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The devastating legacy of the 1989 US invasion of Panama

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The devastating legacy of the 1989 US invasion of Panama

On December 20, 1989, the United States invaded Panama with tens of thousands of troops. It was the largest US invasion since Vietnam. The first US military action since the fall of the Berlin Wall one month before. The testing ground for the Iraq Wars. The US invading forces destroyed 20,000 homes and killed hundreds of innocent Panamanians, dumping bodies into mass graves.

And the United States government and the mainstream media ignored or whitewashed the violence. The story told to the American people was that of a tremendous success: The liberation of the people of Panama. All in the name of “democracy” and the so-called “war on drugs.”

In this episode, host Michael Fox takes us to the working-class Panama City neighborhood of El Chorrillo, which received the brunt of the US attack. He meets with Panamanians who have long fought for justice, and visits a former US military barracks that was the first home of the US School of the Americas. This is Episode 13.

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Under the Shadow is an investigative narrative podcast series that walks back in time, telling the story of the past by visiting momentous places in the present.In each episode, host Michael Fox takes us to a location where something historic happened—a landmark of revolutionary struggle or foreign intervention. Today, it might look like a random street corner, a church, a mall, a monument, or a museum. But every place he takes us was once the site of history-making events that shook countries, impacted lives, and left deep marks on the world.

Hosted by Latin America-based journalist Michael Fox.

This podcast is produced in partnership between The Real News Network and NACLA.

Guests: John Lindsay PolandOlmedo BelucheCelia SanjurGilma Camargo
Grahame RussellPedro SilvaEfrain Guerrero, Omar Gonzalez
Edited by Heather Gies.
Sound design by Gustavo Türck.
Theme music by Monte Perdido and Michael Fox. Monte Perdido’s new album Ofrenda is now out. You can listen to the full album on SpotifyDeezerApple MusicYouTube or wherever you listen to music. Other music from Blue Dot Sessions.

Additional links/info:

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  • Emperors in the Jungle: The Hidden History of the U.S. in Panama (Duke, 2003), is John Lindsay Poland’s expose on the U.S. military involvement in Panama.
  • You can watch the documentary, The Panama Deception, here.
  • Here are several links to Democracy Now! coverage, over the years, looking back at the U.S. invasion of Panama (herehere, and here).
  • El Chorrillo Neighborhood Tour: You can find out more about Efrain Guerrero’s work trying to protect the memory of El Chorrillo, plus his neighborhood tours, on his Instagram or TikTok. His organization is called Movimiento Identidad. Here’s the website to set up a tour.

Support Under the Shadow:


Transcript

Michael Fox:  Hi folks, I’m your host Michael Fox. Before we get started, I wanted to let you know that this is the second episode about Panama. If you haven’t listened to the first one yet, Episode 12, about the Panama Canal, I recommend you go back and do that first. Also, today’s episode deals with some harsh and heavy themes from the US 1989 invasion of Panama, including killings and mass graves. If you’re sensitive to these things, or you’re in the room with small children, you might want to consider another time to listen. OK. Here’s the show…

It’s a beautiful afternoon in December. Sun’s kind of sinking low. You can hear the birds. Blue sky, white clouds. Around me are a series of high-rise buildings. One of them is completely painted blue. Another is beige with air-conditioning units hanging out from windows. Some potted plants. Some clothes hanging out. A couple of Panamanian flags. In front of this is a park. Elderly women sitting in chairs. Someone’s walking their dogs. It’s really peaceful. 

This is a lower class community here in Panama City. Many people are afraid to come into the community. They say it’s one of the most dangerous in Panama, though people I’ve already met say that’s not the case. 

But I’m here for another reason, because in front of me are two monuments. One of them is just a small concrete block. That, on top of it says, “In memory of the fallen of December 20, 1989”. It’s just this little concrete block, a couple of feet long, with the painting of a helicopter on the side. 

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Because this neighborhood was the center, ground zero, for the US invasion back in 1989, where the US just came in dropping bombs, exploding the neighborhood, setting everything on fire and killing hundreds of people. We still don’t know what the death count may have been. The US planes began dropping their bombs just after midnight on the poor working-class neighborhood of El Chorrillo.

Omar Gonzalez was 12 years old at the time. 

Omar Gonzalez:  We had been really happy that day because we were putting up our Christmas tree. And then we started hearing the engines and the planes and the people saying that the invasion was coming. But we couldn’t believe it. It was late at night.

We went out on the balcony. We heard the planes. We were there when they started shooting. And then, after a few minutes, the lights went out. We took refuge inside. We were huddled there with my mom. Bomb after bomb fell. It was terrible.

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We could see the bombs fall out the window. And the wooden houses that were beside the Panamanian military barracks caught on fire. Many innocent people died there in the fires. We watched it all happen.

Michael Fox:  This was just the beginning. 20,000 people were knocked from their homes. Hundreds were killed, bodies buried in mass graves. The United States occupied the country.

President George H.W. Bush [recording]:  At this moment, US forces, including forces deployed from the United States last night, are engaged in action in Panama.

Michael Fox:  The largest US invasion since Vietnam. The first US military action since the fall of the Berlin Wall one month before. The testing ground for the Iraq Wars.

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The United States government and the mainstream media ignored or whitewashed the violence. The story told to the American people was that of a tremendous success, the liberation of the people of Panama, all in the name of democracy and the so-called war on drugs.

President George H.W. Bush [recording]:  To defend democracy in Panama, to combat drug trafficking, and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal Treaty.

Michael Fox:  That and so much more, in a minute. 

This is Under the Shadow — An investigative narrative podcast series that walks back in time to tell the story of the past by visiting momentous places in the present. 

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This podcast is a co-production in partnership with The Real News and NACLA.

I’m your host, Michael Fox — Longtime radio reporter, editor, journalist. The producer and host of the podcast Brazil on Fire. I’ve spent the better part of the last twenty years in Latin America.

I’ve seen firsthand the role of the US government abroad. And most often, sadly, it is not for the better: invasions, coups, sanctions, support for authoritarian regimes. Politically and economically, the United States has cast a long shadow over Latin America for the past 200 years. 

In each episode in this series, I take you to a location where something historic happened — A landmark of revolutionary struggle or foreign intervention. Today, it might look like a random street corner, a church, a mall, a monument, or a museum. But every place I’m going to bring you was once the site of history-making events that shook countries, impacted lives, and left deep marks on the world. I’ll try to discover what lingers of that history today.

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So, this is the final episode of Under the Shadow Season 1. For the last six months, I’ve been walking you south from the Guatemalan border with Mexico all the way to Panama at the southern tip of Central America. I’ve looked at the long shadow of the United States in the region going back centuries.

In the last episode, we walked back to the US’s role in the very creation of the state of Panama and the Canal Zone. We examined the long role of the United States in the country throughout the 20th century. Today, we are diving in head first into one of the darkest moments of that period.

This is Under the Shadow Season 1: Central America. Episode 13: “Panama. U.S. invasion”. 

President George H.W. Bush [recording]:  My fellow citizens. Last night I ordered US military forces to Panama. No president takes such action lightly. This morning, I want to tell you what I did and why I did it.

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Michael Fox:  George H.W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama to begin in the early hours of Dec. 20, 1989. The goal of Operation Just Cause was to remove Panamanian leader Manuel Noriega and bring him to face drug trafficking charges in the United States.

Noriega was actually formerly a staunch ally of the US — I’ll get into his complicated relationship with the United States shortly. 

But first, I want to go back to El Chorrillo, to 12-year-old Omar Gonzalez and his family, cowering and watching the bombs fall just outside their apartment building.

Omar says the US military stopped firing for a few minutes and called on residents to come out with their hands up. They called out on loudspeakers.

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Omar Gonzalez:  The gringos said they had us surrounded, so everyone came pouring out with their hands up. But many people stayed behind because they were afraid.

Michael Fox:  Omar’s apartment block was just beside the main barracks of the Panamanian Defense Forces, the country’s main military force. They never had a chance. They had only about 12,000 soldiers throughout the country. The US invading force was 26,000 strong, and that doesn’t include the soldiers and the officers already stationed in the US military bases throughout the Canal Zone.

The invading US armed forces rained down missile and bomb after bomb on the barracks and the surrounding neighborhood of El Chorrillo. One of the goals was to set the area on fire, that was the strategy. They knew the whole area would go up in smoke like a box of matches. That’s what they were shooting for.

This is old videotape footage of the US forces bombarding the area from helicopters overhead and celebrating. The video is grainy, black and white. Bombs exploding below. It’s kind of hard to make out what they’re saying, but they’re basically confirming fires on several of the buildings they have been targeting.

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Military Footage:  OK, we got some fires on our building. There’s number five right there. It’s burning good. There’s number two there. 54. I can’t see through the smoke. They’ll catch the building. We’re OK. OK, five’s on fire. Four. Seems like beautiful. You think we shot it enough? No. We got a fire. We got a fire.

Michael Fox:  This footage is from a series of old video tapes shot by US forces during the invasion and acquired by Panama’s National Museum. They offer a surprisingly candid inside look at the actions of the US soldiers. I’ll feature footage and sound from these videos throughout this episode.

Those fires didn’t just impact the Panamanian Defense Forces complex; They engulfed the neighborhood, which was largely constructed of one and two-story wooden homes, which had been built to house many of the workers who had helped to construct the Panama Canal and then the workers of the Canal Zone, as we looked at in the last episode.

Omar Gonzalez:  So many innocent people died. Friends of ours. Children we knew. People. Men and women. Some people who were sleeping at that moment. Elderly people who couldn’t stand up or run away because they lived close to the barracks. And this is the history. And it’s painful, more than anything else.

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Michael Fox:  20,000 homes were destroyed.

John Lindsay Poland:  El Chorrillo was a massive fire in El Chorrillo, a very densely populated neighborhood right on the edge of the Canal Zone. The Black population, many people who had worked in the Canal Zone, but a poor neighborhood and, as a result, hundreds and hundreds of people died there.

Michael Fox:  John Lindsay Poland is the author of the book Emperors in the Jungle: The Hidden History of the US in Panama.

John Lindsay Poland:  But there were mass graves that the US set up. Which was catastrophic, of course, for Panamanians.

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Michael Fox:  Historian Olmedo Beluche says the region looked like Gaza today. He published the first book about the US invasion of Panama to mark the one-year anniversary of the attack. 

He says some residents sought refuge in a nearby church. He says the United States promoted a strategy of looting supermarkets and stores to generate chaos and confusion. The financial cost to the private sector was estimated at $400 million US dollars.

It took the United States four days to find Noriega, during which time the US occupied the country and swore in a puppet government on a US military base. The new US-backed president was Guillermo Endara, the opposition candidate who had allegedly won elections earlier that year against Noriega’s ally. 

So, General Noriega, the de facto leader of Panama since 1983, had canceled the vote. Professor Olmedo Beluche explains that although Endara had participated in the elections, his was a puppet government because he was sworn in at the US military base while the country was under invasion.

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Olmedo Beluche:  The Americans placed the US ambassador next to the president at all times. All  week, each time the president made a report, along with each minister there was a high-ranking American colonel, and they did all the public addresses. They controlled the police. They had to make reports in both Spanish and in English to control them.

Michael Fox:  The US controlled the messaging. And the media spun the story as a liberation, freeing Panama from an evil dictator. 

Documentary:  The pressed pool that went down there was managed from the day they arrived. They were only taken to see what the government, what the military wanted them to see. And there has been continuous suppression and denial of the extent of damage which was inflicted during that invasion. 

Michael Fox:  That’s the late Rear Adm. Eugene Carroll from the Center for Defense Information, in a clip from the 1992 Academy Award-winning documentary The Panama Deception. The movie looked at the US invasion and the media coverage.

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With an incomplete picture from the press, both locally and internationally, the US public and many Panamians initially applauded the invasion.

Professor Olmedo Beluche.

Olmedo Beluche:  One of the things the United States learned from the Vietnam War was to control journalism. So, in Panama, journalists were prevented from accessing combat and conflict zones until US forces had cleaned up. And the only journalist who took the most damning photos was killed by US troops.

Michael Fox:  That was a Spanish photojournalist named Juantxu Rodríguez, who was on assignment for El País. He took some of the only pictures that were published of the US violence; dead bodies lined up. He was killed by a US sharpshooter on Dec. 21, the day after the start of the invasion. 

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Robert Knight:  There was not a conflict, but according to the reports of colleagues and American soldiers, just up, took aim, and shot him down.

Michael Fox:  That’s the late investigative journalist Robert Knight, also from the documentary The Panama Deception.

Robert Knight:  What happened in Panama is a hidden horror. Many of the bodies were bulldozed into piles and immolated in the slums where they were collected. Other bodies were left in the garbage chutes of the poor projects from which they died from the shooting from the artillery, from the machine guns, from the airborne, from the attacks. Others were said to have been pushed into the ocean.

Michael Fox:  But almost none of this was seen or heard of in the local and international press. It was hushed up, cleaned up, controlled, and locked down by the invading US forces.

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Here’s filmmaker Barbara Trent, again, from The Panama Deception.

Barbara Trent:  The US military also targeted the Panamanian media. Radio stations were immediately taken over and destroyed. US forces occupied TV stations and began transmitting their own signal. Many journalists were either arrested or fired. One of Panama’s largest daily newspapers, La Republica, was raided, ransacked, and closed down by American troops.

Michael Fox:  Those old videos that I mentioned earlier, the ones shot by US soldiers during the invasion, give a chilling inside look into the reality on the ground. 

Speaker:  Studs. You’re both studs. I hope you know that. Yeah, that’s us. We are it.

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Michael Fox:  Videos from the aftermath of the invasion show bodies lying dead on the street, bloodied and shot up. Cars smashed up and crashed. People rush by quickly.

In another video from the morning of the invasion but after the sun has come up, US officers interrogate a blindfolded Panamanian man who is clearly afraid for his life. But the US soldiers can barely communicate with him because only a couple of guys speak even broken Spanish. It’s the same thing on another tape, where dozens of US soldiers surround a house with their weapons drawn. You can hear them calling for the people inside to surrender and come out with their hands up — But they’re doing it in English! 

The most powerful country on the planet launched an invasion of tens of thousands of soldiers into a Spanish-speaking nation without developing the most minimal protocol for communicating with local residents. And this is a country that, at the time, the United States had literally controlled a piece of for 85 years. 

It is shocking. And it’s a sign of just how brazen the US was in carrying out its imperial goals and how disconnected it was from the reality on the ground. 

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It’s also a sign of something else: The real reason for the invasion. 

John Lindsay Poland.

John Lindsay Poland:  In Latin America, yes, for 50 years, the United States had rationalized military intervention based on the threat of communism and, essentially, on the threat of independent Latin American governments. 

And so, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, George H.W. Bush, he is a new president, he established his own credibility as a warrior through the invasion of Panama.

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Michael Fox:  That is the point. The US invasion of Panama was a show of force and a training op that Washington knew would easily succeed. Of course, some people would die. That was the collateral damage for Washington’s success. This was a necessary step in re-exerting US dominance in a new world order as the Cold War was ending and the communist bloc was collapsing. Bush needed to show strength, and the US needed a new war. 

Commercial:  Is there anyone out there who still isn’t clear about what doing drugs does?

Michael Fox:  If you grew up in the 1980s, you probably remember this commercial.

Commercial:  This is your brain. This is drugs.

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Michael Fox:  It shows this guy frying an egg in a skillet.

Commercial:  This is your brain on drugs. Any questions? 

John Lindsay Poland:  So the 1980s, the mid to late 1980s, the drug war of the United States becomes a major policy and material commitment of the US federal government, both within the United States and in foreign policy. And it’s responding politically to the crack cocaine epidemic, but it is also responding to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the Berlin Wall, and a need to reframe, reset US military postures around the world.

Michael Fox:  The US invasion of Panama showed that Washington was ready to set the new post Cold War agenda and willing to take action to carry its war on drugs abroad. 

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And it didn’t stop in Panama. Over the decades, the US-backed war on drugs has driven intense militarization and human rights abuses across Latin America, most infamously in Mexico and Colombia. After the invasion of Panama, the drug war became a major excuse for the United States to meddle in countries far from its borders — And often with disastrous impacts.  

John says the US invasion was also, in part, an attempt to keep a foothold in Panama. 

President Jimmy Carter [recording]:  This agreement has been negotiated over a period of 14 years.

Michael Fox:  Remember that, according to the 1977 deal, the US had to hand over the Canal, the Canal Zone, and its bases to Panama by the end of the century — Dec. 31, 1999. But the United States was reluctant to do away with its military bases. 

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John Lindsay Poland:  And so, several years later, in 1995, the United States opens negotiations to keep a US military presence in Panama after 1999. The invasion really set the stage for those negotiations. Those negotiations failed when a copy of the language for the new presence was leaked, and it was clear that the terms were hostile to Panamanian sovereignty. So that agreement failed, and ultimately the troops left at the end of 1999.

Michael Fox:  As for Noriega, his relationship with the United States is an interesting one, and not unlike that of the recently convicted drug trafficker Juan Orlando Hernandez, the former president of Honduras. See, Noriega was “one of our guys”, as Washington operatives say.

John Lindsay Poland:  So the Noriega government in Panama was a military ally of the United States, in operational terms, and was a CIA and US Army intelligence asset for many, many years.

I think it went sour because he was playing all sides, He was in bed with the United States. He was in bed with some of the cartel operatives. He was communicating with Castro’s Cuban intelligence forces. So he was a player, he was an international player on all sides. 

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Now, that can be very valuable to the United States if he’s serving their interests. But if he is his own player, which he increasingly was and also enriching himself, then at a certain point there’s a tension for US intelligence.

Michael Fox:  Then there were the canceled 1989 elections. Those were supposed to be the first free presidential elections in the country since before former dictator Omar Torrijos took power in a 1968 coup. When Noriega annulled the 1989 vote, protesters hit the streets. 

John Lindsay Poland:  And, in addition, there was a DA that indicted Noriega on drug trafficking charges, which may or may not have been coordinated by the State Department or military forces of the United States. The indictment also shifted the dynamics, because now he was an indicted, potential felon.

So all of those things led to… And the fact that Bush really needed some kind of military victory. He needed to reframe the Cold War. He needed to implement his drug war.

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Michael Fox:  That’s what he did. And he didn’t look back. Neither has the United States, despite the violence, destruction, and the huge cost to the Panamanian people. But many in Panama have been demanding justice and fighting to hold the United States accountable ever since. 

That in a minute. 

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Maximillian Alvarez:  Hey, everyone, Maximillian Alvarez here, editor-in-chief of The Real News Network. We’re going to get you right back to the program in a sec, I promise. But really quick, I just wanted to remind y’all that The Real News is an independent, viewer and listener-supported, grassroots media network. We don’t take corporate cash, we don’t have ads, and we never, ever put our reporting behind paywalls. 

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But we cannot continue to do this work without your support. It takes a lot of time, energy, and money to produce powerful, unique, and journalistically rigorous shows like Under the Shadow. So if you want more vital storytelling and reporting like this, we need you to become a supporter of The Real News now. Just head over to therealnews.com/donate and donate today. It really makes a difference. 

Also, if you’re enjoying Under the Shadow, then you will definitely want to follow NACLA, the North American Congress on Latin America. NACLA’s reporting and analysis goes beyond the headlines to help you understand what’s happening in Latin America and the Caribbean from a progressive perspective. Visit nacla.org to learn more. 

Alright, thanks for listening. Back to the show.

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Michael Fox:  Protests ripple in the streets in the weeks following the invasion. They carry Panama flags, and signs and banners: “Get out Yankee troops!” “Widows and orphans demand justice.”

They hold signs with the names of those killed during the invasion. 

“Get out killers. Get out,” they chant.

Isabel Corro:  The government continues with the gringos in our land —

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Michael Fox:  — Isabel Corro tells the crowd during one protest. She would go on to lead the association of family members of those killed on Dec. 20. 

Isabel Corro:  We are still invaded as if yesterday were the 20th of December. We are marching, and we will continue to march, without fear of the threats that we receive each day.

Michael Fox:  Meanwhile, a Panamanian law student at John Jay College in New York had been watching everything unfold in her country. Her name was Gilma Camargo. 

Gilma Camargo:  I am the daughter of Lucilla, the granddaughter of Gilma, an attorney that loves her work, and a person that loves her country and is dedicated to anti-imperialism. 

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Michael Fox:  I sat down with Gilma in late 2023 in Panama City, where she lives now.

When the Panama airport opened in January 1990, a couple of weeks after the invasion, she was on one of the first flights down, together with a pair of lawyers from the US National Lawyers Guild and one from the Center for Constitutional Rights. 

Gilma Camargo:  It was difficult to see the destruction. It was difficult. And we need to institute a nationalist. So Santana, El Chorrillo, San Miguelito were areas which I, as a student leader, was very used to being around those areas. And so I come back and I see my country destroyed. 

Anyway, we had the opportunity to go to Jardin de la Paz, and we asked the committee for human rights in Panama. Have you seen any mass graves? And they said no, we haven’t seen anything. So we walk into Jardin de Paz and there they were.

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Michael Fox:  US soldiers had buried people in body bags in numerous mass graves across the region.

Sociologist, environmentalist, and activist Celia Sanjur worked with Panama’s National Human Rights Commission, CONADEHUPA at the time. We met at a cafe in Panama City. I asked her what it was like interviewing those who had suffered and trying to identify the human rights abuses and the victims.

Celia Sanjur:  The gringos did such an excellent job at making the evidence of their violence disappear that it has been very difficult. 

I’ll tell you what I saw in El Chorrillo just after the invasion. I remember that I took many international human rights representatives to places where they said there were mass graves. For example, we arrived at Chorrillo, there was a big place there, on the little beach of Chorrillo, and you could smell the smell of death. But how could you identify it? It was hard. Very hard.

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Michael Fox:  She was there the day they exhumed the bodies in the Jardin de la Paz mass grave the year after the invasion.

Celia Sanjur:  Yes, that was a crucial moment. And it was very intense, because they opened the grave and found, well, bags. Green gringo body bags. And taking all of that out was really hard, especially for the relatives of the victims of that time. 

But I will tell you this, we always came back to this question of impunity. This is what prevailed. Then you can open a mass grave. It hurts you, it kills you, but in the face of everything that happened — And we still don’t know everything that happened. But it was very hard. Really hard. 

And the people did their best to carry on. I don’t know if we’ve overcome it, but we have carried it with us. It was very, very, very, very difficult.

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Michael Fox:  A few months after Jardin de la Paz was exhumed, Canadian human rights activist Grahame Russell attended an exhumation of another mass grave in Colón. At the time, he worked with CODEHUCA, the Commission for the Defense of Human Rights in Central America. He wrote about his experience in this excerpt from his 1992 book The Never Ending.

Grahame Russell:  It is next to impossible to identify anything — Perhaps a gold tooth or a pair of glasses are identifiable amongst the green and gray. Despite the unlikelihood, the families line up one by one — A ghastly, mournful procession. A forensic doctor holds up a pair of shorts found on the cadaver of a six-year-old boy, and asks if anyone can identify them.  A woman collapses in tears, staring at the shorts of her nephew.  She later tells us that he and his mother had been shot by US soldiers while they were driving in Colón.

Michael Fox:  Meanwhile, lawyer Gilma Camargo and her team of lawyers collected documents and interviewed survivors.

Gilma Camargo:  We found in Colón this man, a worker, José Isabel Salas Galindo. He was already a refugee, and this woman was his wife. That’s their picture. Dunesia Meneses Salas was on Calle, Bolivar, and Cologne when she lived. It was her daughter’s birthday. It was Dec. 22. 

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The Southern Command was there with a group of journalists because the journalists were manipulated to different areas, and they were doing all this propaganda that everything was fine, and be quiet, everything. 

So her husband went out to get some supplies, and she stayed to clean rice. So she starts to clean the rice at the door, and this missile comes and impacts her directly. There were three missiles fired, and they impacted her directly, destroying her body, injured everybody in the house. The other missile comes through the house beside her on the third floor and hits this house where there are children between 6 and a few months old, and the other missile hit close to more advance in the street. This is Colón City, this is in the middle of the city. Why would you use that amount of force? 

So he and the other couple, the other family with the children, were in San José Church as refugees. My partner spoke to them, and he says, listen, I just want justice. I really want something to be done, he says. My family was completely destroyed.

Michael Fox:  Gilma and the lawyers went back to New York, compiled their documents, research, and interviews, and decided to file a case against the US government with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. 

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Meanwhile, Panama remained under US occupation.

Gilma Camargo:  The occupation actually lasted until 1994. Panamanians are not aware of that, but around 1993, ‘94, ‘92, the people started to get uncomfortable with the soldiers in joint custody all over the country. And so they changed and wore civilian clothes in every single occupation, every single place they were, from the presidency to the smallest local government office.

So this was the first experiment of the Pentagon organizing the country without having a blasted idea what they were doing.

Michael Fox:  Gilma says the invasion destroyed the country and set it on the neoliberal path of privatization that it has seen ever since.

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Gilma Camargo:  This destroyed the country. Everything that we live in now, the corruption, the institute, the weak institutions, the financial mess that we are with people not getting paid well and not getting healthcare. That financial neoliberal concept was put into Panama without us asking for it or thinking of going there. So financially, we are in this mess because that is not the way the Panamanian people think.

Michael Fox:  Protests continued, in particular marking Dec. 20, the anniversary of the invasion.

As for Gilma’s case at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, it would take nearly three decades to get a decision. 

Finally, late 2018. Amy Goodman’s Democracy Now! reported on it in December of that year.

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Amy Goodman:  Last month, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights called on Washington to pay reparations to Panama over what was widely seen as an illegal invasion.

Gilma Camargo:  How did you feel when you heard the word officially that you had won the lawsuit? I had a very, very long silence. I really did. I was at home. I think I got on my knees and I had a very long, long silence.

Michael Fox:  Gilma says there were so many people she wanted to tell. People like her mom and her grandmother, who were no longer alive. She says they held a celebration and ceremony at the university, and they invited all of the victims who had participated in the lawsuit over the decades.

Gilma Camargo:  They came, and it was the first time I saw that change in their eyes and in their gestures of realizing, hey, this is. We did this. It’s not just she did it, we did it. I participated. When you see the documentation that they brought, it takes. After being bombarded that you take the effort to to think about it, how injured is my family?

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Michael Fox:  The ruling was a landmark. It was the first time victims from one country had brought the government of another before the commission and won.

Gilma Camargo:  This is something serious. It’s a historical precedent that they do it to the US, that we did it without the government, that it was the victims themselves that actually put this together by putting chips of their life together. And that none of this happened before. So now it’s a sensation for a lot of people.

Michael Fox:  And the Commission ruled that the US should pay reparations.

Gilma Camargo:  The decision is marvelous because it recognizes the territorial responsibility of the US. It gives compensation, monetary compensation for deaths and injuries, for food, for vehicles, for all kinds of… And they say, and I keep on saying, from the first dead man to the last plate they broke in Panama is covered. It’s there. You’re supposed to get medical attention. You’re supposed to be paid by your psychological attention.

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Michael Fox:  But the United States has just ignored it. Pretended that it doesn’t exist. And there is no legal means of making the US pay. 

But the case did help to inspire action in Panama.

In 2016, two years before the Inter-American Commission ruling, the Panamanian government created the country’s first Dec. 20 commission to investigate the victims and the human rights abuses of the 1989 invasion. The group has been charged with identifying the dead and disappeared.

José Luis Sosa oversees the commission. He goes through the archives — Rows of files on the invasion and the victims. In recent years, they’ve carried out their own exhumations at grave sites. The official death count from the US invasion is 560 people, but estimates of the actual figure vary widely. Some local groups even believe the number is closer to 1,000 or more. 

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I ask José Luis why it took the Panamanian government 27 years to launch a commission to investigate the invasion and its aftermath.

José Luis Sosa: I have always felt that there was a certain fear of bothering the United States with an investigation into the invasion. Fortunately, we’ve matured, and we have made progress.

Michael Fox:  In 2022, Panama officially declared Dec. 20 “el dia del duelo nacional” or “the day of national mourning” in honor of the victims of the 1989 US invasion.

Pedro Silva walks around the offices of the Dec. 20 commission. He’s staring at huge blown-up pictures of the US invasion that line the walls. They show victims, cars driving through bombed out streets, rubble everywhere. Pedro is one of the organizers of yearly Dec. 20 marches. He’s a filmmaker who was 8 years old when the US bombs fell. 

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Pedro Silva:  We survived the invasion, but others died. Our work is important so that when you meet someone who didn’t experience the invasion, you can say with clarity that this was an act of cruelty, an act of war. We cannot let this be forgotten.

Michael Fox:  He is not the only one working to ensure that this memory is never left in the past.

On a warm sunny afternoon in late 2023, I went for a walk with Pedro Silva in the neighborhood of El Chorrillo. Efrain Guerrero was our guide. He’s thin and tall, in a gray collared short-sleeve shirt, with short graying black hair that’s parted to one side. For the last two-and-a-half years, he’s been leading tours of people to El Chorrillo, the neighborhood that was devastated by the US bombs in 1989. 

But he is not just a tour guide. He’s a longtime resident. His family is from El Chorrillo. He was five when the US invaded. He moved to the neighborhood a few years later. 

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He walks me down the street from his apartment and points to the side of a building. See, here in El Chorrillo, the wounds of the 1989 US invasion are still written on the walls. 

“Do you see this? This remains as a memory of the shots fired,” he says, pointing to a bullet hole left by US soldiers. He turns to the street. “Right here, there was a downed helicopter,” he says. 

He pulls out his tablet and flips to a black and white picture of a US helicopter lying in rubble on the street before me 35 years ago.

Efrain is a wealth of history and knowledge, but his tours are not just about remembering and honoring the past. They’re also about protecting the neighborhood today, against a new assault: gentrification.

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Efrain Guerrero:  That is what they want to bring here: gentrification. And the people don’t know what’s happening because this term isn’t really known here in Panama. I am trying to wake people up. You can already see the change in the neighboring community, pretty buildings and things, and then you come here and things are falling apart. 

Because at the end of the day, gentrification isn’t just a process of urban displacement, but of degrading a region enough to put social pressure on the community itself so that it has to leave.

Michael Fox:  Efrain explains that public transportation, schools, trash pickup, and basic services have been gutted in El Chorrillo in recent years. He says it’s all part of a push to force people to leave so real estate prices will tank and developers can move in to cash in big.

Efrain says his tours are a way of trying to help revive the community’s connection to the past. 

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I love this. In this podcast series, I’ve talked about historical memory often; Remembering the violence of the past in order to honor the victims and ensure it never happens again. For this series, I’ve taken you to visit memorials for the dead and disappeared in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. We’ve walked inside museums, heard the voices from long ago radio echo in the present.

And here on the streets of Panama City, Efrain is also carrying out his own form of historical memory: A tour through the streets of the past as a means of rooting the neighborhood in the present with its thick cultural and political history. He’s even talked about putting up signs at important places so that those memories are not left in the shadows, are not forgotten.

Efrain Guerrero:  So much of the neighborhood has lost that sense of belonging. Many new generations do not know the history. Many kids don’t even know that an invasion took place here in their neighborhood because we have not shown the next generations.

Michael Fox:  He’s trying to change that one tour at a time. And it’s clear as we walk through the streets that his neighbors appreciate his actions and are on board.

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It’s also clear the 1989 US invasion has left deep wounds. They are still carved into buildings and buried deep in people’s hearts. But people like Efrain and Pedro Silva won’t let them be forgotten.

Pedro Silva:  We have to use all of these things. The neighborhood stories, the pictures, to maintain the memory about the invasion alive. We need to keep it alive and to protect our identity.

Michael Fox:  Every Dec. 20, they march and continue to demand justice for the violence, the violations, and the crimes of the United States.

If this were just any episode, I’d probably end it here. But it’s not. This is, of course, the last episode of this first season of Under the Shadow. So, I have one more place to take you in Panama City. I visited it with Pedro the day before I left town.

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If you drive past El Chorrillo in Panama, into the former Canal Zone, and head south toward the Pacific Ocean, you come to a rather thin stretch of land that was once known as the US military base Amador. This was once a key base for the United States to protect the Pacific mouth of the Panama Canal.

But already we’re driving, and there’s all these old military structures here that are abandoned, right in the middle of this park. And again, this is talked about in the past. This stuff is hidden in plain sight. It’s not even hidden, it’s just hanging out. And it’s all right here. Wow.

We just stepped out of the car into a huge, really, to this edge of this park, back in the day. This used to be US military base Amador, is what it was called. It’s this big park with streets all around. Nobody’s here. 

You have all these old military US buildings. They’re just falling [apart]. Big, huge, concrete buildings just falling apart in between the trees. They’re graffitied all around the bottom, which covers up what the names used to be. Apparently inside these, the same stuff, all the windows are broken, there’s no glass left. These buildings are really old. It’s basically a massive concrete shell stuck in between the trees. It’s really wild.

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Pedro and I walk over to one of the buildings. This base wasn’t just to protect the Canal; It was also the location where the United States first set up what would become its Latin American police and military training facility, School of the Americas.

In telling stories, it’s often hard to find one spot that seems to wrap up so many loose ends, one location that seems to symbolize more than just the words written on a page or spoken into a microphone. This place does, for so many reasons. 

The sun is setting low in the sky. Pedro and I explore the ruins of US government buildings.

So on the side of these, one of these stairs coming into this building here is all bricked up. The window right beside it is open. I’m right beside it. This stairway rolling up — That’s the roof — Has been knocked off. And it’s covered. 

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Plants, green plants and trees are taking it back, but inside there’s a big, almost like a warehouse looking thing. The whole thing is busted and broken, falling apart. Part of it is concreted up. I have no idea what this is for, although I can imagine this being some sort of an office place back at the time, but now it’s just totally busted and broken and caved in. 

This is what is left of the United States here in Panama, the memory and the legacy — At least, that’s how people feel about it. This is the legacy of Monroe. It’s the legacy of US imperialism. Buildings in shambles, wasting away underneath a canopy of trees in a park in Panama City. That is the past, and it’s a past that Panamanians do not want to return to.

That is all for Season 1 of Under the Shadow. I hope you have enjoyed this series. It has been a joy and an adventure.

Before I go, I’d like to thank everyone who helped to make this first season of Under the Shadow happen. There are a lot of people who supported this project when it was just an idea on paper, either through my Kickstarter campaign or elsewhere. Thank you all so much. This investigative podcast series could not have happened without your help. 

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In particular, I want to mention a few names who deserve special recognition: Jordan Klein, Scott Bayliss, Marc Becker, Nick Cunningham, Michael Locker, Pablo Serrano, Lin Culler, Kyle Barron, Sergey Kochergan, Damon Korkin at Andean Discovery, Jennifer Waite, Phil and Sue Cortese, Ava, Sherry, and Randy, Dana Wilson, Jim Chomas, Patti Simbulan, Bernardo Poggi Leigh, and Chris Michael. In particular, a huge shout out to Cara Orscheln, my parents, Judy Hughes, and the Sawyers. Thank you, thank you, thank you. This series could not have been made without your help.

Oh, also, many thanks to my wife and girls for putting up with me and for joining me on this adventure.

That’s a good segue into what’s next. We have just started a tour of South America with my family, during which time I’m going to be visiting locations, researching and interviewing people for Season 2 of Under the Shadow, about Plan Condor, a series about lawfare, and numerous other podcast projects. 

If you’d like to support and follow along on the journey, you can do so through my Patreon page: patreon.com/mfox. There’s a link in the show notes. I plan to bring you updates from our adventures on the road every week. 

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That is also where you can see my exclusive pictures of Panama City from this episode: I have shots from El Chorrillo, the ruins at the Amador base, the Dec. 20 commission, and plenty more pictures there on Patreon. 

That’s also where you can find my new personal podcast, Panamerican Dispatch. It’s exclusively for my Patreon supporters, and it’s a window into my reporting from wherever I am in the Americas. Please consider subscribing and becoming a monthly supporter. I appreciate the help.

As always, Under the Shadow is a co-production in partnership with The Real News and NACLA. Thank you so much to NACLA’s Heather Gies, The Real News’s Max Alvarez, Kayla Rivara and everyone else from the team who has pitched in to put this podcast into the world. You guys are amazing.

Many thanks, muito obrigado, to Gustavo Turck from Coletivo Catarse for the incredible sound design and engineering. I am grateful for your work.

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As always, the theme music is by my band Monte Perdido. You can find us on Spotify, Deezer, Apple Music, or wherever you listen to music. 

This is Michael Fox. Many thanks!

See you next time…

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Civil Liberties at Risk Under Vietnam’s Tô Lâm

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On May 25, 2023, a Vietnamese court in Danang sentenced 39-year-old noodle vendor Bui Tuan Lam to six years in prison for posting an online clip deemed anti-government propaganda. Detained since 2021, Lam was isolated from his wife and children for two years before his trial drew international attention for its bizarre background and questionable legality. The dangerous video in question? A TikTok-style parody video mocking then-Minister of Public Security Tô Lâm’s extravagant culinary selection at a steakhouse in London.

One year into the food vendor’s sentence, now-President Tô Lâm’s political fortunes changed dramatically. On August 3, the former top security official was unanimously elected as Vietnam’s next Communist Party General Secretary, the most powerful position in the country. It was the culmination of his meteoric political rise, facilitated by the death of his mentor and longtime party boss Nguyen Phu Trong, in July. Pledging to build on his predecessor’s legacy, Tô Lâm made it clear that he will continue prioritizing the anti-corruption policies and security measures that defined his tenure at the Ministry of Public Security. 

However, as Bui Tuan Lam and the other 160 Vietnamese political prisoners have come to realize, Tô Lâm’s extrajudicial definition of a security threat includes public dissent, civil liberties, and even lighthearted comedy. 

Born on July 10, 1954, Tô Lâm has always prized security. After graduating from the People’s Security Academy in 1979, he held various law enforcement roles until his elevation to the Ministry of Public Security in 2016. There, he defined himself as an excellent political enforcer, leading an impressive anti-corruption campaign under Trong’s direction. Together, Lâm and Trong’s “Blazing Furnace” campaign targeted over 20,000 government officials in 2023, a dramatic increase from previous efforts. 

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“Tô Lâm was appointed one of five deputy chairmen of the Central Steering on Anti-Corruption that was the spearhead of Trong’s blazing furnace campaign,” Carl Thayer, an emeritus professor of politics at the University of New South Wales, told me. “As Minister of Public Security, Tô Lâm was also responsible for the harassment, intimidation, arrest and imprisonment of political and civil society activists.”

To General Secretary Trong, Tô Lâm’s role in Hanoi as an enforcer quickly became apparent. In Lâm’s first week at the Ministry, the former law enforcement officer oversaw the brutal suppression of protests against Formosa Ha Tinh Steel, the company responsible for arguably the worst environmental disaster in Vietnamese history. 41 protesters were arrested, including activist Hoang Duc Binh, who was sentenced to 14 years in prison for advocating on behalf of local fishermen affected by the disaster. 

Two years later, Tô Lâm’s Ministry of Public Security significantly expanded government surveillance powers. The Law on Cyber Security, passed by the National Assembly in 2018, required telecommunication providers to record and store their users’ private data, including “full name, date of birth, place of birth, nationality, profession, position, place of residence, contact address.” Despite widespread condemnation and international outrage, the law continues to undermine Vietnamese civil liberties and online privacy. 

It’s not just democratic organizers and human rights advocates who have been targeted under Tô Lâm’s security regime. Le Trong Hung, a former middle school teacher, was arrested in 2021 after challenging General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong to a nationally televised debate. Another teacher, 43-year-old Bui Van Thuan, was also arrested that same year and sentenced to nearly a decade in prison for publicly criticizing the Communist Party. Even Lâm’s own police officers, such as Captain Le Chi Thanh, have been prosecuted for exposing corruption within the Ministry of Public Security. 

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Tô Lâm’s self-styled campaign to root out “corruption” and enhance state security also coincidentally targeted political opponents within his own party. “Tô Lâm used the Investigative Police Department of the Ministry of Public Security to gather evidence of corruption by the President Vo Van Thuong, the Chairman of the National Assembly Vuong Dinh Hue, and the Permanent member of the party Secretariat Truong Thi Mai,” says Thayer. “These were the three most powerful figures in the leadership under General Secretary Trong. All were pressured into resigning in turn.”

Since taking office in August, General Secretary Lâm has moved quickly to solidify his position on the international stage. Last week, the Vietnamese leader visited Beijing to meet with China’s Xi Jinping, marking his first official overseas trip. The visit came nearly a year after Vietnam upgraded its diplomatic relations with both Japan and the United States. However, this continuation of former President Trong’s “Bamboo Diplomacy” should not be interpreted as a sign that Lâm intends to govern as a carbon copy of his mentor. Tô Lâm’s particularly abysmal human rights record distinguishes him as a unique threat to civil liberties and basic freedoms, further cementing a decade-long trend of increasing censorship and political persecution in Vietnam.

[Ting Cui edited this piece.]

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.

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Record Indian gold imports help drive bullion’s rally

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A surge in demand among Indian consumers for gold jewellery and bars after a recent cut to tariffs is helping to drive global bullion prices to a series of fresh highs.

India’s gold imports hit their highest level on record by dollar value in August at $10.06bn, according to government data released Tuesday. That implies roughly 131 tonnes of bullion imports, the sixth-highest total on record by volume, according to a preliminary estimate from consultancy Metals Focus. 

The high gold price — which is up by one-quarter since the start of the year — has traditionally deterred price-sensitive Asian buyers, with Indians reducing demand for gold jewellery in response.

But the Indian government cut import duties on gold by 9 percentage points at the end of July, triggering a renewed surge in demand in the world’s second-largest buyer of gold.

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“The impact of the duty cut was unprecedented, it was incredible,” said Philip Newman, managing director of Metals Focus in London. “It really brought consumers in.”

The tariff cut has been a boon for Indian jewellery stores such as MK Jewels in the upmarket Mumbai suburb of Bandra West, where director Ram Raimalani said “demand has been fantastic”.

Customers were packed into the store browsing for necklaces and bangles on a recent afternoon, and Raimalani is expecting an annual sales boost of as much as 40 per cent during the multi-month festival and wedding season that runs from September to February. 

Raimalani praised India’s government and “Modi ji”, an honorific for Prime Minister Narendra Modi, for reducing gold duties.

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Column chart of tariff cut triggers import leap last month showing Indian gold imports

Expectations of rapid interest rate cuts by the US Federal Reserve have been the main driver of gold’s huge rally this year, according to analysts. Lower borrowing costs increase the attraction of assets with no yield, such as bullion, and are also likely to weigh on the dollar, in which gold is denominated.

The Fed cut rates by half a per cent on Wednesday, pushing gold to yet another record high, just below $2,600. 

But strong demand for gold jewellery and bars, as well as buying by central banks, have also helped buoy prices. 

India accounted for about a third of gold jewellery demand last year, and has become the world’s second-largest bar and coin market, according to data from the World Gold Council, an industry body.

However, that demand has meant that domestic gold prices in India are quickly catching up to the level they were at before the tariff duty cut, according to Harshal Barot, senior research consultant at Metals Focus. 

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“That entire benefit [of the tariff cut] has kind of vanished,” said Barot. “Now that prices are going up again, we will have to see if consumers still buy as usual.”

Jewellery buying had been flagging before the cut in import duty, with demand in India in the first half of 2024 at its lowest level since 2020, according to the World Gold Council.

India’s central bank has also been on a gold buying spree, adding 42 tonnes of gold to its reserves during the first seven months of the year — more than double its purchases for the whole of 2023. 

A person familiar with the Reserve Bank of India’s thinking called the gold purchases a “routine” part of its foreign exchange reserve and currency stability management.

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Line chart of  showing Rate cut expectations send gold to record high

In China, the world’s biggest physical buyer of gold, high prices have meant fewer jewellery sales, but more sales of gold bars and coins, which surged 62 per cent in the second quarter compared with a year earlier.

“We observed strong positive correlation between gold investment demand and the gold price,” wrote the World Gold Council, referring to China.

All of this has helped support the physical market and mitigate the impact that high prices can have in eroding demand. 

“It acts as a stable foundation for demand,” said Paul Wong, a market strategist at Sprott Asset Management. “In parts of Asia, gold is readily convertible into currency,” making it popular for savings, he said.

Western investor demand has also been a big factor in bullion’s rally, with a net $7.6bn flowing into gold-backed exchange traded funds over the past four months. 

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After hitting a fresh high on Wednesday, analysts warn there could be a correction in the gold price.

“When you have this scale of anticipation [of rate cuts], for this long, there is room for disappointment,” said Adrian Ash, London-based director of research at BullionVault, an online gold marketplace. “I think there is scope for a pullback in precious alongside other assets.”

Whether or not gold pulls back from its record highs, Indian jewellery demand looks set to remain strong through the coming wedding season, according to MK Jewels’ Raimalani.

Soaring prices of bullion have been no deterrent to his customers, he added. “Indians are the happiest when prices go high because they already own so much gold. It’s like an investment.”

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‘Doomsday’ Glacier Is Set to Melt Faster

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‘Doomsday’ Glacier Is Set to Melt Faster

Tidal action on the underside of the Thwaites Glacier in the Antarctic will “inexorably” accelerate melting this century, according to new research by British and American scientists. The researchers warn the faster melting could destabilize the entire West Antarctic ice sheet, leading to its eventual collapse.

The massive glacier—which is roughly the size of Florida—is of particular interest to scientists because of the rapid speed at which it is changing and the impact its loss would have on sea levels (the reason for its “Doomsday” moniker). It also acts as an anchor holding back the West Antarctic ice sheet.

Warmed ocean water melts doomsday glacier faster
Yasin Demirci—Anadolu/Getty Images

More than 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) thick in places, Thwaites has been likened to a cork in a bottle. Were it to collapse, sea levels would rise by 65 centimeters (26 inches). That’s already a significant amount, given oceans are currently rising 4.6 millimeters a year. But if it led to the eventual loss of the entire ice sheet, sea levels would rise 3.3 meters.

While some computer models suggest reductions in greenhouse gas emissions under the 2015 Paris Agreement may mitigate the glacier’s retreat, the outlook for the glacier remains “grim,” according to a report by the International Thwaites Glacier Collaboration (ITGC), a project that includes researchers from the British Antarctic Survey, the U.S. National Science Foundation and the U.K.’s Natural Environment Research Council.

Thwaites has been retreating for more than 80 years but that process has accelerated in the past 30, Rob Larter, a marine geophysicist who contributed to the research, said in a news release. “Our findings indicate it is set to retreat further and faster.” Other dynamics that aren’t currently incorporated into large-scale models could speed up its demise, the new research shows. 

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Using a torpedo-shaped robot, scientists determined that the underside of Thwaites is insulated by a thin layer of cold water. However, in areas where the parts of the glacier lift off the seabed and the ice begins to float, tidal action is pumping warmer sea water, at high pressure, as far as 10 kilometers under the ice. The process is disrupting that insulating layer and will likely significantly speed up how fast the grounding zone—the area where the glacier sits on the seabed—retreats.

A similar process has been observed on glaciers in Greenland.

The group also flagged a worst-case scenario in which 100-meter-or-higher ice cliffs at the front of Thwaites are formed and then rapidly calve off icebergs, causing runaway glacial retreat that could raise sea levels by tens of centimeters in this century. However, the researchers said it’s too early to know if such scenarios are likely.

A key unanswered question is whether the loss of Thwaites Glacier is already irreversible. Heavy snowfalls, for example, regularly occur in the Antarctic and help replenish ice loss, Michelle Maclennan, a climate scientist with the University of Colorado at Boulder, explained during a news briefing. “The problem though is that we have this imbalance: There is more ice loss occurring than snowfall can compensate for,” she said. 

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Increased moisture in the planet’s atmosphere, caused by global warming evaporating ocean waters, could result in more Antarctic snow—at least for a while. At a certain point, though, that’s expected to switch over to rain and surface melting on the ice, creating a situation where the glacier is melting from above and below. How fast that happens depends in part on nations’ progress to slow climate change.

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David Lammy seeks emergency boost to aid cash to offset rising cost of migrant hotels

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Britain’s foreign secretary David Lammy is pushing for an emergency top-up to development spending as ballooning costs of supporting asylum seekers threaten to drain overseas aid to its lowest level since 2007.

The UK government spent £4.3bn hosting asylum seekers and refugees in Britain in the last financial year, more than a quarter of its £15.4bn overseas aid budget, according to official data. This more than consumed the £2.5bn increases in the aid budget scheduled between 2022 and 2024 by former Conservative chancellor Jeremy Hunt.

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People familiar with Lammy’s thinking say he fears that if Rachel Reeves, the chancellor, resists calls to at least match Hunt’s offer, the aid budget will be further eviscerated, undermining the government’s ambitions on the global stage.

Currently, the housing of asylum seekers in hotels is controlled by the Home Office but largely paid for out of the aid budget, a set-up introduced in 2010 when spending on the programme was relatively modest.

In the longer term, development agencies and some Foreign Office officials want the costs capped or paid for by the Home Office itself.

However, such a move would be politically fraught, the people said, as it would require billions of pounds of extra funding for the Home Office at a time the government is preparing widespread cuts across departments.

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Sir Keir Starmer, the prime minister, is due to attend a string of upcoming international events, starting with the UN general assembly this month, then a Commonwealth summit in Samoa, a G20 meeting in Brazil, and COP-29 climate talks in Azerbaijan later this autumn.

International partners will be looking at these meetings for signs that the change of government in the UK marks a change in direction on development.

Britain’s leading role was eroded by Rishi Sunak after he cut the previously ringfenced spending from 0.7 per cent of gross national income to 0.5 per cent when he was chancellor in 2020.

“When he turns up at the UN next week and the G20 and COP a few weeks later, the PM has a unique opportunity to reintroduce the UK under Labour as a trustworthy partner that sees the opportunity of rebooting and reinvesting in a reformed fairer international financial system,” said Jamie Drummond, co-founder of aid advocacy group One.

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“But to be that trusted partner you need to be an intentional investor — not an accidental cutter.”

Speaking on Tuesday in a speech outlining UK ambitions to regain a leading role in the global response to climate change, Lammy said the government wanted to get back to spending 0.7 per cent of GNI on overseas aid but that it could not be done overnight.   

“Part of the reason the funding has not been there is because climate has driven a migration crisis,” he said. “We have ended up in this place where we made a choice to spend development aid on housing people across the country and having a huge accommodation and hotel bill as a consequence,” he said.

Under OECD rules, some money spent in-country on support for refugees and asylum seekers can be classified as aid because it constitutes a form of humanitarian assistance.

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But the amount the UK has been spending on refugees from its aid budget has shot up from an average of £20mn a year between 2009-2013 to £4.3bn last year, far more than any other OECD donor country, according to Bond, the network of NGOs working in international development.

Spending per refugee from the aid budget has also risen from an average of £1,000 a year in 2009-2013 to around £21,500 in 2021, largely as a result of the use of hotels to accommodate asylum seekers.

The Independent Commission for Aid Impact watchdog argues that the Home Office has had little incentive to manage the funds carefully because they come from a different department’s budget.

In her July 29 speech outlining the dire fiscal straits that Labour inherited from the previous Conservative government, Reeves projected the cost of the asylum system would rise to £6.4bn this year.

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Labour was hoping to cut this by at least £800mn, she said, by ending plans to deport migrants to Rwanda. A Home Office official said the government was also ensuring that asylum claims were dealt with faster and those ineligible deported quickly.

But the Foreign Office projects that on current trends, overseas aid as a proportion of UK income (when asylum costs are factored in) will drop to 0.35 per cent of national income by 2028.

Without emergency funding to plug the immediate cost of housing tens of thousands of migrants in hotels, that will happen as soon as this year, according to Bond, bringing overseas aid levels to their lowest as a proportion of national income, since 2007.

The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office said: “The UK’s future [official development assistance] budget will be announced at the Budget. We would not comment on speculation.”

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AI translation now ‘good enough’ for Economist to deploy

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AI translation now 'good enough' for Economist to deploy

The Economist has deployed AI-translated content on its budget-friendly “snack-sized” app Espresso after deciding the technology had reached the “good enough” mark.

Ludwig Siegele, senior editor for AI initiatives at The Economist, told Press Gazette that AI translation will never be a “solved problem”, especially in journalism because it is difficult to translate well due to its cultural specificities.

However he said it has reached the point where it is good enough to have introduced AI-powered, in-app translations in French, German, Mandarin and Spanish on The Economist’s “bite-sized”, cut-price app Espresso (which has just over 20,000 subscribers).

Espresso has also just been made free to high school and university students aged 16 and older globally as part of a project by The Economist to make its journalism more accessible to audiences around the world.

Siegele said that amid “lots of hype” about AI, the questions to ask are: “What is it good for? Does it work? And does it work with what we’re trying to do?”

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He added that the project to make The Economist’s content “more accessible to more people” via Espresso was a “good point to start”.

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“The big challenge of AI is the technology, at least for us, is not good enough,” he continued. “It’s interesting, but to really develop a product, I think in many cases, it’s not good enough yet. But in that case, it worked.

“I wouldn’t say that translation is a solved problem, it is never going to be a solved problem, especially in journalism, because journalism is really difficult to translate. But it’s good enough for that type of content.”

The Economist is using AI translation tool DeepL alongside its own tech on the backend.

“It’s quite complicated,” Siegele said. “The translation is the least of it at this point. The translation isn’t perfect. If you look at it closely it has its quirks, but it’s pretty good. And we’re working on a kind of second workflow which makes it even better.”

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The AI-translated text is not edited by humans because, Siegele said, the “workflow is so tight” on Espresso which updates around 20 times a day.

“There is no natural thing where we can say ‘okay, now everything is done. Let’s translate, and let’s look at the translations and make sure they’re perfect’. That doesn’t work… The only thing we can do is, if it’s really embarrassing, we’ll take it down and the next version in 20 minutes will be better.”

One embarrassing example, Siegele admitted, is that the tool turned German Chancellor Olaf Scholz into a woman.

But Siegele said a French reader has already got in touch to say: “I don’t read English. This is great. Finally, I can read The Economist without having to put it into Google Translate and get bad translations.”

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The Economist’s AI-translated social videos

The Economist simultaneously launched AI-translated videos on its social platforms in the same four languages.

The videos are all a maximum of 90 seconds meaning it is not too much work to check them – crucial as, unlike the Espresso article translations, they are edited by humans (native language speakers working for The Economist) taking about 15 minutes per video.

For the videos The Economist is using AI video tool Hey Gen. Siegele said: “The way that works is you give them the original video and they do a provisional translation and then you can proofread the translation. So whereas the translations for the app are basically automatic – I mean, we can take them down and we will be able to change them, but at this point, they’re completely automatic – videos are proofread, and so in this way we can make sure that the translations are really good.”

In addition they are using “voice clones” which means journalists who speak in a video have some snippets of themselves given to Hey Gen to build and that is used to create the finished product.

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The voice clones are not essential, Siegele explained, as translations can be done automatically regardless. Journalists can opt out of having their voices used in this way, and any data stored will be deleted if the employee leaves The Economist. But the clones do mean the quality is “much better”.

They have a labelling system for the app articles and videos that can show they are “AI translated” or “AI transformed”. But, Siegele said, they are “not going to have a long list of AI things we may have used to build this article for brainstorming or fact checking or whatever, because in the end it’s like a tool, it’s like Google search. We are still responsible, and there’s almost always a human except for edge cases like the Espresso translations or with podcast transcripts…”

Economist ‘will be strategic’ when choosing how to roll out AI

Asked whether the text translation could be rolled out to more Economist products, Siegele said: “That’s of course a goal but it remains to be seen.”

He said that although translation for Espresso is automated, it would not be the goal to do the same throughout The Economist.

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He also said they still have to find out if people are “actually interested” and if they can “develop a translation engine that is good enough”.

“But I don’t think we will become a multi-linguistic, multi-language publication anytime soon. We will be much more strategic with what we what we translate… But I think there is globally a lot of demand for good journalism, and if the technology makes it possible, why not expand the access to our content?

“If it’s not too expensive – and it was too expensive before. It’s no longer.”

Other ways The Economist is experimenting with AI, although they have not yet been implemented, include a style bot and fact-checking.

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Expect to see “some kind of summarisation” of articles, Siegele continued, “which probably will go beyond the five bullet points or three bullet points you increasingly see, because that’s kind of table stakes. People expect that. But there are other ways of doing it”.

He also suggested some kind of chatbot but “not an Economist GPT – that’s difficult and people are not that interested in that. Perhaps more narrow chatbots”. And said versioning, or repurposing articles for different audiences or different languages, could also follow.

“The usual stuff,” Siegele said. “There’s only so many good ideas out there. We’re working on all of them.” But he said he wants colleagues to come up with solutions to their problems rather than him as “the AI guy” imposing things.

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Kentucky sheriff held over fatal shooting of judge in court

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Kentucky sheriff held over fatal shooting of judge in court

A Kentucky sheriff has been arrested after fatally shooting a judge in his chambers, police say.

District Judge Kevin Mullins died at the scene after being shot multiple times in the Letcher County Courthouse, Kentucky State Police said.

Letcher County Sheriff Shawn Stines, 43, has been charged with one count of first-degree murder.

The shooting happened on Thursday after an argument inside the court, police said, but they have not yet revealed a motive.

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Officials said Mullins, 54, was shot multiple times at around 14:00 local time on Thursday at the court in Whitesburg, Kentucky, a small rural town about 150 miles (240km) south-east of Lexington.

Sheriff Stines was arrested at the scene without incident, Kentucky State Police said. They did not reveal the nature of the argument before the shooting.

According to local newspaper the Mountain Eagle, Sheriff Stines walked into the judge’s outer office and told court employees that he needed to speak alone with Mullins.

The two entered the judge’s chambers, closing the door behind them. Those outside heard gun shots, the newspaper reported.

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Sheriff Stines reportedly walked out with his hands up and surrendered to police. He was handcuffed in the courthouse foyer.

The state attorney general, Russell Coleman, said in a post on X, formerly Twitter, that his office “will fully investigate and pursue justice”.

Kentucky State Police spokesman Matt Gayheart told a news conference that the town was shocked by the incident

“This community is small in nature, and we’re all shook,” he said.

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Mr Gayheart said that 50 employees were inside the court building when the shooting occurred.

No-one else was hurt. A school in the area was briefly placed on lockdown.

Kentucky Supreme Court Chief Justice Laurance B VanMeter said he was “shocked by this act of violence”.

Announcing Judge Mullins’ death on social media, Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear said: “There is far too much violence in this world, and I pray there is a path to a better tomorrow.”

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