 homicides. At the end of June, Baltimore had recorded 89 homicides, which makes the city on track to endure fewer than 200 murders for the first time since 2011.

The mayor and others have already credited the one-year reduction to its Group Violence Reduction Strategy (GVRS) and other interrelated initiatives. But there is simply no way to look at one or two years of data and make any serious determinations as to what caused that decline—especially when violent crime is “dropping fast” nationwide. In 2024, homicides have declined at rates that are even more impressive than last year’s reductions. 

As we saw in the ’90s, New York City’s violence reduction was prematurely credited to “zero tolerance” policies. Within a couple of years, the supposed success of “zero tolerance” meant it was exported to cities such as Baltimore and New Orleans. While many scholars have since questioned if “zero tolerance” had much to do with crime reduction, the policy itself, which led to Baltimore police arresting hundreds of thousands for low-level crimes, inarguably caused irreparable harm—especially to Black communities.

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Data informs policy creation, so the data should be vetted. During our conversation with city employees who handle and publish data, they described themselves as “like Uber,” which is to say, they are a neutral transporter of data from one place to another. The police send Open Baltimore data and they post it, no questions asked.

So, returning to our initial question, why are arrests being removed from Open Baltimore? If part of this gap between Open Baltimore and UCR data is actually due to expungements, as police claimed, that still creates a problem in the data. An expungement does not mean the arrest did not occur. It means the person who was arrested went through the lengthy process of removing an arrest or charge from their personal criminal record in order to gain employment, rent an apartment, or apply for a loan. 

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If recorded arrests are leaving Open Baltimore because of expungements (or any other reason), police who provide data to Open Baltimore and Open Baltimore itself should account for the change by maintaining a record of removed arrests in the data provided to Open Baltimore. When someone consults Open Baltimore for arrest numbers, they reasonably assume they are getting a record of those arrests for that year, not how those numbers look currently, with arrests removed for reasons that Baltimore Police cannot adequately explain. 

With nearly 40% of arrests lacking location data and Open Baltimore’s removed arrests, the data contains too many unknowns. 

Past policies have been built upon incomplete and frequently flawed data. Data collection begins with fingers on a keyboard. Data-driven policies are only effective if the data collection and cleansing processes are logical, consistent, and thoroughly understood. Poor data collection, for example, can lead to sloppy data entry, which, in turn, leads to dirty data, which then, in turn, leads to potentially wildly inaccurate conclusions—and, therefore, faulty and ineffective policy decisions. 

Recent changes to data input methods and analysis—that is, changes in the system used to record and categorize this data—make comparisons between years much more difficult. This means residents, reporters, and other members of the public cannot easily fact check claims by city officials and law enforcement. 

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Cities sometimes change the methods they use to measure crime. In 2021, the FBI retired UCR and began using the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) instead. NIBRS categorizes data quite differently than UCR. This means that certain crimes may appear to increase or decrease as an effect of recording them in the NIBRS system, not because of a difference in the number. “This does not mean that crime has increased; it just means the way crimes are reported has changed,” Baltimore Police explain on their website

Recent changes to Baltimore’s police districts mean even short-term comparisons between years or areas of the city are going to be much more difficult. The redistricting of Baltimore’s police department’s districts—for the first time in over 50 years—makes it “impossible” to easily compare police metrics going forward. Indeed, at a Public Safety Committee hearing in late 2023, the data on homicides and nonfatal shootings by district that was presented simply stopped in early July because of redistricting. 

Data does not lie, but it often reveals inconvenient truths. But data can only be as truthful as it is complete and accurate. Interrogating the city’s publicly available data reveals ongoing and historic systemic flaws in collection and reporting to such an extent that it’s likely not possible to derive reliable or even usable conclusions from the information shared in the name of transparency.


Epilogue: ‘Excessive Force’

It was May 23 around 1PM when members of Baltimore Police Department’s District Action Team, looking for a robbery suspect, ran up on 24-year-old Jaemaun Joyner. Tackled by police, Joyner lay on his back on the pavement gasping, arms and legs pinned. One of the cops announced that Joyner reached for something. “I ain’t reaching for nothing,” Joyner screamed. “I can’t breathe.” 

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Police went through Joyner’s pockets. He asked what they were doing. That’s when Detective Connor Johnson grabbed Joyner by the throat and pressed his service weapon against Joyner’s temple. “He put something in my pocket! He put something in my pocket,” Joyner screamed over and over again with a gun to his head. 

Joyner was arrested on gun and drug charges.

Joyner’s lawyers said that a detective holding a gun to someone’s head was clearly an example of excessive force, and outside the bounds of anything acceptable by a police officer, especially one in a city under a consent decree. “I’ve read the consent decree and BPD policy, and nowhere does it say it’s reasonable for an officer to hold a gun to someone’s temple,” defense attorney Jessica Rubin told the Baltimore Banner. “Point blank, period. That’s the most egregious thing an officer can do.” 

Joyner’s lawyers stressed that the statement of probable cause—a police officer’s written and sworn description of an arrest—did not describe Johnson holding a gun to Joyner’s head at all.

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Had the stop not resulted in an arrest, there likely would have been no documentation of the incident.

The police report also suggested Joyner remained a suspect in the robbery even though the victim confirmed he was not involved. After spending 54 days in jail, Joyner was released— his charges dropped only after his lawyers showed the shocking body-worn camera footage to the Baltimore City State’s Attorney’s Office.

Johnson has made the news before. He was involved in a fatal shooting last year. Residents have complained about his questionable traffic stops and searches. His Internal Affairs summary, obtained by TRNN, shows a complaint marked “sustained” for failing to properly seatbelt someone who was arrested. 

In a moment when officials celebrate consent decree “milestones” such as proper seatbelting, Baltimore’s criminal defense attorneys see a department reverting to the very tactics that got the department investigated by the Department of Justice nearly a decade ago.

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“This is what we’ve been trying to get away from since Freddie Gray,” defense attorney Hunter Pruette told TRNN. “And they’re trying to walk it back. I think these are the same tactics that led us to the problem we had before.”

Baltimore police appear unconcerned. Police said they had been aware of the incident and saw no reason to suspend Johnson while it was being investigated. When Commissioner Daryl Worley was asked about the incident at a press conference, the 25-plus-year veteran of the department defended Johnson’s behavior.

“He was out there doing his job, in an area where we want him to be, and going after individuals with guns,” Worley said.

Earlier this month, the Baltimore City State’s Attorney’s Office announced they would not criminally charge Johnson for holding his service weapon to a restrained man’s head.

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This investigation was supported with funding from the Data-Driven Reporting Project. The Data-Driven Reporting Project is funded by the Google News Initiative in partnership with Northwestern University | Medill.

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Deconstructing Media Propaganda & Framing: War, the Unhoused

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Deconstructing Media Propaganda & Framing: War, the Unhoused

In the first segment, media scholars Robin Andersen, Nolan Higdon and Steve Macek come back on the show, this time to discuss their latest edited book, Censorship, Digital Media, and the Global Crackdown on Freedom of Expression. The recent upsurge in censorship is a global phenomenon taking many forms across the media spectrum, as well as in schools, universities and public spaces. We’ve seen physical assaults and legal restrictions on journalists, writers, intellectuals, scholars and much more, including record numbers of book bans and challenges. This book analyzes and evaluates the contemporary phenomenon of censorship in digital spaces, as well as in print, visual and legacy media.
Later in the show, co-hosts Eleanor Goldfield and Mickey Huff talk about a now debunked New York Times story about Hamas and rape from the October 7 attacks. They also discuss the importance of understanding the way unhoused people are framed in the corporate media. They discuss Eleanor’s recent piece at Truthout, and they talk about why it’s important to stop criminalizing the unhoused.

 

Notes:

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Robin Andersen is an author and Professor Emerita of Communications at Fordham University. She is a frequent contributor to FAIR, Al Jazeera, Project Censored and more. Steve Macek is Professor and Chair of Communications at North Central College in suburban Chicago, co-coordinator of Project Censored’s Campus Affiliates Program, and a long time Project contributor and judge. Nolan Higdon is an author, lecturer in Education at the University of California Santa Cruz campus, and Project Censored Judge. The three are the co-editors of Censorship, Digital Media, and the Global Crackdown on Freedom of Expression.

 

Video of the Interview with Eleanor Goldfield

 

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Below is a Rough Transcript of the Interview with Eleanor Goldfield

Please consider supporting our work at Patreon.com/ProjectCensored

Mickey Huff: Welcome back to the Project Censored Show on Pacifica Radio. I’m Mickey Huff.

In this segment, we are joined by my co host, Eleanor Goldfield, and we’ve done this before, so listeners of the program know that sometimes Eleanor and I join forces to talk about the state of our free press or the sordid state of our so called free press.

We also have a segment we’re going to talk about with Eleanor, a recent piece that she wrote for Truthout. It’s over at truthout.org on the unhoused crisis. And we’re going to talk a little bit more about 1 of the stories in top 25 and certainly hear from Eleanor about her experiences around this issue.

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But Eleanor, before we get into that, let’s talk a little about the state of the so called free press. There’s been a lot more reporting in the last week or so that is deconstructing the New York Times piece from late last year that was drumming up the Hamas rape story from the October 7 attacks.

That’s of course been challenged and debunked by numerous sources, including more recently, over at the Intercept. And, of course, our colleague Robin Andersen had written about this. We’ve addressed this before, but Eleanor Goldfield, your thoughts on some of what’s been coming out around these stories.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, so first, Mickey, I want to highlight to folks that sexual assault and rape are horrific war crimes that are used around the globe in times of war, but also in times of so called peace, and they are notoriously difficult to prove.

And this is also why, so disgustingly, they are sometimes used as false claims, because unlike, like, if somebody’s decapitated, it’s pretty easy to see that, right? It’s a very clear case. If somebody’s been sexually assaulted or raped, it’s difficult to prove, especially if that person then dies. It’s not like you can ask them what happened.

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Now, with the case of the claims of rape and sexual assault by Hamas on October 7th, as you pointed out, Mickey, several outlets covered this, including the GrayZone and Robin Andersen, who’s a frequent contributor to Project Censored. And The Intercept also published a piece just at the end of February, basically pulling together a lot of this in like a massive expose that’s a pretty long read, but an important one and it brings together, though without credit, it brings together insight about the reporting from others about this, and basically showing in a very clear cut way how the New York Times just made this up by using somebody who, and I’m not going to go into all the details because that would take four hours, but basically, a woman who went around to crisis and rape centers around Israel and tried to find evidence of rape and couldn’t.

And then basically they just made it up because they couldn’t find evidence of it, so they just made it up. And I just like to also highlight that this is coming from somebody who has himself pointed out that evidence is not important. And this is Jeffrey Gettleman, who’s a veteran reporter at the New York Times, and he said, this was a while ago, I believe, I can’t recall exactly when this was, but he was giving a speech about so called evidence and his relationship to it.

So he said, “I don’t want to use the word evidence because evidence is almost like a legal term that suggests you’re trying to prove an allegation or prove a case in court. That’s not my role. We all have our roles, and my role is to document, to present information, to give people a voice.”

And he says, “with regards to the claims, we found information along the entire chain of violence, so of sexual violence.”

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Which, no you didn’t, Gettleman.

Mickey Huff: Isn’t this a Pulitzer Prize winner at the Times?

Eleanor Goldfield: I’m not sure. I know that he helped the New York Times win a Polk Award.

Mickey Huff: Hmm. Yeah. I mean, Gettleman, I mean, again, being one of the lead authors here, they brought in two other writers and it’s turned out that there’s been some other issues with these people.

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Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah. I mean, but that’s, that’s the New York Times, right?

Mickey Huff: Having no experience in journalism, having no real background, having connections to, I mean, and it’s a bizarre story.

Eleanor Goldfield: Gettleman literally worked with a woman, Schwartz is her last name, who told, in a podcast interview, explained her extensive efforts to get confirmation from Israeli hospitals, rape crisis centers, trauma recovery facilities, and sexual assault hotlines in Israel. And didn’t get a single confirmation from one of them.

And these are Israeli rape crisis centers and trauma centers. Like, these are not like anti-Zionist rape centers. You’re working with a woman who admitted that she didn’t find evidence. And Gettleman’s like, well, look, evidence is not what we do here. That’s not my job.

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It’s like, well, I agree. That’s obviously not your job. But how dare you then print it in the New York Times when you clearly are suggesting that you have the evidence?

Mickey Huff: Well, Eleanor, this isn’t new for the New York Times. I mean, you know, they’ve hired people before that have just made things up whole cloth, Jason Blair.

They have contributed to the cottage industry known as Russiagate in recent years, along with MSNBC and others and going back far enough over 20 years, they were the ones with Judy Miller, flogging the nonsensical weapons of mass destruction story over and over and over again and, you know, the atrocity propaganda, or it’s almost atrocity porn at some point, the way the media tries to cover these issues and cover up reality in the process goes back, it’s age old.

Over 100 years ago the U. S. government under the Creel Commission and the committee of public information was spreading wild this information around the U.S. public about Germans ripping the arms off of Belgian babies to get into the war. And, you know, we saw similar things in the Cold War, in Vietnam. We certainly have seen it over 1989/90. We can’t forget when Naira, the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador, was coached by a U.S. public relations firm, Hill Knowlton, to lie to Congress about babies being thrown out of incubators that George Herbert Walker Bush then repeated endlessly to justify support for that invasion, the first Gulf War, where we killed untold numbers of Iraqis, the highway of death.

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You know, again, more mis- and disinformation being deliberately planted into the press. We then see it again around well, again, there’s too numerous to mention, but we’re back to the WMD trajectory. Here we are now October 7, turns out that Israel was aware that there were warnings of the attacks as much as a year in advance, and in fact, it looks as though that there have been concerted efforts to really spin yarns and create this narrative whole cloth, with what it seems like no evidence, which is where you just ended your last point, Eleanor Goldfield.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, absolutely. And I’d also like to point out, Mickey, that headlines in the New York Times and all the other legacy media have harped on the hostages, the hostages that were taken by Hamas and how they’re treated. But nobody talks about the prisoners, a. k. a. hostages that Israel has had in jails for decades, including children. Hostages who have also been tortured and raped by Israeli forces, and there is documentation of that going back years. UNRWA, the U.N. agency for Palestinian refugees has documented this very well, as well as a lot of news outlets across years.

Where’s the New York Times on that? If you care so much about sexual assault and rape, if that’s really your goal to document that, then where are you on that, Gettleman and the New York Times?

Mickey Huff: Well, again, it’s very selective, right? It’s very one sided. It really smacks in a lot of ways of, it’s okay when we or our allies do it, which is unfortunate. It’s a very unfortunate moment for journalism, for the New York Times, in my view. It’s an embarrassing situation.

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Fortunately, there have been many people taking notice of it, Robin Andersen being one. Of course, it’s good to see the Intercept piece, but of course, there have been people at Grayzone and other places that have been rightfully deconstructing this piece.

We’ve yet to see, of course, what will happen at the Times, but we won’t hold our breath about what the alleged paper of record and the old gray lady will do about reporting such propaganda.

Eleanor Goldfield, let’s shift gears at this point. You recently wrote a piece for Truthout.org titled, I’ve been unhoused. It could happen to you. Let’s stop criminalizing it: the push to criminalize the unhoused should be treated as a threat to us all.

And here, of course, we live in basically a glorified real estate company, an investment bank called the United States where even people of great means find themselves struggling to make ends meet with exorbitant rents and real estate market prices and interest rates, oh my.

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And one of the stories we did this past year in Censored 2024. On the list, nearly half of unhoused people are employed. I just wanted to segue, you know, and hear about the piece that you recently wrote, but I just wanted to give a little background on this for our listeners in case they were unaware.

According to the National Alliance to End Homelessness, from September of 2022 drawing on a study produced by the Becker Friedman Institute for Economics at the University of Chicago, it’s reported that 53 percent of sheltered unhoused population and 40 percent of the unsheltered unhoused population were employed either part or full time from 2011 to 2018.

Again, the point of this is that it’s showing the way in which the unhoused and homelessness and these things are often depicted in the corporate media are it’s a blight. And of course, out here on the left coast in the San Francisco Bay area, it’s shown as this is the collapse of our civilization. In San Francisco the homelessness is running amok and it’s destroying all the nice things and so forth.

These people that are unhoused again, a majority of these people have had places to live. They face, once you get into a situation, and you’ll talk about this, I’m sure, Eleanor, once one gets into a situation where they’re this economically unstable, it becomes almost impossible to get back to some place of stability, to get in to not just shelter, but get into a home and try to reconstruct

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So, that was story 21, and of course our listeners can go and check that out online if they want. But Eleanor, let’s segue to your piece from Truthout. Can you talk a little bit about this because you also wrote this partially from a first person perspective, to ground this in a very staunch reality, Eleanor Goldfield.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, thanks, Mickey. What I wanted to do with this piece was connect issues. It’s a big thing that I really like to try to do: recognize how all of these things are interlocking forms of oppression. And I think that to start here, it’s to recognize that everybody listening to this or everybody who reads that article is one or two emergencies away from being unhoused unless you’re like a trust fund kid, in which case Mazel Tov. But, most people are one or two, because there’s no safety net.

You can call it whatever you want. There’s no, there’s nothing to fall back on. If you have medical bills, you know, 85 percent of people who went bankrupt back in 2015 due to medical expenses had insurance. So it’s like even when you pay exorbitant insurance fees, there’s nothing to fall back on.

So I think it’s also important to recognize that the reasons that people become unhoused cannot be separated from the systems of capitalism, of racism, of sexism, of colonialism, of all of these interlocking aspects of oppression. And so, you know, for me personally, I became unhoused because the situation that I had set up before I moved to LA became unsafe.

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And then I couldn’t find anything that I could, A, afford, or B, wanted to step into because, wow, if I had a nickel for every bananas situation that I found on Craigslist, that’s how we did it back in the day, of people who were willing to have me as their housemate, I mean, I’d be a trust fund kid.

So, there were these interlocking reasons that created this, the reasons for why I became unhoused in 2005. And a lot of this also has to do with the accessibility of things like shelters in LA in particular, but this is not unusual. It’s nearly impossible to get into a shelter.

And also if you have any kind of issues, whether that be mental health issues, addiction issues, it’s even more inaccessible. You have to be like this perfect, the perfect unhoused person, which, what does that even mean? So these things are all connected in a myriad ways.

And this connects to things like the criminalization of homelessness, of course, which is something that’s ramping up in this country. And I wanted to show people that this is something that affects you as well, because the criminalization of the unhoused, it’s kind of like the “first they came for” aspect, you know, and if they are criminalizing people for trying to survive in the failing empire, a failing capitalist empire, where does that put any of us?

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Our tenuous relationship to housing is therefore also a tenuous relationship to legality, and that’s something that we have to reckon with.

Mickey Huff: And Eleanor, you write in the piece, and this is, you know, contextually very important to, to note, and you said, even if you have housing now, you are still likely only one or two emergencies away from being unhoused, like you were just saying.

In the richest country in the world, where 16 million homes sit vacant while on any given day, Some 650,000 Americans are unhoused, record numbers, you write. And housing is unaffordable to half of all renters in the United States. Seems that we’re on shaky ground.

You do go on to talk about more criminalization of houselessness, cash bail funds, other ways in which houselessness has been criminalized, the way in which we see public spaces transformed as exclusionary, or somehow, merely sitting on a bench or trying to take a break somewhere in public is verboten and we’re putting spikes on chairs and things.

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I mean it’s absolutely lunacy the degree to which this has gone, and I think it’s important to contextually frame it the way in which you did, that this is something that actually affects way more people than we think, and it has the potential to affect half or more of people living in places like the US, if there is some unforeseen calamity or tragedy that strikes, and they do. People die, people get sick, people lose jobs, I mean, this is all a pretty normal part of life.

Eleanor, can you address a couple other things from the piece, particularly, if you want to get into any of the other legal issues or particularly maybe some things that you suggest that people might do to raise awareness around this or what are things people can do in their own communities to address these mounting concerns and problems?

Eleanor Goldfield: Sure. Well, Mickey, I think the important thing to notice is that the solutions to this are the solutions that everybody needs, you know, universal health care, make housing accessible and affordable. And if people need housing and can’t pay for it, they deserve a house. I mean, there are way more empty homes in this country than there are unhoused people. It’s not difficult to house them. And then make sure that there’s accessible services to the people who require them, whether that be physical services, mental health services, what have you.

And so the idea that the solutions to the unhoused are something completely different because they’re a different species is like part of the propagandization of how we look at the unhoused in this country. And I think in terms of addressing it wherever you live, because there are unhoused people everywhere, it really starts with something, and I feel like it almost feels trite saying this, but recognize the humanity in unhoused people. And recognize ways to address, if you can’t address the root causes, because most people can’t really build a shelter that has access to mental health care and physical health care programs, address some of the issues that you can, you know, whether that’s food not bombs, or whether that’s ensuring that people might have a place to sit, if you live in places that get really cold, make sure that people have supplies.

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This is what mutual aid has done and will continue to do as the empire continues to fall and more and more people become unhoused. Be one of these civilian reporters who documents this. You know, it’s kind of like cop watching. Watch these homeless sweeps and see if your presence there might not keep people from being moved, or at the very least stop them from being brutalized, because that can have that effect.

So I think just like with any other issue, it’s paying attention, and then what does that attention move you to do? Just like on this show, it’s like the news that doesn’t make the news, and why, and then what does that, what does that push us to do in terms of acting on this information that we then have?

Because anybody who has the information of what’s really going on, Mickey, I think will feel moved to act. And, of course, that’s the importance of media literacy and really seeing what’s going on in the world.

Mickey Huff: You know, Eleanor, great points. And, a good note to sort of wrap on. You have a note at the end of the piece that I think is really important because when teaching, you know, sometimes students ask questions about the language we use, right?

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And, when they’re used to seeing an issue framed a certain way in, in the establishment press, the homelessness crisis or how it’s attached to all these other bad blight things in urban areas and so forth, the way that it’s stereotyped, you have a clarifying point that talks about why the term unhoused is used versus homelessness.

Can you address that? Because it’s, I think it’s a significant way of trying to get people to think about things outside the corporate frame through which you know, again, we’re back to the United States of Realtors. That frame, that’s just almost automatically accepted. And in this way, by kind of reclaiming the language and talking about the term unhoused, you’re actually calling attention to something.

Could you talk about that briefly?

Eleanor Goldfield: Sure. Yeah. I mean, as you mentioned, Mickey, the language that we use is hugely important because it shapes the way that we think about things. The term unhoused refers to, it emphasizes that those who live on the streets or in their cars do not necessarily lack a connection to place.

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And this has been used in particular with Indigenous communities. They are at home in this land and on this land. They do not lack a home. They lack shelter. People also use the term unsheltered because what’s really lacking here is a house, a shelter, something material that the system has an obligation to provide if the system were worth anything.

But homelessness suggests like, Oh, these people just don’t have a home. They’re wanderers, you know, like the old fashioned term tramp. Like they’re just wandering and they’ve got the little stick with the pack on it.

Mickey Huff: But Eleanor, they have cars and phones.

Eleanor Goldfield: Right. Right. And that’s the other thing. It’s like this Oliver twist perspective. So when they, when people see an unhoused person with a phone or with a car, they’re like, you’re doing fine. And it’s It’s like, no, I never said I don’t have a phone. I said I don’t have shelter.

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And so it’s really recognizing the myriad ways in which people who are unhoused present in our communities in our modern day age. So it’s not Oliver Twist.

And also then recognizing that the way we use the language unhoused means that the obligation to fix it lies on the system and in the system as opposed to homelessness, which just sounds kind of like hippie dippy wanderer.

Mickey Huff: Yeah, well, or the Oliver twisted logic that if only millennials and Gen Z people would lay off the lattes and avocado toast, they too could buy an exorbitantly priced house.

But I think that that’s important to call out is that I think that there is a stigma around the entire topic. And I think that the language what you just pointed out is significant. It’s important that we understand the language, that we employ the language and I mean, it goes way back, you know, going back even to the to the depression or sooner.

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Jacob Reese wrote how the other half lives, et cetera. It seems like that there’s this, this uncanny belief among many working folks, even the middle class that they’re just one break away from being the boss and the millionaire when the clear reality starkly is that they’re actually just one crisis away from having some really serious challenges and, you know, the corporate media really helps further that kind of mythology and they really help bury it by talking about it. And they use it as a meth mechanism of fear, right? That, you know, you better go back to that job you hate, you better go and put up with oppression and being mistreated because you don’t want to be that blight or that issue or that problem, right. We can’t even bring ourselves in the corporate media to talk about it, people who are unhoused as human beings, and that I think is like really what’s at the root of the problem.

Eleanor Goldfield: Absolutely.

Mickey Huff: Eleanor Goldfield, that about will wrap it for the segment here. It’s always great to talk with you, co host to co host about these issues. Do you want to share with our listeners again where, where they can find more of your work?

Your recent article is at truthout.org, but they can also follow you at…

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Eleanor Goldfield: All of my work, including links to this show in case you need a reminder are up at artkillingapathy.com.

Mickey Huff: Right on. Thanks so much, Eleanor Goldfield. For the Project Censored Show, I’m Mickey Huff. To learn more, you can go to projectcensored.org and we’ll see you next time.

If you enjoyed the show, please consider becoming a patron at Patreon.com/ProjectCensored

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EU tech regulation gives Brexit Britain an opening

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Banker all-nighters create productivity paradox

Martin Wolf (Opinion, September 25) makes some astute observations about the EU and the regulatory effects it has on the technology sector. Arguably, this is a self-induced regulatory purgatory with significant negative consequences for growth and prosperity.

This is best demonstrated by regulations around artificial intelligence introduced by the Digital Markets Act — described by one commentator as helping to ensure the bloc is confined to the digital stone age. The geostrategic economic effects that are now in play will further hinder the EU’s competitiveness in all things technology related, with China, the US and, dare I say it, the UK being more agile and fleet of foot.

Until such time the EU recognises that it is within its own gift to reduce the regulatory burden on itself, it will increasingly become less relevant to its citizens and member states. Is this another Brexit dividend in the making?

John M Jones
London N19, UK

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Pretty Wetherspoons in former ‘super cinema’ named one of the UK’s best pubs by CAMRA

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The Savoy has been named one of the UK's best pubs

A WETHERSPOONS pub had made the shortlist for the UK’s best pubs.

The Savoy in Swindon has been shortlisted in The Campaign for Real Ale’s (CAMRA’s) Good Beer Guide 2025.

The Savoy has been named one of the UK's best pubs

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The Savoy has been named one of the UK’s best pubsCredit: Wetherspoons
CAMRA praised the Wetherspoons for its long bar

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CAMRA praised the Wetherspoons for its long barCredit: Wetherspoons
The pub converted the ground floor of an old cinema

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The pub converted the ground floor of an old cinemaCredit: Wetherspoons

The annual guide looks at thousands of pubs across the UK, with hundreds making the shortlist.

And the Swindon Wetherspoons has made the shortlist.

Also the oldest Wetherspoons in Swindon, The Savoy is in a former cinema built in the mid 1930s.

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The ‘super cinema’ seated as many as 2,000 people, with showings including the “best films across Britain and America” as well as stage shows and cinema clubs.

Read more on Wetherspoons

The Art Deco cinema sadly closed in 1991, before being converted to the Wetherspoons under the same name in 1996.

Not many of the original cinema features have remained in tact.

The pretty exterior has been restored, with the large billboards and double doors on the front.

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Only the ground floor remains, although the pub has beautiful curved bookcases lining the main drinking area as well as vintage movie posters on the walls.

And like most Wetherspoons, it also has arcade machines and the classic Spoons carpet.

According to CAMRA: “The long bar has a very large selection of well-kept beers.

One of the UK’s prettiest Wetherspoons is in an up-and-coming seaside town

“The atmosphere is friendly and it is close to theatre, cinema, restaurants and shopping.”

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It’s ranked highly with previous punters too, with many giving it five stars for great service as well as being cosy and spacious.

One said: “The food was excellent one of the best Wetherspoons I have been to.”

A second wrote: “One of the better Wetherspoon spots! The staff are exceptional and truly deserve 5 stars for their service.”

Someone else agreed: “This is a great Wetherspoons, it’s in an old cinema and has loads of character.”

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Another simply said it was their “favourite Swindon pub”.

Inside is the classic Wetherspoons carpet as well as vintage movie posters and bookcases

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Inside is the classic Wetherspoons carpet as well as vintage movie posters and bookcasesCredit: Wetherspoons

It’s not the only amazing Wetherspoons pub to visit in the UK.

The Samuel Peto in Folkestone is one of the prettier Spoons pubs, built in a former church.

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Harrogate’s The Winter Gardens , built in the former Royal Baths, has been named one of the most beautiful in the country.

We also went down to the biggest Wetherspoons in the world.

How can I save money at Wetherspoons?

FREE refills – Buy a £1.50 tea, coffee or hot chocolate and you can get free refills. The deal is available all day, every day.

Check a map – Prices can vary from one location the next, even those close to each other.

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So if you’re planning a pint at a Spoons, it’s worth popping in nearby pubs to see if you’re settling in at the cheapest.

Choose your day – Each night the pub chain runs certain food theme nights.

For instance, every Thursday night is curry club, where diners can get a main meal and a drink for a set price cheaper than usual.

Pick-up vouchers – Students can often pick up voucher books in their local near universities, which offer discounts on food and drink, so keep your eyes peeled.

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Get appy – The Wetherspoons app allows you to order and pay for your drink and food from your table – but you don’t need to be in the pub to use it. 

Taking full advantage of this, cheeky customers have used social media to ask their friends and family to order them drinks. The app is free to download on the App Store or Google Play.

Check the date – Every year, Spoons holds its Tax Equality Day to highlight the benefits of a permanently reduced tax bill for the pub industry.

It usually takes place in September, and last year it fell on Thursday, September 14.

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As well as its 12-day Real Ale Festival every Autumn, Wetherspoons also holds a Spring Festival.

Victoria Pavilion is found in the seaside town of Ramsgate – and its right on the beach.

And a new Wetherspoons hotel with a “tower suite” is set to open in an English seaside town soon.

Previous drinkers have praised the Swindon pub for great service and cosiness

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Previous drinkers have praised the Swindon pub for great service and cosinessCredit: Wetherspoons

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Pete Rose, Baseball’s Banned Legend, Dies at 83

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Pete Rose, Baseball’s Banned Legend, Dies at 83

LeBron James broke the NBA’s all-time scoring record back in February of 2023, surpassing Kareem Abdul-Jabbar on the all-time list: James now has 40,747 points and counting. 

Imagine, less than a handful a years from now, LeBron was banned from basketball for life.

It’s ludicrous.

Lionel Messi has scored 841 goals for club and country, while captivating America with his exploits upon arrival in Miami last summer. He’s won a World Cup, a pair of Copa América’s and double-digit league championships.

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Imagine that by 2028, Messi was gone from his game. 

Also unimaginable. But for the generations who did not grow up in the era of Pete Rose, baseball’s all-time hits leader who died, at 83, on Monday, the Clark County (Nev.) Medical Examiner’s Officer confirmed to TIME, it’s perhaps some helpful perspective. Rose’s 1985 ascendance past Ty Cobb on the career hit list, at a time when baseball—much like basketball and soccer today—produced players and moments that permeated American culture, probably generated more awe and mass reflection than even James’ passing of Abdul-Jabbar in points.

Pete Rose Batting -- Light Flash In Back
The spotlight is on Pete Rose as he connects for hit 4,192 and a new baseball career hit record, in Cincinnati, Ohio, on Sept. 11, 1985.
Bettmann Archive/Getty Images

Which made Rose’s downfall, due to a betting scandal that drove the news cycle—such as it was back in the summer of 1989—that much more monumental. Rose’s gambling got him banned from baseball for life that year. And despite so many fits and starts over the years, he never really got back in.

For years after the 1989 investigation that found that Rose, while playing for and managing the Cincinnati Reds, had placed bets on baseball, he denied ever doing so. He and former commissioner A. Bartlett Giamatti signed a deal in which Rose agreed to the lifetime ban, in exchange for Major League Baseball declining to make a formal determination on whether or not he gambled on the game. Giamatti died on Sept. 1, 1989, a week after the deal was struck. Rose also spent five months in prison after pleading to tax evasion charges in 1990.

Rose finally admitted to betting on baseball as manager in his 2004 autobiography, though he denied ever betting against the Reds and manipulating the outcome of a game. But his lies ultimately kept him out of the Hall of Fame, still a sore spot for baseball fans who believe a player’s on-field accomplishments alone deserve recognition. In 2015, Rose made a request for reinstatement: MLB commissioner Rob Manfred turned him down, after Rose claimed he couldn’t remember investigative evidence pointing to his betting as a player in 1985 and 1986, years when Rose was a player-manager for the Reds. “Mr. Rose’s public and private comments … provide me with little confidence that he has a mature understanding of his wrongful conduct, that he has accepted full responsibility for it, or that he understands the damage he has caused,” Manfred wrote.

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Betting was a cardinal sin in baseball ever since the Black Sox scandal of 1919, when Chicago White Sox players like “Shoeless” Joe Jackson were accused of fixing games in return for payments. Today, sports gambling pervades baseball and other leagues: FanDuel, for example, is an official sports betting partner of Major League Baseball. Yet, although American sport has embraced gambling, Rule 21 still holds in baseball: “Any player, umpire or club or league official or employee who shall bet any sum whatsoever upon any baseball game in connection with which the bettor has a duty to perform shall be declared permanently ineligible.” A fan can bet on baseball where it’s legal. A person in Rose’s position couldn’t do it then, and can’t now.

Cincinnati Reds v Pittsburgh Pirates
Pete Rose of the Cincinnati Reds looks on from near the dugout during a game against the Pittsburgh Pirates at Three Rivers Stadium in Pittsburgh, Pa., in 1987.George Gojkovich—Getty Images

The last three-plus decades were a cruel final chapter for a man who breathed baseball. “I’d walk through hell in a gasoline suit to play baseball,” he once said. Growing up in Cincinnati, Rose had no backup plan: he was going to be a pro ballplayer. That he made it for his hometown team only added to his allure. Rose was the MLB Rookie of the Year in 1963 and he won three World Series titles, back-to-back championships with Cincinnati’s “Big Red Machine” in 1975-76 and another while playing first base for the Philadelphia Phillies in 1980. He played for 24 seasons, and is also baseball’s all-time leader in at-bats and games played.

During his 1973 MVP season, when he played left field for the Reds, Rose had a career-high 230 hits, and topped the National League with a .338 batting average. His aggressive style of play—the head first slides, the sprinting to first base on walks—earned him the nickname “Charlie Hustle.” He barrelled over Cleveland catcher Ray Fosse during a home-plate collision at the 1970 All-Star Game, separating and fracturing Fosse’s shoulder. No matter that the All-Star game was a meaningless exhibition. Rose never apologized to Fosse, whose career was never the same, for the incident.

Post-baseball, Rose made a living in Las Vegas signing autographs. News of his death broke around the time both the New York Mets and Atlanta Braves were celebrating clinching playoff spots, together, at Truist Park in Atlanta. New York’s thrilling 8-7 victory over Atlanta in the first game of a doubleheader, which needed to be played to make up games postponed due to Hurricane Helene last week, sent the Mets to the playoffs. Then the Braves won the second game, also securing a postseason spot.

It was a celebratory day for America’s pastime, saddened by the passing of an all-time great who, if not for stubbornness and sins, deserved a celebration of his own.

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Britain’s last coal-fired plant closes after 142 years

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Britain’s last coal-fired plant closes after 142 years

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The ‘mastermind’ behind India’s biggest jailbreak

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The 'mastermind' behind India's biggest jailbreak
Swastik pal Ajay KanuSwastik pal

Kanu was the mastermind of the mass jailbreak, Indian police allege

On a quiet Sunday evening in November 2005, a journalist in India’s Bihar state received a panicked phone call at home.

“The Maoists have attacked the prison. People are being killed! I’m hiding in the toilet,” an inmate gasped into the mobile phone, his voice trembling. The sound of gunshots echoed in the background.

He was calling from a jail in Jehanabad, a poverty-stricken district and, at the time, a stronghold of left-wing extremism.

The crumbling, red-brick, colonial-era prison overflowed with inmates. Spread across an acre, its 13 barracks and cells were described in official reports as “dark, damp, and filthy”. Originally designed for around 230, it held up to 800 prisoners.

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The Maoist insurgency, which began in Naxalbari, a hamlet in West Bengal state in the late 1960s, had spread to large parts of India, including Bihar. For nearly 60 years, the guerrillas – also called Naxalites – have fought the Indian state to establish a communist society, the movement claiming at least 40,000 lives.

The Jehanabad prison was a powder keg, housing Maoists alongside their class enemies – vigilantes from upper caste Hindu private armies. All awaited trial for mutual atrocities. Like many Indian prisons, some inmates had access to mobile phones, secured through bribing the guards.

“The place is swarming with rebels. Many are simply walking out,” the inmate – one of the 659 prisoners at the time – whispered to Mr Singh.

On the night of 13 November 2005, 389 prisoners, including many rebels, escaped from Jehanabad prison in what became India’s – and possibly Asia’s – largest jailbreak. At least two people were killed in the prison shootout, and police rifles were looted amid the chaos. The United States Department of State’s 2005 report on terrorism said the rebels had even “abducted 30 inmates” who were members of an anti-Maoist group.

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Prashant Ravi Jehanabad jailPrashant Ravi

The morning after the Jehanabad jailbreak – the prison has since been demolished

In a tantalising twist, police said the “mastermind” of the jail break was Ajay Kanu, a fiery rebel leader who was among the prisoners. Security was so lax in the decrepit prison that Kanu stayed in contact with his outlawed group on the phone and through messages, helping them come in, police alleged. Kanu says this is not true.

Hundreds of rebels wearing police uniforms had crossed a drying stream behind the prison, climbed up and down the tall walls using bamboo ladders and crawled in, opening fire from their rifles.

The cells were open as food was being cooked late in the kitchen. The rebels walked to the main gates and opened them. Guards on duty looked on helplessly. Prisoners – only 30 of the escapees were convicts, while the rest were awaiting trial – escaped by simply walking out of the gates, and disappeared into the darkness. It was all over in less than an hour, eyewitnesses said.

The mass jail break exposed the crumbling law and order in Bihar and the intensifying Maoist insurgency in one of India’s most impoverished regions. The rebels had timed their plan perfectly: security was stretched thin due to the ongoing state elections.

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AFP : An Indian soldier take positions near a jail in Jehanabad, some 45 kilometres south of Patna in the eastern Indian state of Bihar, 13 November 2005.AFP

Police taking positions near the Jehanabad jail on the night of the incident

Rajkumar Singh, the local journalist, remembers the night vividly.

After getting the phone call, he rode his motorbike through a deserted town, trying to reach his office. He remembers the air was thick with gunshots ringing in the distance. The invading rebels were also trying to attack a neighbouring police station.

As he turned onto the main road, dim streetlights revealed a chilling sight – dozens of armed men and women in police uniforms blocking the way, shouting through a megaphone.

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“We are Maoists,” they declared. “We’re not against the people, only the government. The jailbreak is part of our protest.”

The rebels had planted bombs along the road. Some were already detonating, collapsing nearby shops and spreading fear through the town.

Mr Singh says he pressed on, reaching his fourth-floor office, where he received a second call from the same prisoner.

“Everyone’s running. What should I do?,” the inmate said.

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“If everyone’s escaping, you should too,” Mr Singh said.

Then he rode to the prison through the eerily empty streets. When he reached, he found the gates open. Rice pudding was strewn all over the kitchen, the cell doors were ajar. There was no jailor or policeman in sight.

In a room, two wounded policemen lay on the floor. Mr Singh says he also saw the bloodied body of Bade Sharma, the leader of the feared upper caste vigilante army of landlords called Ranvir Sena and a prisoner himself, lying on the floor. The police later said the rebels had shot him while leaving.

Lying on the floor and stuck to the walls were blood-stained handwritten pamphlets left behind by the rebels.

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“Through this symbolic action, we want to warn the state and central governments that if they arrest the revolutionaries and the struggling people and keep them in jail, then we also know how to free them from jail in a Marxist revolutionary way,” one pamphlet said.

Prashant Ravi JehanabadPrashant Ravi

The invading rebels left behind a number of pamphlets when they left the prison

A few months ago, I met Kanu, the 57-year-old rebel leader the police accuse of masterminding the jailbreak, in Patna, Bihar’s chaotic capital.

At the time of the incident, media reports painted him as “Bihar’s most wanted”, a figure commanding both fear and respect from the police.

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Officers recounted how the rebel “commander” instantly took control during the prison break once he was handed an AK-47 by his comrades.

In a dramatic turn, the reports said, he “expertly” handled the weapon, swiftly changing magazines before allegedly targeting and shooting Sharma. Fifteen months later, in February 2007, Kanu was arrested from a railway platform while he was travelling from Dhanbad in Bihar to the city of Kolkata.

Almost two decades later, Kanu has been acquitted in all but six of the original 45 criminal cases against him. Most of the cases stem from the jailbreak, including that of the murder of Sharma. He has served seven years in prison for one of the cases.

Despite his fearsome reputation, Kanu is unexpectedly talkative. He speaks in sharp, measured bursts, downplaying his role in the mass escape that made headlines. Now, this once-feared rebel is subtly shifting his gaze toward a different battle – a career in politics, “fighting for poor, backward castes”.

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As a child, Kanu spent his days and nights listening to stories from his lower-caste farmer father about Communist uprisings in Russia, China, and Indonesia. By eighth grade, his father’s comrades were urging him to embrace revolutionary politics. He says his defiance took root early – after scoring a goal against the local landlord’s son in a football match, armed upper-caste men stormed their home.

“I locked myself inside,” he recalls. “They came for me and my sister, ransacking the house, destroying everything. That’s how the upper castes kept us in check -through fear.”

Swastik Pal Ajay KanuSwastik Pal

Kanu is now eyeing a career in politics to protest against ‘upper caste exploitation’

In college, while studying political science, Kanu ironically led the student wing of the Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has waged a war against Maoism. After graduation, he co-founded a school, only to be forced out by the owner of the building. Upon returning to his village, tensions with the local landlord escalated. When a local strongman was murdered, Kanu, just 23, was named in the police complaint – and he went into hiding.

“Since then I have been on the run, most of my life. I left home early to mobilise workers and farmers, joined and went underground as a Maoist rebel,” he said. He joined the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), a radical communist group.

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“My profession was liberation – the liberation of the poor. It was about standing up against the atrocities of the upper castes. I fought for those enduring injustice and oppression.”

In August 2002, with a feared reputation as a rebel leader and a three million rupees bounty on his head – an incentive for people to report his whereabouts if they spotted him – Kanu was on his way to meet underground leaders and plan new strategies.

He was about to reach his destination in Patna when a car overtook him at a busy intersection. “Within moments, men in plainclothes jumped out, guns drawn, ordering me to surrender. I didn’t resist – I gave up,” he said.

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AFP JEHANABAD, INDIA: Indian villagers carry weapons in Jehanabad, 17 April 2004 some 70 kms south of Patna. Illegal gunmakers flourish in the lawless eastern Indian state of Bihar, where capturing polling booths and vote rigging are time-honoured traditions each election day. AFP

Villagers in Jehanabad carrying guns in 2004 – the district was a hotbed of Maoists during the time

Over the next three years, Kanu was shuffled between jails as police feared his escape. “He had a remarkable reputation, the sharpest of them all,” a senior officer told me. In each jail, Kanu says he formed prisoner unions to protest against corruption – stolen rations, poor healthcare, bribery. In one prison, he led a three-day hunger strike. “There were clashes,” he says, “but I kept demanding better conditions”.

Kanu paints a stark picture of the overcrowding in Indian prisons, describing Jehanabad, which held more than double its intended capacity.

“There was no place to sleep. In my first barrack, 180 prisoners were crammed into a space meant for just 40. We devised a system to survive. Fifty of us would sleep for four hours while the others sat, waiting and chatting in the dark. When the four hours were up, another group would take their turn. That’s how we endured life inside those walls.”

In 2005, Kanu escaped during the infamous jailbreak.

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“We were waiting for dinner when gunfire erupted. Bombs, bullets – it was chaos,” he recalls. “The Maoists stormed in, yelling for us to flee. Everyone ran into the darkness. Should I have stayed behind and been killed?”

Many doubt the simplicity of Kanu’s claims.

“It wasn’t as simple as he makes it sound,” said a police officer. “Why was dinner being prepared late in the evening when it was usually cooked and served at dusk, with the cells locked up early? That alone raised suspicions of inside collusion.”

Interestingly many of of the prisoners who escaped were back in jail by mid-December – some voluntarily, others not. None of the rebels returned.

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When I asked Kanu whether he masterminded the escape, he smiled. “The Maoists freed us – it’s their job to liberate,” he said.

But when pressed again, Kanu fell silent.

The irony deepened as he finally shared a story from prison.

A police officer had once asked him if he was planning another escape.

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“Sir, does a thief ever tell you what he’s going to steal?” Kanu replied wryly.

His words hung in the air, coming from a man who insists he had no part in planning the jailbreak.

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