In fact, only one in 100,000 Tesla Model 3s was reported stolen.

The Tesla Model Y, along with the Model 3, ranks among the vehicles that car thieves avoid most.

On the other hand, traditional fuel-powered cars remain the primary targets.

The GMC Sierra is the most frequently stolen car, with 227 thefts per 100,000 vehicles, followed by the Chevrolet Silverado, which sees 96 thefts per 100,000.

Luxury brands such as Audi, BMW, and Mercedes are popular among thieves, and individual parts of these cars are also highly sought after.

This is an audio transcript of the FT News Briefing podcast episode: ‘Swamp Notes: How the Middle East conflict is shaping the election’

Sonja Hutson
When it comes to conflict in the Middle East, President Joe Biden and vice-president Kamala Harris have repeatedly hit the same message.

Kamala Harris voice clip
Now is the time to get a hostage deal and a ceasefire deal done.

Sonja Hutson
But after nearly a year, the fighting continues and may be closer than ever to an all-out war.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

This is Swamp Notes, the weekly podcast from the FT News Briefing where we talk about all of the things happening in the 2024 US presidential election. I’m Sonja Hutson. And this week we’re asking: How could fighting in the Middle East shake up the US presidential race? Here with me to discuss is Felicia Schwartz. She’s the FT’s US foreign affairs and defense correspondent. Hi, Felicia.

Felicia Schwartz
Hello.

Sonja Hutson
And we’ve also got Derek Brower, the FT’s US political news editor. Hi, Derek.

Derek Brower
Hi, Sonja.

Sonja Hutson
So we are days away from October 7th, which will mark a year since the war in Israel, Gaza and the wider Middle East began. The Biden administration has tried to secure a ceasefire in Gaza and prevent a wider regional war. It has failed on both of those counts. Felicia, why has the administration proved so powerless to influence this conflict in the way that it wants to?

Felicia Schwartz
I think there are a few things at play here. I would say one, of course, this is a complicated situation because you’re dealing with a sovereign state, Israel, and a terrorist group in Gaza, Hamas. The US has leverage over its close ally, Israel. It’s working with partners in the Middle East that have leverage, to some extent, over Hamas because they support the group financially or, you know, have historical ties. But all that being said, throughout the process the US has, and President Biden in particular, who’s described himself as, you know, the most, one of the most Zionist, if not the most Zionist president, feels a deep connection to Israel, has not really been willing to use a ton of American leverage with Israel to get them to change its course, namely withholding shipments of American weapons, except in one case. So I think, you know, the US can’t want a deal more than Israel does. And I think at various turns it’s been clear that Israel doesn’t really want a deal.

Derek Brower
Netanyahu as well is a really difficult character for them to deal with. Let’s face it, he’s under pressure domestically himself. He can’t deliver sometimes what the Americans want for his own domestic reasons and for his own ambitions. So it’s really, it’s been a really, really thorny one. And the Biden administration has, at various times, seems failed the test.

Felicia Schwartz
If I could just add one thing, too. I used to be a reporter based in Israel. I think one of the things that’s come through to especially like talking to old kind of sources and colleagues who are still there is the news environment in Israel and what people are experiencing there is super, super intense and different. And they think that the US and, and others around the world, in Europe, etc., like totally kind of misread Israeli popular opinion on all of this because Netanyahu is very unpopular. There was this whole judicial overhaul thing that was happening before October 7th. He was potentially on his way out, many thought. But what’s happening in Lebanon, for example, right now, it’s polling really well, this feeling that, okay, the Israelis can kind of like finally have some shot at dealing with this like thorn in their side, this major threat, Hezbollah in the north. I just think that, you know, when the US is trying to pressure Israel, how this is playing domestically in Israel also weighs on its leaders. So it’s just a bit more nuanced and complicated in terms of where they can push, how they can push.

Sonja Hutson
So, Felicia, you mentioned one tool that they, that the Biden administration has not really used is withholding weapons, withholding military aid. Why is that? Like, is that the only tool that they have at their disposal to push Israel in the direction of de-escalation?

Felicia Schwartz
I think it’s definitely the most powerful tool. They could be a bit more forceful with Israel at the UN, not come to Israel’s defense there as much as Israel really cares about. But just just going back to this question of military aid. There’s been strong bipartisan support in the US for a strong defense partnership with Israel to the tune of, you know, almost $4bn a year at this point. And that aid is, is like largely devoted to preparing Israel for any sort of conflict with Iran, which is a, you know, considered Israel’s greatest threat in the region. And I think there is a fear whether you’re going to that kind of historical, kind of pro-Israel group of people. But even among those who are, you know, not as sure about the relationship, that while it would be a good idea in theory to use this powerful lever that the US has, the US also has a great interest in preventing conflict between Israel and Iran, which the US would be drawn into. And they fear that any, like serious withholding of weapons, any “daylight” between the US and Israel kind of invites Iran to, you know, seize on this weakness. And that is actually not good for the US.

Derek Brower
We can’t also avoid but talk about the kind of domestic calculations that are in every leading politician in the US when they think about Israel. And that is that there isn’t really a constituency that doesn’t support Israel. Not, not at the heights of the commanding heights of US power. There isn’t really a constituency that would back away from supporting Israel, especially after October 7th. And that’s even before you consider that we’re in an election year when those things are really, really important.

Sonja Hutson
What about this, you know, for example, the undecided movement in Michigan? Wouldn’t that be a constituency that would not want the US to be closer to Israel?

Derek Brower
I think it is. I think it is. And we should be very, I mean, we need to draw attention to them because it’s, there’s a big Arab-American community in Michigan. They already did vote in the primary, Democratic primary for this undecided vote to register their protest against Biden’s policies. I think the calculation that the Democratic Party is making right now and Harris’s camp is making is that there are more people on the other side of that issue. And so they can somewhat discount that. And they also have this very cynical message to those people, which is, well, really you think Trump is going to be better? And when you boil it down, Trump probably wouldn’t be necessarily better if your, you know, you have family who are living in Gaza. So . . . but that is, to be clear, that’s quite a cynical way to talk to people who are protesting about American foreign policy or who are suffering through their relatives in an area of the world being affected by all this violence. But, not to be too rough on the voters, but I think most voters probably just see chaos in the Middle East and they’re focusing on that stuff, they’re focusing on the cost of groceries. At the moment, they’re focusing on a hurricane that’s demolished parts of North Carolina, inflation, focusing on jobs. You know, there’s (plenty of) domestic, domestic, domestic stuff.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

[TECH TONIC TRAILER PLAYING]

Sonja Hutson
So, Felicia, I know that Derek said before the break that voters don’t really care as much about foreign policy as they do about domestic issues. But I do want to ask still, how would Trump versus Harris approach the situation in the Middle East?

Felicia Schwartz
Just starting with Trump. He has said things like, you know, this is really bad PR for Israel. It’s got to end. He was asked at a press conference when he was in New York about what’s going on in Lebanon. He said, you know, this has to end. It’s time to wind this down. So I think if Netanyahu is betting that a Trump administration might be super permissive on what they’re doing, I think that Trump has kind of also made clear that he’s got limited patience for what you might describe as Israeli adventurism in the Middle East. And I think that, you know, might help to explain why we’re seeing Israel take its shots now, because I think there’s some perception that Biden is a lame duck, that if Israel really needs defending, he will come to defend them. And, you know, Trump, for better or worse, can be unpredictable, right? And then on the Harris side, she has especially since she’s become the candidate for president and the tone was very different. She emphasized more Palestinian suffering and kind of empathy for what they’re experiencing in a way that President Biden, you know, can’t or hasn’t been able to do. I don’t really anticipate that that would be a big change. But I think at least, like tonally, things would be different.

Derek Brower
I think tonally is really important to stress, because it’s not like one of them is going to establish statehood for the Palestinians or fix the Middle East. They aren’t. (Yeah) I mean, this is not. Both of them would rather just not have to think about it, really. So we have to wait till the election’s gone and then, then the real strategizing will begin. At the moment, this foreign policy is just not something that wins votes.

Sonja Hutson
So, you know, we hear a lot about this idea of an October surprise in US politics, which is, you know, an event or revelation that shakes up the presidential race in the final weeks. Do you think the escalation of the conflict in the Middle East could be this year’s October surprise? Like, how important is this to the election?

Derek Brower
If it’s oil prices, that pushes up oil prices, then absolutely. Then we could have a series of October surprises. But I think the biggest threat and the one that will be keeping Harris’s team awake at night is if oil prices suddenly start rising, as they are right now, by the way, they, they’re up. And in fact translates to gasoline prices.

Felicia Schwartz
It feels like, you know, I’ve been covering this conflict now, it’s, in all of its twists and turns for a year. And, you know, every week or month, I think to myself, wow, we’re really high up the escalation ladder. This seems really dangerous. And I think right now this is the highest up the escalation ladder the US, Israel, Iran, Hezbollah have been. And I’m not sure how many more rungs there really are to go before this thing, you know, can’t be contained anymore. And one of the kind of things that the US is super nervous about is, you know, there are 40,000 troops in the Middle East right now. If any sort of Iranian proxy group, whether under direction from Iran, or Iran has lost control of these groups, decides to attack American forces and is successful, that could you know, (that would be huge) that would be huge. So far, there have been several, you know, several attacks. There were American service members who died in Jordan earlier this year. But generally speaking, the US has avoided casualties. But, you know, two weeks before the election, that could be a huge problem.

Derek Brower
I think it’s all a gift to Trump. It really is, because he can very successfully send out adverts into the swing states about how the world is in chaos. He’s doing that. That’s his message. World’s in chaos we don’t need. I think one of his adverts (inaudible) said we don’t need a TikTok star, referring to Harris and her kind of success in activating and energizing a bunch of younger people on TikTok. What they need is a powerful leader who other leaders around the world are scared of. So it’s a gift to him. And that’s why the Biden administration, and Harris, is so keen to talk about anything else. Remember the single most important thing for voters in this election is the cost of living in the US. If gasoline prices start to rise again because of some wars of which they had no control or Biden lost control of or whatever, somewhere else, that will be a message that Trump hammers relentlessly in the final weeks.

Sonja Hutson
All right. I want to thank our guests, Felicia Schwartz, the FT’s US foreign affairs and defense correspondent. Thanks, Felicia.

Felicia Schwartz
Thanks for having me.

Sonja Hutson
And Derek Brower, he’s our US political news editor. Thanks, Derek.

Derek Brower
Pleasure.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

Sonja Hutson
This was Swamp Notes, the US politics show from the FT News Briefing. If you want to sign up for the Swamp Notes newsletter, we’ve got a link to that in the show notes. Our show is mixed and produced by Ethan Plotkin. It’s also produced by Lauren Fedor and Marc Filippino. Special thanks to Pierre Nicholson. I’m your host, Sonja Hutson. Our executive producer is Topher Forhecz, and Cheryl Brumley is the FT’s global head of audio. Original music by Hannis Brown. Check back next week for more US political analysis from the Financial Times.

If Romesh Ranganathan is ever inclined to look over his shoulder and worry about his position as Britain’s most ubiquitous TV comedian, he might see the 6ft 8in figure of Greg Davies looming on the horizon. Davies is currently not only hosting the umpteenth series of Taskmaster and soon to chair a new run of Never Mind the Buzzcocks, he is also now back on BBC One with his sitcom The Cleaner.

This is the third time around for Davies as crime-scene cleaner Paul “Wicky” Wickstead, the “technician” called upon to mop up after bloody crimes or untimely deaths. Since its first episode in 2021, the variety of these gory aftermaths has given Davies (who writes the show) the opportunity to create a new self-contained scenario each episode – and a chance to build an impressive guest cast list.

In the series three opener, the guests were Ben Willbond from Ghosts and the ever-busy Rosie Cavaliero (currently to be seen in Netflix’s Greek mythology mash-up Kaos).

Willbond played Justin, the owner of a huge mansion where a removal man had been crushed beneath a grand piano. Upon arrival at the bloody scene, Wicky mistook Justin for hired help and ranted about “a working man being called in by a rich man to clean up the blood of a working man”. Eventually he twigged that Justin was not only the owner of the swish mansion, but also an old school friend. And rather than being a brash “loadsamoney” type, Justin was modest and kind as he repeatedly pulled the rug from underneath Wicky’s assumptions.

In fact Wicky’s envy-tinged cynicism was challenged throughout a well-worked storyline that eventually involved a whole group of their old schoolfriends gathering at the mansion – including Cavaliero as Marnie, a cruise ship Pink impersonator. Her impromptu rendition of Pink’s “Try” reduced everyone but Wicky to tears. Wicky was also alone in not being delighted by Justin’s success, and his mounting incredulity at everyone’s generosity of spirit was the episode’s running gag. “She’s living the dream,” says Justin of Marnie. “Is she?” questions Wicky. “She’s a Pink impersonator on a boat.”

Just beneath the surface of the comedy lay a morality tale about the fickleness of memory and fortune. The old schoolmate who was remembered as the coolest of the gang and about whom the others joked that he would probably show up on horseback, arrived (okay, somewhat predictably) riding a mobility scooter. He had emphysema and an accompanying oxygen tank.

Wicky was meanwhile deflated by the gang recalling how they thought he would never go far in life. “I was always jealous of you,” Justin told Wicky sincerely. “You were always happy with the little things.” Ouch.

The Cleaner’s anthology format and twists in the tale (here involving a stolen David Bowie LP) are reminiscent of Inside No 9 (a likeness underlined by the presence of Steve Pemberton in a future episode). Inside No 9 may have been more furiously inventive, but I find The Cleaner much funnier. This is no small thanks to Davies’s trademark sarcasm (honed, I like to think, in his pre-comedy days as a schoolteacher) and amusing suffer-no-fools comic persona.

The first two series of The Cleaner were undeniably patchy, but having seen the opening three episodes of the third, it has finally found its stride. With larger casts (and therefore fewer two-handers), the stories can be more expansive, while the lightly applied backstory about Wicky’s relationship with police officer Ruth (Zita Sattar) gives the show a token sense of continuity.

But The Cleaner is essentially about throwing Wicky into a variety of bizarre situations and laughing as he struggles to deal with them. A bit like Taskmaster really.

‘The Cleaner’ continues next Friday at 9.30pm. All three series are streaming on BBC iPlayer

KENDRICK, Idaho (AP) — Tensions rose during a bipartisan forum this week after an audience question about discrimination reportedly led an Idaho state senator to angrily tell a Native American candidate to “go back where you came from.”

Republican Sen. Dan Foreman left the event early after the outburst and later denied making any racist comments in a Facebook post. He did not respond to a voice message from The Associated Press seeking comment.

Trish Carter-Goodheart, a Democratic candidate for the House District 6 seat and member of the Nez Perce Tribe, said the blowup left her shaken and thinking about security needs for future public events. It also forced some tough conversations with her two young children, Avery and Lavender, who were in attendance.

“Having conversations about racism with an 8-year-old and a 5-year-old is not something me and my husband Dane were prepared for,” Carter-Goodheart said Friday. “They’ve never seen a grown adult man have a meltdown like that. They were scared. I was scared.”

The event was held by Democratic and Republican precinct committee members from the small north-Idaho town of Kendrick on Monday night, The Lewiston Tribune reported. It was for House and Senate candidates from the local district, including Foreman; his Democratic opponent, Julia Parker: Republican Rep. Lori McCann; and her Democratic opponent, Carter-Goodheart.

About an hour into the event, someone asked a question about a state bill addressing discrimination. The candidates were each given two minutes to answer, and when it was Carter-Goodheart’s turn, she pushed back on earlier comments that suggested discrimination is not a major issue in Idaho.

She said state hate crime laws are weak, and noted that the neo-nazi group Aryan Nations made northern Idaho its home base for many years. She also talked about being the only candidate there who was a person of color.

“I pointed out that just because someone hasn’t personally experienced discrimination doesn’t mean it’s not happening,” she said. “I was making my statement, and then he shot up out of his seat and said, ‘I’m so sick of your liberal (expletive). Why don’t you go back to where you came from?’”

The Nez Perce Tribe has lived on the Columbia River Plateau in the Pacific Northwest for more than 11,500 years, including the area where Kendrick is located. The northern edge of its reservation, while only a small fraction of the tribe’s historical territory, is less than 10 miles (16 kilometers) from the Veterans of Foreign Wars hall where the forum was held.

“It was like slow motion,” Carter-Goodheart said. “I just remember thinking, ‘Go back to where you came from’? That’s within miles of where this forum is taking place. We have literal plots of land that are being leased out to family farms nearby.”

In his Facebook post, Foreman called the incident a “quintessential display of race-baiting” and said the Democratic attendees made personal attacks and “proclaimed Idaho to be a racist state.”

“Well, here is a news flash for the lefties out there. There is no systemic racism in America or Idaho,” Foreman said. “Idaho is a great state — the best in the Union!”

He then added an attack on supporters of abortion rights, saying: “And furthermore, it is immoral and against the law of God to kill unborn babies in the womb. You do not have any right to murder the unborn. There is no such thing as your self-proclaimed ‘Women’s Reproductive Rights.’ There is no such body of rights in the state or federal constitutions. And we don’t do designer rights in Idaho.”

During the exchange at the forum, Parker and McCann both said, Foreman stood up and yelled after Carter-Goodheart’s response.

“I stood up and faced (Foreman) and tried to defuse what was going on,” Parker said.

McCann said Carter-Goodheart’s description of the incident matched her own recollection.

“Her statement is accurate,” McCann told the Tribune. “(Carter-Goodheart) leaned over to me and said, ‘Where am I supposed to go?’”

The event continued for about 20 minutes after Foreman left. Carter-Goodheart said she found herself watching the only door, worried he would come back, and the female candidates checked on each other later.

“I really appreciate that about the people who are running, specifically Lori McCann,” she said. “She’s my elder and I appreciate her and her commitment to our community. We do have a big difference in our values and what we want to do for our communities, but she checked on me and I checked on her, and that was the right thing to do.”

More candidate forums are planned in coming weeks, Carter-Goodheart said. Organizers for an upcoming League of Women Voters event emailed Carter-Goodheart on Friday to say police would be there as a precaution, she said, and the Idaho Secretary of State’s Office offered guidance about security measures her campaign can pay for.

“We’ve been told, you know, it’s not a bad idea to get security,” she said. “And we need to have honest discussions about race and discrimination and the inequalities and disparities that exist not only in Idaho but across the country.”

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On the evening of Armistice Day, November 11 1918, a bohemian young couple threw a party at their Chelsea home. The man of the house, 24-year-old Arthur Lett-Haines, was already on his second marriage and these high-spirited end-of-war festivities were about to blow that one apart too. Among the guests was a handsome artist called Cedric Morris and shortly afterwards the two men started a relationship that lasted the rest of their lives.

Portraits of the two currently hang side by side in Gainsborough’s House in Sudbury, Suffolk, where an exhibition is dedicated to their work. Both pictures are by Cedric Morris, the better known of the two. Lett-Haines, painted in 1925, is dressed in a fitted tweed jacket, his long handsome face vignetted against a map of Morocco; Morris in 1930, in his early 40s, with a fine head of wavy hair, his head tilted perhaps towards a mirror as his self-portrait takes shape. They are a compelling pair of early 20th-century aesthetes.

“I first became aware of Morris at the Chelsea Flower Show,” says London dealer Philip Mould, who will be showing one of the artist’s flower paintings, “September Diagram”, at Frieze Masters (October 9-13). “He was as much a horticulturalist as a painter, and someone was showing bearded irises that Morris had bred. After seeing those exquisite flowers, I really started to notice his work.” In “September Diagram”, a white vase is filled with an arrangement of yellow, blue and orange flowers in a Cubist interior. The painting, made in the 1940s, is typical of Morris’s best-known work.

The exhibition in Suffolk, though — Revealing Nature: The Art of Cedric Morris and Lett-Haines — shows a whole lot more. It begins in 1920, when they arrive in postwar Paris; the plan had been emigration to America: the second Mrs Lett-Haines sailed off alone. There, Morris was inspired by Pierre Bonnard’s passion for colour and refusal to follow the decorative rules, by Cézanne’s remembered landscapes.

His “Café la Rotonde” is a riposte to Renoir’s immersive bar scenes — Morris’s is all abrupt angles and almost infinite perspective. Like fellow British Modernists, he believed that contemporary art required both flat fields of colour and decoration, as well as texture, taking this to an extreme in “Experiment in Textures” (1923). A Cubist abstraction of forms and colours that radiate from the centre of the canvas, thickly spackled patches of paint create near three-dimensional forms.

For Lett-Haines, Surrealism was the thing and dominated his artistic career until his death in 1978. He had seen Giorgio de Chirico’s work in Italy and Wyndham Lewis’s in London and kept those memories close. Weird things happen in his paintings — blue dancing figures; a lilac horse that wouldn’t look out of place on a Kandinsky. Further into the exhibition, in “Vue d’une Fenetre” (1967), a cyclops-headed naked man is chased by powerful penis-like creatures. Brilliant white highlights streaked on the man’s orange flesh give the work an extraordinary, if overwrought, sense of movement.

Equally, for those familiar with Morris’s lovely flowers, his portraits will come as a surprise. Not so much unflattering as unsentimental, sitters including the writers Antonia White and Rosamond Lehmann stare wide-eyed in the headlights of his gaze. (Completed works tended not to enhance his relationships with his subjects.) He did not work from preliminary sketches but developed a process of starting with the inner corner of the sitter’s left eyebrow and working up and then down the face. Nearly 90 years later, their immediacy prevails.

If you are wondering quite how they got away with all this unconventionality, of both lifestyle and output, the answer lies in Suffolk. In 1929, after criss-crossing the Channel, they took a lease on a property called The Pound in Higham, Suffolk, and shortly after left London for good. This allowed them to live in a rural bohemian bubble, resistant to society’s judgment of them, as well as prevailing London trends. But they were not entirely removed from social reality. Morris often returned to his native Wales and was appalled by the social injustice and deprivation he saw there, while early environmentalism eventually crept into his art. Outraged by the damaging use of pesticides, his 1960 “Landscape of Shame” depicts a field of dead birds, like corpses on a battlefield.

Believing in the power of art and education, in 1937 Morris and Lett-Haines opened the East Anglian School for Painting and Drawing in Dedham, Essex. Lucian Freud became their most famous student; in 1940 Morris painted Freud, then in his late teens, as a full-lipped, wan youth, and apparently Freud loved it.

Once they moved to nearby Benton End, not far from Sudbury, in 1939 — after Freud had (possibly apocryphally) burnt down the school with a lazily extinguished cigarette — their best-known student was Maggi Hambling. “It was the opposite of my home life, which I suppose was pretty conventional,” says Hambling in the exhibition catalogue. “It seemed very exotic. It wasn’t just the cooking, it was the whole atmosphere.” But the cooking and the wine were exotic and very much Lett-Haines’s occupation. Cookery writer Elizabeth David was a regular visitor; Morris’s deliciously pastel-coloured painting of eggs (1944) became one of her book covers.

By the late 1960s, the school had run its course, allowing Lett-Haines to return to the making of art. Alongside his increasingly sexual watercolours is a series of mini-sculptures that he called Humbles or Weirdies. “I have Lett-Haines paintings,” says Philip Mould. “But it is these objets trouvés that are far and away his best work.” Collecting detritus on his ironing board — crab shells, chicken bones, pencil shavings, matchsticks — and drying it in the Aga, Lett-Haines collaged these bits and pieces into fantastical forms. Otherworldly beings dredged from the depths of imagination, they are the apotheosis of the surreal. And Mould is right, they are his best work.

To November 3, gainsborough.org