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FCC Regulators Play the Shell Game with Broadcasters

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FCC Regulators Play the Shell Game with Broadcasters

By Sue Wilson (Special Guest Writer for Project Censored’s Dispatches on Media and Politics)

THE AIR BELONGS TO US – But they’re trying to take it away

Media. Everybody is screaming about the media. Who we love, who we hate, who owns it, who uses it fairly, who outright lies to pander to audiences. Sometimes it feels like the media owns us. Still, there is a part of media that We the People actually own—broadcasting.

Say what? We own broadcast media? Yes, we do. But, about 450 pages of documents recently released under the Freedom of Information Act prove that forces within the Federal Government itself are blocking our right, as the lawful owners of the “Public Airwaves,” to reputable information.

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This is important because our local news landscapes are turning into news deserts. Newspapers are closing; online news proliferates, but trends toward national, not local coverage.

Still, anyone with enough capital can start a news organization. Rent an office, hire a reporting and editing staff, get those presses rolling or post online, and sell advertising. You technically could have one local newspaper in your town, or you could have fifty. You may need more money than God, but by God, you can do it. (Think of the far-right Epoch Times, which John Tang started out of his basement.)

Broadcasting is the opposite. One TV market (which could encompass several towns) has only a few TV and radio stations because TV and radio physically broadcast signals over our air. And there are only so many frequencies available in our air (the same air we all breathe). Congress enacted laws establishing that We the People are the legal owners of those airwaves.

In the earliest days, one frequency would bump up against another, causing interference with others’ signals. (We experience that when driving across the country and suddenly hearing our radio change to a different station.) To prevent chaos in the fledgling industry, Congress and broadcasters created the Radio Act of 1927 to ensure all station signals had specific boundaries in pre-approved coverage areas. And since the airwaves belong to the public, they decided those frequencies must be licensed for use by broadcasters. This early Act also required that license holders must consider “public interest, convenience, or necessity” in broadcasting decisions.

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These license holders incorrectly call themselves “broadcast owners.” The only thing they own are the buildings and equipment needed to physically broadcast over our air. Much as we are licensed to drive on our public highways, broadcasters are licensed to broadcast over our public airwaves. Just as we must follow the rules of the road or risk losing our driver’s licenses, broadcasters must follow the Federal Communications Commission’s rules of the road or risk losing their broadcast licenses.

At least, that’s the way it’s supposed to work.

In 1934, Congress passed the Communications Act (since updated by the Telecommunications Act of 1996). This Act established the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to create and enforce rules for how broadcasters must operate under their licenses. The President appoints five Commissioners to head the FCC. They vote on which general rules are to be in place, while Bureaus within the FCC work directly with broadcasters on the details.

Beyond the aforementioned “public interest” standard, the law requires that broadcasters have sufficient character to hold a license to broadcast: If a broadcaster displays unethical character, it can lose its license to broadcast. Federal Law constrains the informational control of any one broadcaster by limiting one broadcast company to reach no more than 39 percent of the nation’s local TV viewing audience with its stations.

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Public Interest. Character. Control. The three key license requirements of any radio or TV broadcaster.

BROADCASTERS TO FCC: We don’t need no stinkin’ rules!

The broadcast industry originally worked with the government to limit the power of local broadcasters. During World War II, the United States not only battled fascism but also confronted broadcast propaganda such as “Tokyo Rose” intended to demoralize troops and their families. Following the war’s conclusion, the nation as a whole made protecting trustworthy information a priority.

Over time, broadcasters started looking for a way to skirt those constraints. They sold the FCC on a scheme to allow one larger broadcast company to run substantial functions of two or more other local TV stations in the same town—stations licensed to entirely different companies. The National Association of Broadcasters (NAB) and other broadcasters insisted these “Shared Service Agreements” (SSAs) and “Joint Sales Agreements” (JSAs) would streamline operations, enabling broadcasters to do a better job of serving the public.

FCC legal expert Steve Lovelady says the (FCC) staff’s benchmark in dealing with SSAs and JSAs and other questions of broadcast licenseship consists of three basic elements: Every licensee must control station programming, financing, and personnel.

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But broadcast giants do run two, three, even four stations in the same town, often providing the same news across all its stations.

How did we get to this point? According to a knowledgeable industry source, in the late 1980s, a small minority of broadcast industry executives met with the FCC’s Roy Stewart, chief of what was then called the Mass Media Bureau. He would decide which companies would receive broadcast licenses and which would not.

There was controversy over the true intent of SSAs and JSAs. Some industry insiders thought they were tricks to allow giant broadcasters to circumvent the law limiting how much of the nation’s audience one broadcaster could reach, and that FCC bureaus were making a mockery of the FCC’s rules of the road. There were industry meetings with Stewart requesting him to either enforce its rules or ask the full Commission to formally change them, but not pretend these new shared service arrangements really were in line with existing policy. Stewart didn’t listen, so JSAs and SSAs became the ever-expanding industry norm.

PARTY ON – Behind the scenes with broadcasters and their regulators

As part of his official duty, Stewart became a regular featured speaker at NAB shows and state broadcasters’ conventions. He’d tell broadcasters how to comply with FCC rules, then they’d go back to him for approval. In his unique position, he was lavished with lunches, dinners, drinks, and parties, from Las Vegas to the coveted Washington, DC, social scene. The industry held celebrations in his honor. “Roy, as gruff as he tried to be, really did define the ‘accessible regulator,’” said Jerry Fritz, former general counsel for Allbritton Communications, “He had an uncanny understanding of what was politically possible and had an open ear to be persuaded.”

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(Tough to give up that kind of lifestyle just for FCC rules to protect the public interest.)

To be clear, Stewart did nothing nefarious. So what if bureau chiefs and industry leaders become great friends? So what if the bureau chief who decides who gets broadcast licenses goes and awards them to his drinking buddy from the convention? That’s the way Washington works— or doesn’t work—for the public interest. Small citizen groups aren’t invited to the party, so they are virtually invisible.  This explains why citizen groups are practically ignored by the FCC Media Bureau, which often simply “loses” their filings.

Stewart retired in 2009 and has long since passed; others have filled his shoes. But his legacy continues: The FCC now doesn’t even have written rules to enforce. FCC legal expert Steve Lovelady writes, “…allowable parameters for SSAs and JSAs have been disclosed during private conversations with the FCC’s staff ….Since a number of the Division’s (not to mention the Commission’s) policies aren’t written down anywhere, they can change from one day to the next and from one deal to the next.”

DIFFERENT STROKES FOR DIFFERENT FOLKS — Especially Sinclair

This is a classic case of “Regulatory Capture.” That term applies to agencies that are so beholden to the entities they are supposed to oversee that they can’t regulate them at all. On an FCC policy level, close industry relationships result in rules that clearly favor giant broadcasters over small ones.  But there is one broadcaster in particular that gets special treatment. According to FCC legal expert Art Belendiuk, “The FCC has one set of rules for Sinclair, and another set of rules for every other broadcaster.”

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On its website, Sinclair admits it owns licenses to 134 TV stations and has shared service agreements with another 47 TV stations licensed to others. In total, it has stations in more than 85 TV markets. That’s a lot of reach – especially when FCC rules used to allow one company to have only seven TV stations nationwide. 

Many recall that Sinclair, owned by the Smith family and headed by David Smith, has been repeatedly caught using its stations to promote its politics.  In 2017, while it was in a $3.9 billion merger discussion with Tribune Broadcasting, Sinclair told its unwilling local news producers they “must run” right-leaning editorials featuring Boris Epshteyn, an advisor to President Trump.

That same year, Sinclair started running paid advertisements disguised as legitimate news stories inside its news shows. That time, the FCC fined the broadcast giant $13.4 million.

That didn’t stop Sinclair in 2018 from forcing all its local news anchors to read a script on the air telling viewers Sinclair was the trusted voice of facts (see a compilation here). President Trump defended Sinclair. A group of US Senators complained, “We call on the FCC to investigate whether Sinclair’s production of distorted news reports fails the public interest test.” FCC Chair Ajit Pai declined to do so.

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MASQUERADE BALL – They’re not who they say they are

Over time, Sinclair set up front companies, primarily Cunningham Broadcasting and Deerfield Media, to acquire broadcast licenses in towns where Sinclair already had a TV (usually network) station. Sinclair makes SSA and JSA deals with its own front companies so it can control two, three, or even four stations in the same community. Add them up and nationally Sinclair is controlling way more stations — and information — than the law allows.

Sinclair deserves to lose many if not all its broadcast licenses, but the only way to achieve that is for local TV viewers to challenge those licenses. On behalf of local viewer Ihor Gawdiak, Art Belendiuk filed a 2020 Petition to Deny (PtD) the broadcast license in Baltimore, the city of Sinclair’s corporate home. From my 2020 piece at BradBlog:

Under the law, a single TV company is permitted to reach no more than 39% of viewers in the United States overall. In a single local broadcast market, one company may apply to own two stations — if there are nine or more stations in that market. Baltimore has just eight stations, and three of them are actually owned by Sinclair: WBFF, WNUV, and WUTB.

 

Sinclair lawyers (who also represent Cunningham Broadcasting and Deerfield Media) will say Sinclair owns WBFF, Cunningham owns WNUV and Deerfield owns WUTB. But, in a September 1 legal Petition to Deny the renewal of all three stations’ licenses, due to both the shell game and the lies Sinclair has told to protect its unlawful ownership, Republican attorney Art Belendiuk researched Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) documents to prove that both Deerfield and Cunningham are actually both controlled by Sinclair.

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Control is the big issue here. As my 2020 BradBlog article continued:

On page 13 of the Petition, Belendiuk lists the criteria the FCC considers to determine who would actually control the Cunningham and Deerfield stations:

  • Who controls daily operations (Sinclair);
  • Who carries out policy decisions (Sinclair);
  • Who is in charge of employment, supervision and dismissal of personnel (Sinclair);
  • Who is in charge of paying financial obligations, including operating expenses
  • (Sinclair);
  • Who receives monies and/or profits from the operation of the station (Sinclair).

What has the FCC done with this Petition to Deny Sinclair’s licenses? Nothing. It’s been three years and counting. 

THE MAN BEHIND THE CURTAIN – How far will he pull it back? Not too far

In 2017, predating Belendiuk’s petition, Sinclair entered into a $3.9 billion merger agreement with Tribune Broadcasting to acquire broadcast licenses held by Tribune Broadcasting. President Trump backed the deal. Sinclair filed the requisite paperwork including proposed JSA and SSA agreements. According to Variety, this would have resulted in Sinclair having operational control over stations available in 72 percent of all households with a TV set in the United States.

In July 2018, to the surprise of all, the FCC’s chair, Republican Ajit Pai, issued a remarkable “Hearing Designation Order”(HDO) to challenge not only Sinclair’s proposed merger with Tribune, but the very character of Sinclair Broadcasting itself. This hearing, to be held in front of an administrative law judge and in full view of the public, was to determine whether Sinclair was playing a shell game with its JSAs and SSAs. Was it trying to control more TV stations nationwide than the law allows, and was Sinclair lying about that game to the Commission itself?

Whoa. A public hearing. One would inquire why a car dealer friend of principal David Smith, who had zero experience in broadcasting, sought to control and run Superstation WGN. A hearing where private backroom bureau buddy-buddy deals could not be made. One where Sinclair skeptics across the country could learn exactly what Sinclair has been doing — and one where journalists would be free to cover any resulting revelations. One where Sinclair could lose all its broadcast licenses. The fate of Sinclair Broadcasting itself was on the line.

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What were the charges in the HDO

– Whether, in light of the issues presented above, Sinclair was the real party-in-interest to the WGN-TV, KDAF, and KIAH applications, and, if so, whether Sinclair engaged in misrepresentation and/or lack of candor in its applications with the Commission;

– Whether consummation of the overall transaction would violate Section 73.3555 of the Commission’s rules, the broadcast ownership rules; and

– Whether, in light of the evidence adduced on the issues presented, grant of the above-captioned applications would serve the public interest, convenience, and/or necessity, as required by Sections 309(a) and 310(d) of the Act.

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According to the HDO, Sinclair made it look as though it was transferring licenses to operate TV stations to other owners, when in fact it had those owners under its full control, and then misled the FCC about it. Lying to the FCC about how many stations the corporation would actually have controlled goes directly to the character requirement of licensees. It could result in the dismissal of all Sinclair’s licenses.

Administrative Law Judge Jane Halprin was tapped to hear the case.

Just a month later, Tribune scuttled its multi-billion dollar deal. Sinclair didn’t fight for it; better losing a deal than revealing it doesn’t have the character qualifications to own any broadcast licenses.

In March 2019, a fuming Judge Halprin dismissed the ordered hearing but clearly wanted these issues adjudicated in public. “Allegations that Sinclair engaged in misrepresentation and/or lacked candor before the Commission are extremely serious charges that reasonably warrant a thorough examination, notwithstanding the decision to discontinue the transaction… Certainly, the behavior of a multiple station owner before the Commission may be so fundamental to a licensee’s operation that it is relevant to its qualifications to hold any station license.”

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She further suggested adjudication in public, such as “future proceeding in which Sinclair is seeking Commission approval, for example, involving an application for a license assignment, transfer, or renewal.” (The Baltimore PtD would be such a proceeding.)

“Once the FCC ordered a public hearing, it became subject to the Communications Act and needs to be public, as ordered. Holding a secret investigation is against the law,” Belendiuk says.

But the FCC Media Bureau did what it always does—it conducted private conversations with Sinclair’s representatives to settle the matter. A former FCC Commissioner tells me that Ajit Pai stuck his neck out far enough by scuttling the merger, but didn’t want to actually sink Sinclair. Belendiuk cites the Bureau’s desire to support then-President Trump.

In May 2020, the FCC Media Bureau published a “Consent Decree” (fancy word for a fine)— this one for $48 million (for the $4.5 billion Fortune 500 corporation). But the $48 million fine actually included the 2017 $13.4 million fine imposed on the broadcaster for masquerading as content as news. Sinclair had never paid the prior fine, so the FCC rolled the sum together.

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And as noted in the HDO, in 2001, the FCC fined Sinclair $40,000 for essentially playing the same shell game it had then been found to be doing again; the FCC then noted it would give “appropriate consideration” to any further evidence of control by Sinclair should it be provided in future proceedings.

Right.

THE BIG REVEAL – What the FCC and Sinclair didn’t want us to know

What really happened in the Media Bureau’s backroom investigation? There was only one way to find out. On October 28, 2020, through Belendiuk, I filed a Freedom of Information Act Request (FOIA) with the FCC, demanding to see:

All documents or filings Sinclair submitted to the FCC or its Bureaus, (as referenced in the Consent Decree paragraph 7), on July 31, 2018, May 2, 2019, July 12, 2019 and August 6, 2019, and any supplements thereto.         

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The FCC did not respond. So, in April 2021, Belendiuk filed a Complaint with the US District Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit to obtain the required documents. That shook the FCC out of its slumber enough for them to respond to us. They sent a few files that were already on the public record.

The Commission likely thought we would just go away, but instead, we litigated for years. 

In February 2023, the FCC finally released to us about 450 pages of documentation of its backroom deal with Sinclair. For comparison, in another of Belendiuk’s cases, a fledgling operator, Auburn Network Inc., sought to obtain a small AM and FM station and a couple of translators. The FCC compelled Auburn to produce 16,000 pages of supporting documents. By contrast, the FCC was satisfied with the mere 450 pages Sinclair produced, and those were of its own choosing.

Most telling is Sinclair’s response to the FCC’s Letter of Inquiry (LOI). Large, publicly traded corporations are required to keep detailed financial records; Sinclair did provide the FCC with financial information. However, none of those records met “generally accepted accounting principles” (GAAP) standards.

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Per Investopedia.com: “The generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP) are a set of accounting rules, standards, and procedures issued and frequently revised by the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB). Public companies in the US must follow GAAP when their accountants compile their financial statements. GAAP is also widely used in governmental accounting.” Tribune did provide GAAP financials to Sinclair, but none of those documents were provided to the FCC, nor did the FCC bother to ask for them.

Instead, Sinclair provided what’s called “Broadcast Cash Flow” (BCF). Not an appraisal, BCF is more of a guess as to what will happen in the future. BCFs are “financial measures that are not recognized under GAAP.” According to Belendiuk,

BCF allows parties to make assumptions that can significantly increase or decrease cash flow and thus a station’s value. A party looking to game the system could make any number of assumptions that would materially alter the financials — making them unreliable.

 

Did Sinclair provide audited financial records? It did not. Did it provide a profit and loss statement? It did not. Did it provide any verifiable financial data? It did not. What Sinclair provided was its estimate of BCF, based on no verifiable information which it then used to justify the proposed purchase price. Yet the FCC did not question Sinclair’s voodoo financing.

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The FCC asked whether appraisals of the stations were done; Sinclair said no, writing it “believes such practice is not common in the industry.” (Funny, the FCC asked about appraisals when apparently requiring appraisals is not standard Bureau practice.) There are twelve other similar Sinclair responses using language like, “Sinclair believes that such agreements had terms materially similar to agreements previously used in connection with similar transactions approved by the FCC for Sinclair and other broadcasters.” In other words, Sinclair told its regulator in so many words, “You always let us do it before.”

The FCC did ask about the qualifications of Sinclair CEO David Smith’s buddy and business associate, car dealer Steven Fader, who through his new entity WGN-TV would be running the entire WGN Superstation empire. Sinclair painted a picture of a competent businessman who’d done many business deals with David Smith. But the question the FCC did not ask is how a car dealer with zero broadcast experience is competent to program and run one of the largest and most unique TV stations in the country. Sinclair insists that Fader would have complete control of this $300 million Television station, yet he appeared to be wholly unqualified to operate it. (So who would?)  

The HDO specifically asked about Sinclair valuing WGN at a mere $60 million. Sinclair answered that the $60 million represented 20 percent of WGN’s price, with Fader’s WGN-TV LLC owning 20 percent of the assets, and Sinclair 80 percent (in keeping with the formula in Lovelady’s piece.) Even that figure is considered low for WGN.  

What’s even more telling is what the FCC did not ask. In 2018, Newsmax Media Inc. filed a PtD to prevent the Tribune merger, citing:

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Each divestiture includes a provision allowing Sinclair to reacquire the stations at a substantially similar price for a period of up to 48 years. And while Sinclair can freely assign its option rights, the grantors (Cunningham and WGN TV LLC) need Sinclair’s consent to assign their option rights.

 

Moreover, Sinclair’s option survives assignment of the assets or a merger or consolidation of the grantees. No arms-length transaction would provide the seller an option to buy back the sold assets, at a substantially similar price, for nearly half a century. This illustrates that the divestitures are sham transactions in which Cunningham and WGN TV LLC are merely warehouses for licenses Sinclair is not legally able to own.

The 48-year option period is standard practice in Sinclair’s deals with its front companies but is really an option in perpetuity. “If near the end of the 48-year period the nominal licensee refuses to renew the option, Sinclair can exercise the option and put in another front for another 48 years. For reasons I can’t explain, the FCC has no problem with this arrangement,” says Belendiuk. 

The FCC did ask whether Sinclair would have a role in the operations of stations KDAF and KIAH to be purchased by front company Cunningham. Sinclair said no. But as Belendiuk pointed out upon filing his Petition to Deny Sinclair’s licenses of the Baltimore stations, “Sinclair sets Cunningham’s budget. The salary of Michael Anderson, Cunningham’s sole voting shareholder and presumably the person in charge, is set by Sinclair. If Anderson steps out of line, Sinclair has the power to buy him out for a pittance and replace him with whomever they choose.” (See more details here.)

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IT AIN’T OVER UNTIL IT’S OVER – It’s time for a reckoning

A reckoning of these shell games should have come out in a public hearing, and it still must. But the FCC has sat on the illuminating Baltimore PtD for more than three years. It is time for the Commission to designate a hearing on that SEC research-backed petition and take this critically important Public Interest case out of the backroom and into the sunlight.

Current FCC Chair Jessica Rosenworcel voted against the Sinclair Consent Decree, writing “In this consent decree the Federal Communications Commission ignores its rules and bends the facts in order to assist Sinclair Broadcast Group with sweeping its past digressions under the rug. For this reason, I dissent.” She has the power to call the hearing.

This becomes even more critical when we realize that, on January 15, 2024, Sinclair’s David Smith bought the Baltimore Sun. That gives him control of three of eight local TV stations in Baltimore, plus the major local newspaper. There used to be FCC rules against that.

But that’s a story for another day.

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Sue Wilson is an APTRA, RTNDA, PRNDI, and Emmy Award-winning broadcast journalist now working to hold the US government and corporate media accountable for their corrosive effects on democracy. She is the Writer/Producer/Director of the award-winning Public Interest Pictures’ documentary on the media, Broadcast Blues, and reveals the structural schisms in corporate media at Sue Wilson Reports.

She heads the Media Action Center which forced Entercom to surrender its $13.5 million broadcast license for its 2007 killing of Jennifer Strange in an on-air contest. She filed an Amicus Brief in the Supreme Court case FCC v Prometheus Radio, excerpts of which are included in her Comments to the FCC Quadrennial Review.

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The Holocaust, US Global Relations, Endangered Democracy

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The Holocaust, US Global Relations, Endangered Democracy

The Project Censored Show

The Official Project Censored Show

Warnings: the Holocaust, US Global Relations, and our Endangered Democracy



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Mickey’s guests for the hour are philosophers Leonard Grob and John K. Roth, coauthors of the 2023 book, Warnings: The Holocaust, Ukraine, and Endangered American Democracy. They outline what is at stake as the US enters another contentious election year with unpopular, problematic frontrunners in both major parties; wars of aggression expanding around the world; and a deeply dismayed and divided public at home. Longtime friends, colleagues, and Holocaust scholars, Lenny and John point to the rise of Nazism in Germany in the 1930s as an example of how rapidly a society can lose its democratic political system and cite a number of recent developments that raise great concern for what may come next if we don’t act now to protect our democratic republic. They offer suggestions for what ordinary citizens can do to sustain democratic institutions and especially highlight the need for a truly free press and well-educated public.

 

Notes:

Leonard Grob is Professor Emeritus of Philosophy at Fairleigh Dickinson University in New Jersey. John K. Roth is Professor Emeritus of Philosophy at Claremont McKenna College in California. Both are widely-published scholars of the Holocaust.

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Video of Interview with Leonard Grob and John Roth

 

Below is a Rough Transcript of the Interview with Leonard Grob and John Roth

Mickey Huff: Welcome to the Project Censored Show on Pacifica Radio. I’m your host Mickey Huff. Today on the program, I am going to be in conversation with two, extremely well accomplished Holocaust scholars, I’ll be talking with them about their most recent book, which is titled, Warnings: the Holocaust, Ukraine, and Endangered American Democracy.

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The book, Cascade Books, came out last summer, and I will be speaking with the authors of it, Leonard Grob and John K. Roth. Holocaust education must sound the alarm clearly, insistently, repeatedly. The Holocaust is a warning. This right is written by philosophers John Roth and Leonard Grob, two of the most respected Holocaust scholars in the world.

And their new book, as I mentioned, is Warnings: the Holocaust, Ukraine, and Endangered American Democracy. John and Lenny talk about how the extreme right wing and their political movements Anti liberal fury, disrespect for truth and the rule of law, rampant othering, and whataboutism. As these gain traction in the United States and throughout the world, these types of events warn us that Americans need to be concerned about the state of their democracy.

And in fact, we shouldn’t take it for granted. Democracy is indeed in the crosshairs of authoritarian forces that will undermine our government, our way of life, our civil society, unless renewed commitment, ethical as well as political, resists them. So Lenny and John, are you in warnings. Proper introductions for my two guests today.

Lenny Grob is professor emeritus of philosophy at Farley Dickinson University, where he taught full time for 39 years and part time for another 15. At FDU, he served for more than two decades, both as Chairperson of Philosophy Studies and as Director of the University’s Humanities Core Curriculum.

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Grob’s father emigrated to the United States from Poland in 1921, the sole member of his immediate family, all of whom had remained behind to escape the Holocaust. Grub’s grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins were all murdered in 1942. And in 1989, a route’s journey to Eastern Europe, Grob went to see for himself the sites of destruction of his father’s family.

And this led Lenny to the field of Holocaust studies. He proceeded to teach a course entitled “The Holocaust, Philosophical Issues” for 15 years. In the early decades of his academic career, Grob published in the areas of peace studies, the philosophy of dialogue and conflict resolution, certainly something we’re interested in here at the Project.

Grob centers his scholarship on lessons of the Holocaust for those alive today. Among his publications include three books co edited with Dr. John Roth that speak to the importance of these lessons. Of course, Lenny Grob has done much, much more, but that’s what we have time to introduce today. Lenny.

Welcome to the Project Censored Show. It’s an honor to have you.

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Leonard Grob: Thank you so much, Mickey. We’re honored to be here.

Mickey Huff: And, of course, John K. Roth, our other guest today and co author with Lenny of Warnings, was named in 1988 a U. S. National Professor of the Year by the Council for Advancement and Support of Education and the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.

He is Edward J. Sexton Professor Emeritus of Philosophy at Claremont McKenna College in Claremont, California, where he taught from 1966 to 2006. In 2003, Roth became the founding director of the Center for the Study of the Holocaust, Genocide, and Human Rights. And he holds the Holocaust Educational Foundation’s Distinguished Achievement Award for Holocaust Studies and Research.

Roth’s expertise in Holocaust and Genocide Studies, as well as in Philosophy, Ethics, American Studies, and Religious Studies, has been advanced by appointments as a Graves Fellow in the Humanities, a Fulbright Lecturer in American Studies at the University of Innsbruck, Austria, a Fellow of the National Humanities Institute at Yale University.

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Roth has served as visiting professor of Holocaust Studies in Israel. As well as Switzerland and in Kyoto, Japan. In addition to lecturing widely throughout the United States and around the world, Roth has authored, coauthored, or edited more than 50, five zero, 50 books and has published hundreds of articles and reviews.

John Roth, welcome to the Project Censored Show today.

John K. Roth: Thank you, Mickey. It’s a real honor to be with you and with Lenny today.

Mickey Huff: So gentlemen, let’s begin. And we’ll start with you, Lenny. Can you talk to us about how you, you and John have had a long relationship, over your career and you’ve done a lot of things together.

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What were the seeds, sort of sown here that led to the two of you writing Warnings? And maybe you can say a little bit about how you planned the book. And the book is very unique in its delivery and very conversational, a dialogue between the two of you. So Lenny, could you talk to us about that?

Leonard Grob: Yes, certainly, as you said, John and I have known each other for a good, long period of time and we each have been aware of the threats that are currently posed to our democracy and we, as Holocaust scholars, we’re especially sensitive to what’s happening now and, it was not simply anything arbitrary to, decide to write this kind of book. Those of us who study the Holocaust, understand, the lessons that come from, this genocide and we also understand what preceded the genocide in Germany, the 1930s.

So, immediately we each felt that there was something that we could contribute in trying to find parallels between what was going on, in the 1930s, the threats to democracy and the undermining of democracy, toward the end of that, full undermining of democracy toward the end of that,, decade.

And so it was almost natural for us to say, let’s write together and spell out some of those parallels. And have this be a warning to our fellow Americans, not that we are saying that, genocide is anything that is expected right here, but that democracy failed in Germany of the 30s. We have a warning and we wanted to shed warning anew to our readers And so it seemed to me that the book was an absolute natural for us to come to the fact that there are dialogical segments in the text is also natural because dialogue is essential to philosophy.

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John and I needed to exchange thoughts to reflect on what the other had said. And, come to see what learnings we can have from one another and how, our ideas can be strengthened by that kind of dialogue, which is so essential democracy.

Mickey Huff: Absolutely. And John Roth, that, the same, question to you.

And I know in the prologue, you know, right underneath it says “Old friends, new dialogues,” John Roth.

John K. Roth: Lenny has, pioneered what I, I call dialogical writing, in my experience, at least, is, urging when people work with him is, well, write something and then somebody else will read it and ask questions about what you’ve written and then you should respond to what, what the questions are.

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And, Lenny and I have engaged in that practice with each other for about 30 years. And, that’s the, that’s the, style that, the book Warnings has. And I used to, always wait with interest and a little bit of trepidation when, I got the email from Lenny that had the Word file that had the questions.

That he was asking me about something that I had written and sent to him, and it was because the questions were always probing and, searching and hard. And, they, they, they had the effect of drawing. Into, areas of inquiry and articulation that I might not have gone to on my own. So this is one of the advantages that comes about when, when people in general are in conversation with one another.

I mean, there’s no substitute for this. And it’s 1 of the things that has led to the endangerment of democracy in the United States. That is that we see now to be, in an almost paralytic condition where we can’t engage other people in a deep, probing, serious conversation that is driven by questions that we ask each other.

So, that’s, that’s the, the impetus for the book. Now, there are a couple of other things that I want to say about why we wrote it, and the first is very simple, and something that people of our generation, Lenny’s and mine, can identify with, and that is that in Lenny’s case and mine, we are both grandfathers, and the world and the United States are pretty much in a mess right now, and we hate leaving that legacy. Especially to our grandchildren, and this book is our attempt to try to, mount a kind of resistance against those trends so that the world that our grandchildren are inheriting and growing up in might have a chance to be at least as good as the world that we knew and hopefully better.

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Then, in my own case, Lenny, Lenny mentioned that what we share in common is that we’re both, people who have spent time studying and teaching about the Holocaust and we’re both philosophers. And then, in some cases, the forks in the road diverge a little bit, but one of my, serious interests academically and my teaching, has been on American topics.

I’ve been, focused on American politics, literature, religion, philosophy, culture and the like. And one of the courses that I often taught during my teaching career was called Perspectives on the American Dream. And in this class, we would look at American culture through the prism of, you know, classic works in American political thinking and literature and poetry and religion and all of these things.

And as I began to combine that interest with my interest in the Holocaust, I often spoke on the topic of American dreams and Holocaust questions. And the Holocaust became the, the point of view that raised all sorts of questions about American life for me. And at the same time, what had happened in the Holocaust, as Lenny mentioned, we saw in it the, the undermining of democracy is a kind of condition that led to the Holocaust.

My interest in Holocaust studies led me also want to defend what I saw in the American tradition that seemed to me to be right and good and just. And democracy in a nutshell, kind of liberal democracy as Lenny and I refer to it, comes to the fore as something very important.

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Mickey Huff: Well, and on that note, you, you talk about Langston Hughes, in the early part of the book where you’re talking about the 11th hour and, and talk about how Americans have to remake America by redeeming, defending and expanding democracy.

And of course, the beginning of your book is the 11th hour that really kind of frames the present in a, in a very, I think, strategic and significant realistic way. That is not at all hyperbolic. And I think that that sets the tone for much of the dialogue that continues throughout the book. And of course, it’s divided into the multiple chapters on philosophy, education, religious tradition, death and the dead pandemics resistance and remembering for the future and I know I’m just kind of teasing our audience here with a lot of the ground that you cover because again, unfortunately on the radio, we can’t possibly do enough justice to the extraordinary scholarship that’s here, as well as the human experience that interprets delivers and really carves this story out and you’re, you’re both expert storytellers.

And as part of that, you also both talk about the importance of how stories are told, whose stories are told. We’ll certainly get into a little bit about the media later on into the program, but I wanted to come back and talk a little bit more specifically about how the two of you. Well, before I do this, I want to talk a little bit about how you you both have a great way of connecting past and present and you speak about them often in fluid ways.

And, my day job as an historian, that’s something that kind of speaks to me. And I think that that kind of communication is, I think, what’s required in order for people to understand the gravity and context of the things that you’re talking about now that then can give people the kinds of tools they need.

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Well, to do what Langston Hughes was talking about doing right here, which is actually to well, how do we remake? How do we reimagine? How do we how do we do this as, as Americans living in a, in a completely, cacophonous, time in our history right now. So, we’re already at the 15 minute mark, so I’m going to need to take a quick station ID, and when I come back, I want to talk, with our guests Lenny Grob and John Roth more in detail about their book and get into some of the details.

I’d like to specifically talk more about some of the content that you go into. And I want to again, I want to give our listeners the opportunity to, to, to understand the many different topics that you connect here.

Historically to the present one. You talk about the state of our democracy and democracy reprieved is not democracy assured. So you talk about the 2022 2020 2022 elections. And of course, here we are in 2024 and we really have, an electoral conundrum in many ways. You also talk about the Trump presidency and the challenges to democracy that that has left us lingering and has even more on the horizon.

You talk about the significance of the rise of fascism, not just here, but abroad. You talk about Russia, Ukraine, you analyze the pandemic and much of what’s happened in our post truth world with alternative facts. So there’s an awful lot here to unpack. But Lenny, let’s go back. And I want to pose to you kind of the first of these issues, which I know the both of you are deeply concerned about.

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And that’s the state of our democracy. Lenny, could you talk a little bit about how you think we, we, we got here and, what you both maybe are prescribing, things that we really should be stepping, back things we need to do.

Leonard Grob: Wow. Those are big questions.

Mickey Huff: Indeed, and you’ve addressed them.

Leonard Grob: I think that, the undermining of democracy can happen in some small steps, which then build upon each other until, low and behold, we have our democracy endangered. Certainly the election of 2016, which brought Trump to the office of the president, was a major mark in this, but in many ways, there were, there was a sense of brokenness, in our democracy, which preceded, the 2016 election. And, that sense of brokenness is still with us and has, increased in its severity.

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We wrote this book with 2024 firmly in mind, even though, the, the book was published in 2023, and we tried to bring it up to date. I think through March of that year, nonetheless, our eyes were set on 2000 and, and 24. There are a number, a large number of people in the United States who have felt, that they were not fully respected, not fully regarded. The demographic changes that came quite suddenly and build up over years of the changing economic conditions, especially in what we know today of as red states, largely in the middle of our country. The, the, the road was paved somewhat, for the Trump presidency to, to happen. And I must say that I think we were, we were not as aware of our, privileged state, sometimes intellectuals in particular, isolate themselves from the everyday lives of their fellow citizens.

In other places, especially John is on the West Coast. I’m on the East Coast. We, we live, you know, among, others who have the privilege of having graduated from university and many cases. Beyond the, undergraduate years. I think that we were not as aware as we might have been preceding 2016 of what might be in store.

We want, especially using our, knowledge of what happened in the Weimar Republic, 1930s. We want to let other people, be warned in advance. Not to take for granted that the so called pillars of American democracy, all the things that we grew up with, which, have led us in some cases to think, oh, this can’t happen in the United States.

We have the structural elements. Which will prevent what happened in Germany. We wanted to sound the warning so that people will be alert, especially with now, everything has been ratcheted up. And the dangers to democracy are now more apparent than ever, and we worry a great deal about 2024.

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So, if we can share a little bit of what we did see. And the need to see and the need to hear to listen carefully. If we can do that, then that is a contribution that we will have made.

Mickey Huff: Absolutely, and education, at least in my view has always been, just the prime vehicle to to address the challenges we face and we can’t really address the challenges until they’re understood and they can’t be understood unless we engage with each other.

And unless we show up and are engaged in our, in our civil society, and we can’t. Let it just for a certain group to sort of hijack the entire system. We all have to show up and do our part. And that’s difficult and challenging if we want to do it in a sustained way and in a way that’s meaningful. John Roth, to you, I want to extend the same.

Let’s, let’s extend that conversation and get your input. On this and your take on this.

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John K. Roth: Yes, I’m glad to have the chance to do that. I mentioned in my opening remarks that Lenny and I are both grandfathers and that’s that’s why we wrote the book in part, which is another way of saying that we both lived a long time.

We’re, we’re in our 80s. So, sometimes it, we, we like the, the mantra, we’ve seen this movie before and, when, when we see certain things happening in the United States or in, Hungary or in, Russia or, you know, even in the Middle East now, we, we, we think back and say, yes, new things are happening, but they have kind of echoes or, you know, or, they remind us of things that have taken place, earlier and, that’s very much the, spirit that, motivated the book. It’s, it’s interesting to me to observe that, even as recently as two years ago, American scholars were nervous about referring to fascism in the current scene. Two years on, they’re not anymore. And nor is it the case that, Americans are saying, oh, it could never happen here as increasingly we hear Donald Trump parroting Adolf Hitler, (unintelligible)

Mickey Huff: yes. Right.

John K. Roth: And so, you know, I think Americans are, at least they have the opportunity to, wake up. To stop sleepwalking to stop taking things for granted and to realize that, things are not healthy with respect to our democracy, but I worry that Americans may be suffering from a failure of imagination, that they may not take seriously enough that Donald Trump could be reelected, and if he is reelected, I think Americans just don’t understand as well as they should the dangers that that could pose for things like our conversation right here. You could not just assume that Project Censored and, Mickey Huff and Lenny Grobb and John Roth could be talking freely after a Trump re election. I mean, it’s an issue, at least something worth thinking about. So, the last thing I want to say is I was very happy to hear you, remind our audience of, two things. One is that we can learn something if we have historical perspective and bring it to bear on the present. And then in that context, you cited the great, African American poet Langston, Langston Hughes, a favorite of mine.

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And one of his poems, Hughes writes, “America never was America to me, but America will be. Its dream lies deep in the heart of me.” Now there, with Hughes, you could take that poem, and you could, you could educate a whole generation just by thinking of that poem. I mean, here he is, a black poet. America never was America to me.

Why would somebody say that, and yet still affirm America will be? I mean, it’s amazing the hope that Langston Hughes still had. And one of the questions that Lenny and I explore is, is a hope like that, you know, credible anymore? It certainly is something that we have to work at in order to make it credible, but studying that history is something that can teach us a lot, partly because it helps us to understand that our own American institutions, the ones that we associate very strongly with democracy, have to be watched and nurtured and cared for, lest they become tools that undermine the democracy.

One of the things that happened with Adolf Hitler, he inherited a regime that had a weak democracy, but he moved to kill democracy by using the institutions of democracy to hand him dictatorial power.

Mickey Huff: Yes.

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John K. Roth: And we’re, we’re looking at a situation in 2024. Where it could be that a fair and free election leads to the return of Donald Trump to the White House, who will then proceed to attack democratic institutions, including fair and free elections.

So, this, this is the kind of predicament that Lenny and I think, Americans, and therefore other people in the world are facing, because where democracy is under attack in one place, It may come under attack in others, and that was one of the reasons that led Lenny and me to take so seriously something that we had planned to write about, but couldn’t help but write about once Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine in late February of 2022.

Leonard Grob: Yeah, I just would add that even if Trump should lose our work, we still have a great deal of work to do. So we can’t put everything on the results of 2024. We, this is, something that will have to be worked on. Forever, as long as America exists,

Mickey Huff: A republic, if you can keep it, going back to the founding with Ben Franklin.

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And of course, John, when you were talking, I couldn’t help but think of the, the quote attributed to Mark Twain, “history may not repeat itself, but it certainly rhymes,” and I think that there’s a lot of rhyme scheming afoot in your book. Sinclair Lewis, of course, comes to mind. That period is just rich with lessons.

Yeah. And, it’s actually a favorite isn’t the right word, but as as an historian, I gravitated a lot towards the period about which you both write, because it seems to me to be such an extraordinary springboard, if you will, for the remainder of what took place in the 20th century from World War 1 in the World War 2, and then what created the Cold War.

And we’re still dealing with so many of the institutional fractures and failures that we saw coming through the Cold War, sort of an overt control of the covert mechanisms of our government kind of taking things over, whether it’s the period of assassinations in the 60s, or all kinds of invasions and overthrows.

We have a really checkered past as, as an allegedly free society, especially not just about the way we treat the marginalized in our own societies, but the horrific way in which we’ve treated people with our foreign policies. And you both, of course, could not ignore the things that were happening in front of you in the lessons from the Holocaust by looking at Putin’s illegal invasion of Ukraine.

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But my goodness, Lenny and John, since you’ve written and since the book’s publication, we have another eruption of extraordinary violence. That is, I’m, I’m often not at a loss for words, but I don’t have the right words to describe some of the things that are happening right now in the Middle East and to people and.

I think our history really has kind of led us here in a lot of ways and we’re up for another break, but I want to come back and talk about this issue. And then, of course, I want to go back and talk about one, certainly one thing that is, of interest to me, and you both write about this and, in order to protect the institutions of democracy and being and be meaningfully engaged.

We have to have a real functioning, independent, free press and fourth estate. And that’s somewhere where I’d like to go after our brief, our brief musical break. Before the break.

I posed the one of the topics that you you clearly address in the book and its significance when John Roth was talking earlier about the work we have cut out for us and the ongoing nature, the ever vigilant nature we have. Our institutions don’t just work on their own or our democracy doesn’t just somehow self function.

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It’s an extension of who we are. And that extension is informed by the press. And of course, that’s been an extraordinary target of people like Donald Trump and in different ways, I would argue the Biden administration different ways. And I think the differences are meaningful and I, I, I think that the latter, are maybe.

While they may be insidious, I think they’re harder sometimes to track than the brazen authoritarian attacks on the press that not only echo Nixon, but echo the Lugan press that goes all the way back to World War 1 and 2 in Germany. Lenny Grob, the significance of the free press and the attacks you see upon it and, and maybe how we should take more seriously, what’s going on in our world of journalism and, and, and the many failures that have led us here.

Leonard Grob: You know, among the first victims of, democracy endangered is the free press. It is the guardian and if that guard is, attacked itself, we’re in deep trouble. I know, I’ve participated in some dialogue groups. I put dialogue in, in quotations. Here with, some people who are Trump supporters and what amazed me some I, some of what occurred was could have been clear to me from the onset, but what really, surprised me.

And perhaps I should not have been as surprised as I was is where their information was coming from and. how blind I was to what they were reading and what they were watching on television and looking at on their computer screens and what, what they were doing. It’s like we were living in two different universes.

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The press and the media in general have to expose as many people as possible. It is the guardian of democracy, and I see, that there are ways that obviously that Trump Trump ism, I should say, has set its sights on the free press, just as we’re aware of how much it is the guardian of democracy.

So the Trump-ists are aware that this has to be the 1st of the boulders to fall. And I will say right now that Project Censored and what we’re doing at the moment. Is a good illustration of what needs to be done and what needs to be sustained and, increased. In its weight, I’m very proud to an honor to be part of this and Mickey, you’re doing really important

Mickey Huff: work.

That’s too kind of you to say. And of course, the project is also an historical, product of the 70s when it was founded, you know, when American democracy was well, it really in dire straits, Vietnam, Watergate, the exposure of the church committee, the failures of the press there only to come out looking more lionized.

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Then right after that, we kind of just rebooted back into the Reagan years and it’s as if any of the lessons of the 70s were washed over by, you know, the, the euphoria of, let’s just, let’s just feel good about ourselves. And let’s, let’s go back to the narcissism and the hubris and the American exceptionalism in the worst ways that really, I don’t think have abated.

I mean, I know we had the Clintons and the Obamas, but my goodness, they both represented a rightward shift in this country. Right. And what we’ve seen in the last decade is we’ve seen a bipartisan attack on our democratic institutions. And again, I’m not, I don’t want to other side, the degree to which I’m pretending this is, is, is equal.

It’s, that would be a false equivalency. But I think that we are wise to, as you put Lenny, our work is, is ahead of us regardless. It’s just a matter of what kind and degree and, and how far we, we need to go. John Roth to you, the free press, you know, being one of the main pillars of democracy, I’d like to hear your thoughts, on that and, and moving forward and what we can do.

Let me go back

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John K. Roth: to the 1930s for a moment. When Hitler came to power in January of 1933, there were journalists in Germany who, prior to his taking power, had been critical of Nazism and of Hitler in particular, Including, publishing caricatures of Hitler, which wasn’t hard to do, and they, they continued to do their work as long as they could, but I would say by 1934, within a year of, Hitler’s coming to power, the free press in Nazi Germany was, was gone.

It was toast. And, this was done by, various means of censorship, but also by murder. I talked to Mickey earlier about, the, the, attacks, the murderous attacks on journalists that are part of our world, even as we’re speaking today. And, these are symptoms of, authoritarianism and, anti democratic, perspectives.

And, you know, I’m thinking how often we would watch Donald Trump at his political rallies, and he’ll surely be doing it more and more, pointing to the, the journalists who are covering the rally and calling them enemies of the people. And, you know, that’s, that’s, that’s rhetoric that must be taken seriously.

And one of the things that we learned from studying the Holocaust is that, you fail to take seriously what a dictator says at your peril. The same thing is true, in the United States in now 2024. So, I, I would add to that, one thing about the book and then, a couple of points in particular. Lenny and I wrote this book not as a lamentation or as a kind of litany of, you know, all the things that are wrong, although we have, you know, quite a bit of that with analysis to back it up in in the chapters of the book, but in nearly every case, and we were asking each other questions, you would press each other on what can be done about this. What can you do to resist these tendencies? What practical steps can ordinary people take?

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You know, ordinary folks, not people who are senators or governors or judges, but just, you know, ordinary folks like, like teachers and readers and, ordinary citizens. And so a lot of the book has, those elements. And in particular, there’s a chapter in the book, you mentioned it, earlier in the time called Resistance.

And in this chapter in particular, Lenny and I lay out what we take to be steps of resistance that need to be taken now to prevent democracy from being further endangered. But these would be steps that would be even more important to take should Donald Trump win re election. So, I, I had in one part of the chapter on resistance, I listed seven things to talk about.

I’ll mention just two. One is And these are not about, you know, we need to have a stronger Senate or we need to have this law or this policy. These, these are our points that Lenny and I are making that are more, I would say, philosophical points in the sense that they are about ethics. They’re about discerning what’s right and what isn’t.

So, the first point that I made, and Lenny has echoed this a lot in his writing, too, is we have to defend the idea of truth. That there, that there is such a thing as, a difference between what’s true and what’s false. It’s pretty basic. But Donald Trump has treated, just as Adolf Hitler did, in big lies.

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Repeating them again and again until they get normalized and get accepted. And, the first step to take to resist this is to respect truth. But the second thing that I listed right after that was support freedom of the press. Now, when I go on to talk about what does that mean for an ordinary person like myself?

Well, it means I have to read. And I have to listen, and I have to take into account a range of sources, and I have to learn the lessons that Project Censored teaches. That is to be listening for what’s not reported, one point. And secondly, to be aware that a lot of what is reported is what Project Censored calls junk food news.

Utterly irrelevant stuff. That comes across the newscasts or in the newspapers, that, that really is, maybe interesting. But unimportant compared to the really big stuff.

Mickey Huff: We’re inundated by a lot of distractions.

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John K. Roth: Yeah, lots of distractions. So, so now, what does this mean for how an ordinary person can participate in resistance?

That involves supporting freedom of the press. Well, one thing that I did, and that a lot of people do, is you subscribe to things. You subscribe to newspapers, to journalism that you think is important. You become a member of, you know, projects that carry on the spirit of freedom of the press, which is, as we’ve all said, fundamentally important for the health of democracy.

So anyway, that’s part of what we have articulated in the book in a practical kind of way about what we can do.

Mickey Huff: Indeed. It is. And so there’s so many other things we want to want to get to here and we have, we have a couple minutes left in this segment segment, but I, I would like to, to ask you all if we could extend our conversation to the end of the hour, because.

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You’re both just treasure troves of wisdom and information. And I, if I could, I’d like to squeeze more of that out for our audience, today. And, and one of the things I wanted to put to you, both of you, and we’ll, we’ll, we’ll get into that and we’ll have to take a break in a few minutes and then we can come back and revisit, but a lot has changed since, I mean, well, some things have changed, some hasn’t, but one of the things I kind of want to pose to you is what’s different now.

Do you both think versus when you started writing this book a couple of years ago, it comes out in 2023 mid 2023 and then as both of you are acutely aware, as scholars of Holocaust and genocide that term has reentered our our lexicon, it’s, it’s been, it’s been not just floated around flippantly, but now at the international court from, from South Africa, where the state of Israel is, is being accused of, of, committing genocide in, of the Palestinian people.

And I, I think that, I think our listeners would benefit greatly if, if each of you might, maybe take on some of that huge or difficult topic and share some of your thoughts with it. We could start with you, Lenny.

Leonard Grob: Wow,

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Mickey Huff: Sorry, that’s huge.

Leonard Grob: No, I, I do some work in this area actually, and, read and listen carefully to the South African presentation and the response by Israelis today.

Look. One has to be very careful about the use of the term genocide. Because if it is bandied about and not used with care and certain distinctions, of course, based on the original, the original definition of it, and how that definition was incorporated, into the UN, work on, genocide, if it’s just bandied about, it can lose meaning.

And all together. So I do want to say this is a very complex situation, rather than, debating, whether this was this is or is not genocide. I think we need to focus on what kinds of things can be done right now to alleviate the suffering, especially I’m talking about the suffering of the Palestinian people right now, after 3 months of the.

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Siege, on the part of Israel. So, I’m going to, I’ve got to not respond directly to your question, but rather to say that, there is a lot of evil writ large here. Yet it’s a complex situation. And, I think we need to attend to the suffering of both peoples right now, the suffering of Palestinian peoples is right in front of us and is ongoing. You have two traumatized peoples here. The, in terms of the, of the Jewish Israelis, especially the re traumatization of, being heirs to the Holocaust, certainly is an important trigger in, in what’s happening. Palestinians have had their own trauma with the Nakba.

And so you have two parties who have been re traumatized now and currently so, my emphasis is always on what can be done. I do a lot of work at the U. N. And I do work on, preparing peace proposals and so on, rather than, casting my law with whether there is a genocide going on or not genocide

going on.

Mickey Huff: That makes a lot of sense. That’s the voice of Lenny Grob, co author of Warnings: The Holocaust, Ukraine, and Endangered American Democracy. John Roth, I will pose the same question. To you, a lot has happened since you began writing the book together. And we just heard Lenny talking about the last three months of what’s been happening with Israel and Palestine.

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And of course, that’s now drawing even more and more conflict and tension, with Yemen and Iran. I mean, the whole region. I mean, and you two being so historically erudite realize how quickly these old conflicts spin wildly out of control. Hello, World War one. And then. Gosh, a brief pause and all the Weimar collapse to get to the next massive human calamity of World War Two.

John Roth, what are your thoughts? On on what’s happening now, since you’ve all written this and, like Lenny suggested, you know, what are some things we, we might be focusing on to, to, to alleviate such carnage and suffering? I

John K. Roth: well, thank you. Mickey, I want to say three things. The first is that Lenny in his remarks was too modest about himself because Lenny is a person who, as long as I have known him, has been working often on the ground, West Bank and other places to do reconciling work, Palestinians and Israelis.

He referenced, his work with the United Nations, which is ongoing, but that work took him to, to Israel, before October 7th, where he continued, you know, to, to do the work of, bringing people together kind of at the grassroots level. So, Lenny is a person who is very much, hands on, in a practical kind of way.

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Doing everything he can to, forestall, the suffering and the injustice that has broken out again, since October 7th. So the second thing I would say is that, if this October 7th violence had taken place while Lenny and I were writing this book we could have had to write about it just as we had to write about Ukraine.

And it’s not totally clear to me, everything that we would have said about it, but I know that my, inclination would be to at least raise, the question about whether the problems that we have seen now erupting since October 7th has something to do with the endangerment or the lack of democracy.

I think that an argument could be made, that, you know, the Israelis have certainly been struggling with their form of endangered democracy. And, if we think about, Hamas on the other hand, I don’t think it would stand out at the top of the list of the, pro democracy, realities in the in the world.

So, that would be one thing I would at least want to explore. Now, one thing I’m trying to do, presently is, work on a, on a book project. Where I am trying to bring together, Christian scholars. have devoted a lot of their work to Christian Jewish relations, and this is relevant to, the Holocaust part of our book, because, one of the things that we’re trying, Christians who study the history of Nazi Germany and the Holocaust discover is that the Christian tradition is deeply implicated in the genocide.

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And so one of the things in the post Holocaust world that has happened is that there have been a cadre, a cohort of Christians who have worked really hard to try to, improve and correct issues that involve Christians and Jews. So, after October 7th, a colleague of mine and I got the idea that it’s time for Christians like me who have worked on these things to speak up about the Hamas Israel, Israel war and to, to, respond to questions like, You know, have there been war crimes committed?

Have, have there been crimes against humanity? Has genocide, taken place? To do this in, in the spirit of, being honest and hopefully trying to keep open the conversation that Christians need to keep having with Jews. And, it’s interesting as, as this work unfolds to see that, you know, immediately there were some of my, my colleagues, colleagues in this area who said, yes, of course, let’s write about that.

And then others who said, well, I’m not so sure I want to go there that that can get uncomfortable. That could be problematic. And, so, you know, this is an ongoing project and we’ll, and we’ll see where it leads. But I think there are serious, serious questions and, you know, the solution has to include in some way or other, I believe a two state, solution.

I don’t think there’s another way out, but that doesn’t mean that a way out will be found.

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Mickey Huff: Well, Lenny Grob we have a few minutes left and I wanted to get some final words for now from each of you on moving forward as part of that. I would like you to take a couple minutes. If you could to make any other points or continue where John left off making any other points that that you find to be relevant for the time we have left.

And also to each of you, please feel free to share with our audience ways in which they can maybe find more of your work or or follow along. With it again, your most recent is Warnings: the Holocaust, Ukraine and Endangered American Democracy from Cascade Books. Lenny Grob. Yeah,

Leonard Grob: I would say, certainly that one lesson that I’m continuing to learn in deeper and deeper ways is that I need to be more of a public intellectual. I, I think that, you know, there’s a certain way in which a lot of my early works, not the work I’ve done with John, but a lot of the works I did early in my career were in a kind of standard academic, format, which has its own benefits and joys and such.

But I think at this juncture, We have to speak out and, of course, we can put our bodies and rallies and demonstrations, but we also have to use what, our gifts and our experience has brought to us and to make sure that we speak more publicly. This is 1, lesson that I think is is very, very important in terms of my, my own work.

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I would, I belong, work with two organizations. And, the one that I would recommend looking at is called the International Peace Consultancy. It’s just peaceconsultancy.Org and I know that it’s hard for listeners, right now to get that down. But, this is the work I’m doing at the U. N.

with others and, the work that we do on the ground.

Mickey Huff: We will certainly share those links with the show and we’ll make sure they’re available at the projectcensored.Org website. So people can follow those. So I will certainly follow up with the both of you to make sure I have included any of that kind of information.

Certainly for our listeners and John, John Roth, the same to you.

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John K. Roth: Okay, just two things, maybe conclusion, if people are interested in finding out more about Warnings, the book, you can go to Amazon dot com, go to the publishers website, which is a Wipf and Stock, W I P F, and stock, like in the stock market.

They have a good site that would tell more about the book and how people could get it. Last thing I want to say is that, my experience in learning and teaching about the Holocaust, underscored for me, the importance of taking nothing good for granted. But what I sensed as I studied that history was how fast things change.

Once Hitler and his Nazi party came to power very quickly, that regime didn’t last, all that long 12 years, but it did immense harm to the world. We’re still wrestling with and, Americans are prone to take democracy for granted, but we shouldn’t because it’s in trouble and it’s in danger and it could disappear and there are steps that we can take that, would prevent that from happening, but unless Americans, wake up and tune in, and that would include, you know, following the work of Project Censored.

We could be in a world of hurt (unintelligible) folks.

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Mickey Huff: Well, John Roth, I want to thank you so much for taking time to join us today. Edward J. Sexton, professor emeritus of philosophy at Claremont mechanic college, co author with Lenny Grob, professor emeritus of philosophy at Farley Dickinson University, their latest book Warnings: The Holocaust, Ukraine and Endangered American Democracy. And certainly on the show here, we like when we have folks go in and grabbing books, we like to steer them maybe away from Amazon and towards bookshop. org or to a local independent store near you. Because our not friend, Jeff Bezos probably doesn’t need more help, help for business.

But gentlemen, it’s an honor to, be with you today. I just want to make sure that our audience knows that the show is pre recorded. It is January 12th. The program will air sometime in the next week or so, but it’s important that I want to put the date out there, because as you said, moments ago, John, things can change very quickly.

And there, there often are things that will happen tomorrow that, you know, again, we didn’t, we just couldn’t get to today, but your book, both Lenny and John, Warnings, I think is a really important roadmap for people to understand where we’ve been and how we got here and you both lay out extraordinary prescriptions for what you think we need to do and what would benefit not just ourselves in the United States, but the world as a whole.

And I want to thank the both of you for your extraordinary work and for sharing it with our audience today. Lenny Grob, John Roth. Thank you so much.

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Leonard Grob: Thank you, Mickey, and for the important work you do.

John K. Roth: Yes. Thanks, Mickey. And keep the good work going.

Mickey Huff: Indeed.

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EU to vote on import taxes on Chinese electric cars

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EU to vote on import taxes on Chinese electric cars

A pivotal European Union (EU) vote is set to take place later on whether to impose big taxes on imports of electric vehicles from China.

The move to introduce tariffs aims to protect the European car industry from being undermined by what EU politicians believe are unfair Chinese-state subsidies on its own cars.

Charges of up to 45% could be enforced on electric cars made in China for the next five years if EU members back the proposals, but there have been concerns such a move could raise electric vehicle (EV) prices for buyers.

The decision also risks sparking a trade war between Brussels and Beijing, which has condemned the tariffs as protectionist.

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China has been counting on high-tech products to help revive its flagging economy and the EU is the largest overseas market for the country’s electric car industry.

China’s domestic auto industry has grown rapidly over the past two decades and its car brands have began moving into international markets, prompting fears from the likes of the EU that their own companies will be unable to compete with the cheaper prices.

The EU imposed import tariffs of varying levels on different Chinese manufacturers in the summer, but Friday’s vote will decide if they are implemented.

The charges were calculated based on estimates of how much Chinese state aid each manufacturer has received following an EU investigation. The European Commission set individual duties on three major Chinese EV brands – SAIC, BYD and Geely.

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Figures show that in August this year, EU registrations of battery-electric cars fell by 43.9% from a year earlier.

In the UK, demand for new electric vehicles hit a new record, but sales were mostly driven by commercial deals and by big manufacturer discounts, according to the industry trade body.

EU members remain divided on tariffs. Germany, whose car-manufacturing industry is heavily dependent on exports to China, is unlikely to vote in favour of them.

German carmakers have been vocal in opposition. Volkswagen has said they are “the wrong approach”.

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However, France, Greece, Italy and Poland are likely to vote in favour of the import taxes. The EU’s proposal can only be blocked if a qualified majority of 15 members vote against it.

On Friday, SAIC – which owns the MG brand – said it would not change the price tags of its electric vehicles this year, regardless of the outcome of the vote.

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Abrdn’s plan to solve ‘vacuum’ caused by cost disclosure rule removal

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Abrdn's plan to solve ‘vacuum’ caused by cost disclosure rule removal

The recent announcement by the Treasury and the FCA that it will temporarily ban the “double counting of costs” for investment trusts was welcomed by the sector.

However, the immediate removal of the requirement to provide costs disclosures has left a “potential vacuum”, according to Abrdn.

The company has released a ‘Statement of Operating Expenses’ (SOE) template as an interim measure to deal with this issue.

The new template document is for disclosing expenses incurred by investment trusts.

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The Treasury also said it will lay out legislation to provide the FCA with the appropriate powers to deliver reform – the new Consumer Composite Investments (CCI) regime.

It said the new CCI regime will deliver more tailored and flexible rules to “address concerns across industry with current disclosure requirements, including for costs”.

The UK’s new retail disclosure regime is expected to be in place in the first half of 2025, subject to Parliamentary approval and following a consultation from the FCA.

Due to the time gap with the new regime not being in place until 2025, Abrdn said that “investors need clarity and consistency among data providers and publishers in the meantime”.

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Both Abrdn and industry campaigners have always been clear that the “end objective should be more transparency, not less”.

This is why Abrdn is suggesting the SOE as an interim measure.

Abrdn explained the SOE provides more “relevant and transparent information”, with the added advantage that the underlying data will have been audited, although the SOE itself will not be an audited document.

The SOE is the result of a consultation with data providers and industry participants over recent months.

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The rule, to “double counting of costs”, was inherited by the European Union (EU) and makes it appear that investment trusts are more costly to invest in than they actually are.

The disclosure rule required trusts to publish the costs of financing, operating and maintaining real assets.

However, many of these costs were already published in regular company updates and reflected in the value of the share price for all investment companies.

This “double counting of costs” is putting investors off, and an estimated £7bn a year is not being invested due to this issue.

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Association of Investment Companies chief executive Richard Stone labelled this issue “misleading” and that the cost disclosure regime was an “unnecessary hindrance to investment trusts”.

Abrdn head of investment companies Christian Pittard said: “The forbearance measures announced on 19 September were a huge leap forward for the investment company sector, but there’s a long way to go yet.

“A potential vacuum has been created by the immediate removal of the requirement to provide costs disclosures.

“There is yet to be agreement on what could and should replace the disclosures, and clarity could be months away.

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“Abrdn believes that the sector can and should improve cost disclosure for the benefit of investors.

“That’s why we are proposing a stand-alone cost disclosure template – a SOE, that Key Information Documents (KIDS) and factsheets could refer to.

“While the announcement on exempting investment trusts from cost-disclosure rules was hugely positive, we now see a risk that either an information vacuum on costs develops or conflicting information will emerge – creating confusion and eroding confidence among investors.”

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Singapore Charges Billionaire Tied to Ex-Minister Corruption Case

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Singapore Charges Billionaire Tied to Ex-Minister Corruption Case

Singapore charged property tycoon Ong Beng Seng on Friday over the case of an ex-government minister who was sentenced to jail for obtaining gifts from the billionaire.

The 78-year-old Ong didn’t immediately enter a plea in response to the charges of abetment and obstruction of justice, and didn’t respond to questions when he left court. The charges come a day after former transport minister S. Iswaran was handed a 12-month prison term for obtaining valuable items as a public servant and obstruction of justice.

The scandal has rocked the city-state, known for its zeal for clean governance, with Iswaran having become the first former minister to be sentenced to prison in almost half a century. It has also tested the People’s Action Party, which has ruled Singapore uninterrupted since independence in 1965, with Prime Minister Lawrence Wong preparing for a general election that must be held by November 2025.

Read More: A Wave of Scandals Is Testing the Singaporean Government’s Ability to Take Criticism

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“No one is beyond scrutiny or above the law,” Wong said in a statement after Iswaran was sentenced on Thursday. “My team and I will continue to uphold the highest standards of integrity and propriety.”

Ong, who had bail set at S$800,000 ($617,000), allegedly abetted Iswaran over two flights and a night’s stay at the Four Seasons hotel in Doha, with a total value of S$20,848.03. He was also accused of abetting the ex-minister in obstructing the course of justice. That corresponds with two of the five charges to which Iswaran pleaded guilty to on Sept. 24.

The prosecution said it won’t tender charges against Ong for his involvement in any of the other accusations faced by Iswaran. It is also not going to charge Lum Kok Seng, the Managing Director of local construction firm Lum Chang Holdings Ltd., in connection with the Iswaran case, the Attorney-General’s Chambers said in a statement.

The case has been adjourned until Nov. 15.

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Ong, who was arrested in July 2023, has a $1.15 billion fortune, according to Bloomberg estimates. He’s a flamboyant figure in Singapore business circles, and is widely credited for bringing Formula One to the city. The tycoon owns the rights to the Singapore Grand Prix, which he attended in September, and is chairman of race promoter Singapore GP Pte.

But Ong’s business practices were placed under the microscope after his ties with Iswaran led to the worst graft scandal in the financial hub for decades.

Most of the court charges leveled against Iswaran dealt with his interactions with Ong. The allegations ranged from Iswaran obtaining tickets for UK soccer matches and taking a flight on Ong’s private jet to obtaining tickets to the F1 race in Singapore and tickets to musicals in London. Iswaran’s lawyers argued in court that the valuable items were gifts from his friend Ong.

Ong is also the managing director of Hotel Properties Ltd. The Singapore-listed hospitality firm, which requested a trading halt on Friday, has interests in hotels under the Four Seasons chain and develops luxury condos in cities like London and Singapore. 

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The Ong family also has a controlling stake in British luxury handbag maker Mulberry Group Plc, and recently rebuffed a takeover approach from Mike Ashley’s Frasers Group Plc.

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We save HUNDREDS on UK attraction tickets with our free Blue Peter Badge – yes they still exist and anyone can get one

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My family use Blue Peter Badges to save hundreds on days out in the UK

MY FAMILY saves hundreds on attraction tickets and days out using our Blue Peter badges.

Children between the ages of five and 15 can apply for a Blue Peter badge, which entitles the holder to free entry to over 200 UK attractions like museums, science centres, castles and zoos.

My family use Blue Peter Badges to save hundreds on days out in the UK

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My family use Blue Peter Badges to save hundreds on days out in the UKCredit: JENNA MAXWELL
My daughter gets free entry to attractions across the country using her Blue Peter badge

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My daughter gets free entry to attractions across the country using her Blue Peter badgeCredit: Jenna Maxwell

Personally, I grew up watching the likes of Anthea Turner and Konnie Huq on my TV screen.

The show is still going strong with presenters like Abby Cook, Joel Mawhinney and Shini Muthukrishnan still delighting a generation of children to this day.

There are nine different types of badges kids can apply for from silver, green and purple to the music, sports and book badges.

But the instantly recognisable blue badge is the easiest to get because it’s awarded to kids who send interesting letters, stories, pictures, poems and good ideas for the show.

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As soon as she was old enough my now 8-year-old daughter Sabrina, painted a beautiful picture of flowers in a vase and sent it off to the team.

Her badge arrived within three weeks along with a letter to apply for the badge’s ID card – you can’t get entry without this – and the ID card arrived shortly after.

As we live in Edinburgh, my daughter has used her badge for entry into Edinburgh Zoo countless times.

A standard child’s ticket for costs £17.20 on the door, so by using her badge we’ve saved hundreds over the years.

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The badge even works for entry during some special events such as character meet-and-greets, giving you more bang for your buck.

As frequent visitors to Dundee, we’ve also used the badge for entry into Discovery Point and RRS Discovery, saving us £9.50 a pop.

Exciting Family Day Out: Get Your Tickets Now!
The Blue Peter badge covers free entry to hundreds of attractions across the UK like Kew Gardens (pictured)

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The Blue Peter badge covers free entry to hundreds of attractions across the UK like Kew Gardens (pictured)Credit: PA

The best use of the badge has been during family staycations. One of our favourite attractions was the Jorvik Viking Centre in York, which includes a fun ride through a Viking village.

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Sabrina’s badge entitled her to free entry and, as my son is under 5, he was free too which meant we only paid for two adult tickets (£16.50 each), meaning it cost only £33 for a family of four instead of £55.

The best part about Jorvik is that every ticket is valid for 12 months after the initial visit so we could go every month for the next year and not pay any more than the initial £33.

The Tower of London, Kensington Palace, Kew Gardens and London Zoo are among the attractions included with a Blue Peter Badge.

Parents must be careful when booking though, as some sites are stricter than others and must be booked in advance.

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Some attractions will allow you to bring two children with badges per one paying adult whereas others insist on one child with a badge per one paying adult. Either way, you’re still saving money.

There are 200 attractions to choose from throughout the UK so savvy families can even plan their next staycation based on what attractions are included.

Sabrina has now had her blue badge for three years and is planning on applying to get her book badge – the latest in the collection which was designed by one of the UK’s best-known illustrators, Sir Quentin Blake.

This badge must be earned by sharing thoughts on a favourite book – something my bookworm daughter will be great at.

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With the October holidays on the horizon, it might be worthwhile getting your kids to apply now to start saving.

How to Apply for a Blue Peter Badge

IT’S free to request a Blue Peter badge – but you’ll need to get your kid involved.

Firstly, they need to be between five and 15 years old. You’ll need to read and accept all the information on the CBBC website about it too if your child comes up with the idea themselves.

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They’ll need to send a creative piece of art to Blue Peter, which might include a poem, story, artwork, model, recipe or a suggestion for the show.

There’s a full list of options on the CBBC website if you’d like to know more.

Once your child has chosen what they want to send, you’ll need to include the following alongside it:

  • your child’s full name
  • their date of birth
  • your home postal address and postcode (not their school address)

You’ll need to send it to: Blue Peter, MediaCityUK, Salford, M50 2BH

Travel writer Catherine Lofthouse has also used Blue Peter Badges to save hundreds of pounds on family days out.

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My daughter Sabrina (pictured) applied for a Blue Peter badge when she turned five

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My daughter Sabrina (pictured) applied for a Blue Peter badge when she turned fiveCredit: Jenna Maxwell
We use the Blue Peter badges on UK staycations

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We use the Blue Peter badges on UK staycationsCredit: Alamy

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Why are the British so reluctant to invest?

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Millions of people have five-figure sums sitting in cash, in spite of inflation’s corrosive effects

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