Politics
TfL seizes 1,400 vehicles from drivers who ignore London Ulez fines | Low emission zones
More than 1,400 vehicles have been seized from drivers who have persistently ignored fines relating to London’s Ulez clean air zone, Transport for London has revealed, with more than £25m being recouped by bailiffs.
Bailiffs working on TfL’s behalf seized 1,429 vehicles in the last year from drivers who had repeatedly ignored penalty charge notices, with £710,000 being raised from the sale of nearly 800 of these cars.
The figures, which cover the 12 months up to the end of July, come a year after the mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, extended the Ulez to cover all 32 London boroughs from a previous zone that covered the area between the capital’s north and south circular roads.
Vehicles that do not meet certain emissions standards and are caught using roads in the zone must pay a £12.50 daily charge, or a fine of up to £180 for non-payment.
If drivers do not pay this penalty it is registered as an unpaid debt and an order is made for recovery. If it remains unpaid, a warrant is issued which allows bailiffs to recover the outstanding debt.
TfL said that in the past 12 months bailiffs had recouped £25.6m from those who refused to pay penalty charge notices. This included one driver who was forced to settle a balance of £16,000 after 45 warrants were issued against them. In another case, a driver saw their vehicle seized to pay off an outstanding balance after ignoring 10 warrants.
TfL has hailed the Ulez expansion as a success, pointing to research showing that it has reduced levels of harmful air pollutants significantly since its introduction, as well as helping with the climate emergency by cutting London’s emissions.
However, the scheme has also faced a strong backlash from some quarters, including owners of non-compliant vehicles refusing to pay fines and others vandalising the cameras that police the zone.
TfL said a significant amount of debt remained outstanding and it was now tripling the number of staff in its investigations to help enforcement agencies target repeat offenders.
While the compliance of a vehicle is based on declared emissions rather than its age, a rule of thumb is that it affects diesels made before 2015 and petrol cars before 2006.
Last month, TfL was forced to refund drivers in Chingford after its camera had become misaligned and incorrectly charged vehicles outside the Ulez boundary.
In January, the Guardian revealed that hundreds of thousands of EU citizens could have been wrongly fined for driving in the Ulez zone, with five EU countries accusing TfL of illegally obtaining names and addresses of citizens in order to issue fines.
Alex Williams, TfL’s chief customer and strategy officer, said: “The most recent data shows that on average, over 96% of vehicles seen driving in the Ulez are compliant.
“We want to send a clear message to vehicle owners that if you receive a penalty charge for driving in the zone, you should not ignore it. Your penalty will progress to enforcement agents to recover the fines that you owe, and there is a risk that your vehicle and other items of property will be removed.”
Politics
‘Extreme wealth’ tax demanded by cross-party MPs
A dozen Labour MPs have joined a cross-party call for an “extreme wealth” tax in this month’s Budget.
The MPs have written to chancellor Rachel Reeves to demand a new 2% tax on assets worth more than £10m, which they claim could raise £24 billion per year.
The left wing Labour MPs and two Labour peers have joined forces with MPs suspended by Sir Keir Starmer, including former shadow chancellor John McDonnell, and former leader Jeremy Corybn, who was elected as an independent.
The call is also backed by the Greens, Plaid Cymru, the SDLP, Alliance and one Liberal Democrat MP.
The Labour Party has been asked for comment.
The chancellor is finalising details of her first Budget, to be announced on Wednesday 30 October. Government sources have told the BBC this will include tax rises and spending cuts to the value of £40bn.
In their letter to Reeves, the 30 MPs and peers say an extreme wealth tax is needed as billionaire wealth has increased by almost £150bn in only two years, between 2020 and 2022, but revenue from wealth taxes has remained stagnant at around 3.4%.
One of the MPs, Zarah Sultana, who represents Coventry South, flagged Oxfam research showing the richest 1% of Britons hold more wealth than 70% of the UK population.
“Austerity is, and always has been, a political choice,” she said. “It is grossly unfair that children and pensioners are being pushed into poverty while billionaire wealth continues to grow.
“We urgently need wealth taxes to rebalance power, fund essential public services and build a society where the needs of the many take precedence over the greed of a few.”
Reeves told the party’s autumn conference there would be “no return to austerity” under this government and promised a boost to government investment, designed to kickstart growth.
The MPs are also asking Reeves to equalise capital gains tax (CGT) and income tax rates in her budget.
They say this would “rectify unfairness in the tax system, where working people are subject to proportionately higher rates of tax”, and raise £16.7bn per year.
At the election, Labour promised not to increase taxes on “working people”, covering VAT (value added tax), income tax or National Insurance (NI), which limits the levers the chancellor can pull to bring cash in.
However, there has been speculation Reeves could increase CGT – charged on profits from the sale of assets like second homes – and also freeze the income tax threshold beyond 2028, potentially dragging more workers into the higher tax bands.
Sir Keir Starmer also did not rule out a National Insurance increase for employers in a BBC interview last week.
Reeves has already taken one unpopular decision, to remove winter fuel payments from 10m wealthier pensioners, which led to a rebellion by seven Labour MPs.
Sultana is one of five MPs who signed the wealth tax letter and who are currently suspended from the Labour Party for voting against the winter fuel payment cuts.
Some observers also wonder if the rebels, who were suspended for six months in July, may decide to team up with Corbyn’s independent group in January rather than re-join Labour.
The Labour rebels have teamed up with four of the smaller Westminster parties, including Wales’ Plaid Cymru and Northern Ireland’s SDLP and Alliance groups, plus all four Green Party MPs.
Green co-leader Carla Denyer called on Reeves to reconsider Labour’s decision to ditch its £28bn green investment pledge earlier this year, and invest more in public sevices.
“We cannot afford to have another government of spending cuts and economic hardship,” she said.
“Labour’s first Budget must take a resolute step to ensure that those with extreme, unprecedented levels of wealth help foot the bill.”
Politics
Sinn Féin leaders correct age of teen texted by senator on record
Michelle O’Neill has corrected the record at Stormont regarding the age of the teenage boy who received inappropriate texts from the former Irish Senator Niall Ó Donnghaile.
On Monday, the first minister and Sinn Féin deputy leader told the Northern Ireland Assembly that party membership files said the boy was 17 at the time.
But the young person had said he was 16 years old.
Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald has also corrected the record officially in the Dáil (lower house of Irish parliament).
On Tuesday, O’Neill told the assembly she “fully accepted” the age and wanted to correct the information on the record.
She said it was her understanding that the young person was 17 based on the information he had provided in his application to join Sinn Féin.
She also repeated her apology to him saying she was “absolutely so sorry for the hurt caused” by the party’s statement issued following Mr Ó Donnghaile’s resignation in December 2023.
O’Neill had been facing calls to return to the assembly after the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) submitted an urgent question.
She is also being asked to return to Stormont’s executive office committee on Wednesday for further questioning, but this has not yet been confirmed.
McDonald came to the Dáil on Tuesday to correct the record in which she previously stated the young person was 16 and apologised for her words.
“I have now written to the young person and his mother offering a full, unequivocal and sincere apology,” she said.
“What happened to this young person was wrong, Niall Ó Donnghaile’s behaviour was unacceptable, utterly inappropriate, and no young person should have experienced that.”
McDonald apologises
The Sinn Féin leader also said she was “very sorry” for the hurt the words in her statement following Mr Ó Donnghaile’s resignation.
“That was never, ever my intention, and I apologize to that young person,” she added.
McDonald said it was her understanding the teenager was 17 years old at the time of the incident “because of the information provided on his application, formally applied to join Ográ Sinn Fein, that information was wrong,” Ms McDonald said.
“The young person themselves have made clear that he was in fact 16 at the time, so I want to correct the Dáil record to reflect that he was in fact 16 years of age when the text was sent.”
How did we get here?
Sinn Féin has faced criticism over the last week for its handling of the suspension and resignation of Mr Ó Donnghaile.
Mr Ó Donnghaile, a former Belfast lord mayor, was suspended by Sinn Féin over the issue but the party allowed him to resign on health grounds in 2023 without revealing the complaint against him.
Calls for clarity on the teenager’s age came following a Sunday Independent article where the boy said he was 16 at the time the texts were sent and not 17 as McDonald and O’Neill had previously said.
The message is believed to have been personal in nature but not sexually explicit.
The party has also been questioned over its safeguarding policies after two former press officers gave references to former colleague and convicted child sex offender Michael McMonagle.
On Monday, it emerged that a Sinn Féin employee had resigned after admitting involvement in an incident where a portrait of former DUP lord mayor Lord Browne was damaged.
Speaking at Stormont on Tuesday, the first minister said the employee was “immediately suspended” and the police have been notified.
On Monday evening, McDonald said Sinn Féin accepted the boy’s own account that he was 16 at the time.
“The person knows their age so obviously Michelle [O’Neill] is right, the party records did indicate that he was 17, it was on his application form for membership,” McDonald said.
“But that doesn’t matter now. What matters is that we respond fully to the young person in question and what matters is that the Dáil record is accurate and I will attend to both of those matters tomorrow.”
A Sinn Féin spokesperson said the party record of the boy’s age was “based on the date of birth that [he] provided on his membership documents at the time”.
The spokesperson said it had “since emerged” that the boy was 16 years old.
Politics
Inside the battle to run the Trump White House
Earlier this month, the New York Times reported that Donald Trump was considering Brooke Rollins — his former Domestic Policy Council director now serving as president of a MAGA think tank, the America First Policy Institute — to serve as his chief of staff should he return to the White House.
Within 24 hours, stories emerged that AFPI — dubbed the “White House in waiting” for its quiet role mapping out a second Trump term — had been hacked by the Chinese.
But inside Trump’s inner circle, that wasn’t exactly news: The institute’s online security perimeter had been breached almost a full year prior, then again earlier this month.
The reason news seeped out this time? Because, some Trump confidants speculate, someone who didn’t like Rollins wanted it to.
“The knife-fighting is underway,” one said. “Someone’s like, ‘Oh, she wants to be chief of staff? Well, she can’t even stop her own organization from getting hacked.’”
It’s just one vivid example of the behind-the-scenes jockeying playing out over a crucial White House role even before Trump wins the election. The chief of staff job has always been seen as particularly crucial and particularly fraught for Trump, who ground through four chiefs in four years during his first term. Each, despite wildly different styles and personalities, struggled to rein in Trump and keep him and his administration focused.
Trump himself, those around him say, has been superstitious about making plans before a victory and has been reluctant to discuss the matter much. But among those orbiting the ex-president, tongues are freely wagging.
A host of insiders view the job as crucial to a potential second Trump administration’s success — and had plenty to say about the three people most discussed for the role: Rollins, Susie Wiles and Kevin McCarthy.
The frontrunner
As de facto campaign manager, Wiles probably has the job if she wants it, almost all of the insiders said. Trump, after all, has a history of rewarding those who help him win — tapping RNC chief Reince Priebus as chief and campaign CEO Steve Bannon as chief strategist following his 2016 victory.
But that’s not the only reason people are betting on Wiles, a veteran of Florida politics who grew closer to Trump when he was persona non grata in political circles after Jan. 6.
She’s the biggest reason why Trump has a more professional and organized campaign this cycle, insiders say. They appreciate her instituting order on an otherwise chaotic political menagerie and credit her zero-tolerance policy on backbiting for an era of relative peace in their orbit.
Most importantly: The boss trusts her. While Trump doesn’t always listen, they’ve established a rapport where Wiles can be frank with the former president and tell him when she disagrees — not something many are willing to do in the face of Trump’s occasional temper.
Her few detractors argue Wiles hasn’t had a modern-day government job. She worked on the Hill briefly for Rep. Jack Kemp (R-N.Y.), as a scheduler for Ronald Reagan and in the Labor Department before decamping to Florida, but Beltway politics have changed considerably since then.
Still, those who’ve seen Wiles up close say she’s a quick study. Under Trump, she’s navigated big egos and sharp elbows, assassination attempts, court cases and convictions. “She’s unflappable,” one insider said.
One thing: It’s unclear if Wiles actually wants the job given its grueling nature and how past Trump chiefs departed. She has already had a remarkable three-year run at Trump’s side, and people wonder if she got her fill of personnel drama earlier this year after Corey Lewandowski’s sudden return to the campaign.
The policy hand
According to that Times story, Trump has been soliciting people’s opinions about Rollins and suggesting she’d make “a great chief of staff.” Those who like Rollins say that’s a sharp assessment: She’s a polished policy hand, they argue, who can help get Trump’s legislative agenda passed.
But the story has only crystallized opposition to Rollins among many Trump insiders, who believe she has no business having that job, casting her as a relative newcomer to Trump world whose main attributes are self-promotion and close ties to AFPI’s influential donors. Some worry she’s too close with traditional free-market conservatives and would clash with Trump’s embrace of tariff-heavy “MAGAnomics.”
Still, Rollins has a power base: A Texas native who came up through Gov. Rick Perry’s administration, she grew close to Jared Kushner and helmed domestic policy during Trump’s final half-year in office then gave fellow ex-administration officials a home at AFPI after the chaotic end to Trump’s presidency.
Her critics argue that despite her policy chops, her political acumen is sorely lacking. Some of those who have worked with her believe she’d be eaten alive in the role. The counterpoint is that Trump would not be seeking reelection and thus needs someone who can primarily execute on his agenda. She’s clear-eyed about her political deficiencies, her backers argue, and could outsource that role. (Notably, she brought Kellyanne Conway on at AFPI.)
But what does Trump think? One person told us Trump has lavishly praised her, saying she could run any business in the country. But he’s confronted her in the past over AFPI’s use of his “America First” brand, with the Times reporting he’s sought as much as $50 million in compensation.
The ousted speaker
If Wiles has the political chops and Rollins has the policy know-how, McCarthy backers argue that the former speaker has both: “I think there is an argument to having someone who’s been a legislator,” one Trump ally said, harking back to the difficulties Trump had in 2017 getting his agenda across Capitol Hill.
Some have questioned if McCarthy would actually take the job. A longtime-staffer-turned-longtime-lawmaker, he’s now making big money for the first time in his life.
But those who know him best know better. McCarthy is an inveterate political animal who loves playing the inside game. Perhaps no job in Washington would better harness the relationships he’s built over a lifetime in politics. (Asked in the past about serving under Trump, McCarthy has said he’s not angling a job but wouldn’t rule out taking one.)
Some, in fact, think McCarthy is too eager. Two Trump insiders pointed out to us unprompted that McCarthy’s longtime consigliere Jeff Miller has been lobbying for Howard Lutnick, the Cantor Fitzgerald CEO who is also leading Trump’s transition, prompting questions about Miller’s influence on personnel decisions.
Miller told Playbook he isn’t involved: “Howard has been a friend and client for quite a while, but I have no role — officially, unofficially or in any way whatsoever — in [the] transition.”
As for Trump’s view, it’s complicated. Trump didn’t do much to intervene when MAGA die-hards moved against McCarthy in the House. Some say he viewed McCarthy as a weak negotiator during his months as speaker, and he remains vexed that the Californian didn’t make good on a promise to “expunge” his twin impeachments.
Still, the two remain close and talk frequently. Trump appreciates that McCarthy was one of his earliest congressional allies. But the view among those closest to the ex-president is that they’d be surprised if he gave McCarthy the job.
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Pie ‘n’ Mash should be protected, says Basildon and Billericay MP
It is as Cockney as a Pearly Queen in a three-wheeler Del Boy van.
Now an Essex MP is to lead a parliamentary debate calling for traditional pie ‘n’ mash with liquor to get protected status, like champagne and Cornish Pasties.
Richard Holden, the Conservative MP for Basildon and Billericay, said the dish was “part of that Cockney diaspora”, describing it as “the original fast food”.
Andy Green, who founded the Modern Cockney Festival, said obtaining the status “may kickstart a fresh look from government agencies and public bodies to recognise the tradition and culture that pie ‘n’ mash represents”.
Campaigners want the dish – mashed potato with minced beef pie and lashings of parsley sauce known as liquor – to be given Traditional Speciality Guaranteed (TSG) status by the government.
Mr Holden will lead the debate in Westminster Hall at 16:00 BST on Tuesday to stop producers claiming it – but with a different recipe.
Mr Holden said: “With British staples like Cornish Pasties, Bramley Apple Pies and Melton Mowbray Pork Pies already enjoying protection, it’s now time we protect this important dish to be recognised and celebrated, as it is enjoyed by families for decades to come.”
‘Alive and thriving’
The TSG status is defined by the specificity and traditional element of the dish and decision makers will need to see a recipe agreed.
Almost 30 years ago there were 60 pie ‘n’ mash shops across London, but there was barely a third of that total left by 2020.
Speaking on BBC Radio 4, Mr Green said there was “a narrative that pie ‘n’ mash shops are closing and maybe pie ‘n’ mash is dying” but, he added, “the reality is it’s evolving”.
“Listed traditional food status would give a mark, a statement that despite rumours of its death, pie ‘n’ mash is very much alive and thriving,” he said.
Mr Green said its Cockney identity had spread further than the traditional areas of east and south London, marked by the spread of pie ‘n’ and mash shops, from Bishop’s Stortford in Hertfordshire to Tunbridge Wells in Kent.
He said some shops were “evolving” with the times by offering vegetarian options and delivery services.
The history of pie ‘n’ mash
The iconic dish which has become synonymous with Cockney culture is thought to date back to the 1840s.
Traditionally, it consisted of a savoury pie filled with minced beef, served with mashed potatoes and a parsley liquor.
But for anyone feeling adventurous, pie ‘n’ mash can also be served with stewed jellied eels – another Cockney favourite.
Those who love it, like the Cockney Modern Festival organisers, say it is an artisan food with recipes handed down throughout generations “like precious family heirlooms”.
Mr Holden said he has written to more than 40 MPs who have a pie ‘n’ mash shop in their constituency, adding: “It’s part of a campaign to celebrate and really promote pie and mash, which has spread out from its beginnings in central and east London, down the Thames Gateway and out into the world.”
He told PA Media: “We’re wanting to celebrate it and I’ve got a couple of pie and mash shops in my part of the Basildon new town.
“I’ve got Stacey’s Pie and Mash and Robins Pie and Mash. Robins is part of a small chain run by a family right across Essex and east London.”
Famous fans of the hearty meal include David Beckham, actor Danny Dyer, and comedians Arthur Smith and Rob Beckett.
The dish has also been immortalised in EastEnders, with Beale’s Eels Pie & Mash House.
Mr Holden said the dish had been enjoyed by families for nearly 200 years.
He said: “It’s part of that Cockney diaspora – particularly for places like Basildon, where you’ve seen all that new build town… people moving out there from the East End and taking some of those traditions with them.
“It’s great to promote a high quality product… it’s the original fast food.”
Daniel Zeichner, Labour’s environment minister, said officials at the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) had been involved in discussions.
“They are clear that an application for TSG status requires agreement on the recipe that producers would need to follow to use the name in future,” he said.
“They also understand that all those wishing to use the name would need periodic verification of their practices.”
He said once a formal application had been submitted, a full assessment could then be made.
Politics
David Gauke calls for end to ‘bidding war’ between parties as he is appointed to sentencing review – UK politics live | Politics
David Gauke calls for end to ‘sentencing bidding war’ between parties as he is appointed to lead MoJ prison policy review
Good morning. Michael Howard was Conservative leader at one point, and was instrumental in ensuring that David Cameron succeeded him in that job, but perhaps he will be best remembered for his time as home secretary in the 1990s, when he gave a speech that summed up criminal justice policy for the next three decades. He told the Tory conference:
Prison works. It ensures that we are protected from murderers, muggers and rapists – and it makes many who are tempted to commit crime think twice … This may mean that more people will go to prison. I do not flinch from that. We shall no longer judge the success of our system of justice by a fall in our prison population.
And, around that time, the prison population in England and Wales started to soar. The election of a Labour government did not make any difference to this trend; Howardism prevailed.
Today, is that all going to change? As Rajeev Syal reports in our overnight story, to coincide with the 1,100 more criminals being let out as part of the early release policy introduced by Labour to deal with the jail overcrowding crisis, Shabana Mahmood, the justice secretary, is announcing a review of sentencing policy, which will be carried out by David Gauke, the former Conservative justice secretary. It will consider alternatives to sending people to jail.
The Ministry of Justice’s press release about the review is here. And the terms of refererence are here.
Mahmood has been giving interviews this morning and it has been notable that she has not been declaring war on the Michael Howard approach. The Ministry of Justice says that one of the principles behind the sentencing review is to “make sure prison sentences punish serious offenders and protect the public” and it says the government is committed to creating 14,000 more prison places. Although the review will consider “tougher punishments outside of prison”, the terms of reference also imply sentences should go up for offences against women and girls.
On the Today programme this morning Nick Robinson asked Mahmood to clarify how radical she was being. Did she just want to curb the rate at which the prison population was going up? Or did she want fewer people to be jailed, and Britain to stop being “the European leader in locking people up”? In her reply, Mahmood rather fudged it, implying she wanted both. She said:
Well, the problem is that the rate of increase is such that nobody can keep up with demand, and you risk running out of prison places … We reach critical capacity again by next summer. We cannot build our way out of this crisis.
To put it in context, I have HMP Birmingham in my constituency. That’s a very large, older Victorian prison. It has a capacity of over 1,000. We need to build nearly five of those every single year to keep up with demand. So we do have to manage demand into the prison system.
But for a period it’s obvious that demand is going to go up, because we are going to have to build those 14,000 places. If we don’t, we run out of prison places earlier than we would expect.
The crisis is so acute that all of these things, building more supply, dealing with demand, have to be part of the solution.
But in the end, the sentencing review is our best opportunity to set a new trajectory where we can manage that demand, where I can make sure we never run out of prison places again, where there is a prison place for everyone who needs to be locked up, and where we expand the range of punishments outside of prison.
But Gauke himself has been a bit more willing to denounce Howardism. He has written an article for the New Statesman about the sentencing review and he says he wants to use it to end the “sentencing bidding war” between political parties. He says:
For the last 30 years, there has been a sentencing bidding war between the political parties seeking to compete to be seen as the toughest on crime by promising ever-longer prison sentences. Rightly, the public expects criminality to be punished and prison is often viewed as the only effective means of punishment. But the capacity crisis in our prisons has meant that – at the very least – we have no choice but to pause the increase in the prison population. It is also sensible that we now look more broadly at the evidence and ask whether sentencing policy should be more fundamentally reformed. By next spring, we should have the answer.
There will be a lot more on this as the day goes on.
Here is the agenda for the day.
9.30am: Keir Starmer chairs cabinet.
11.30am: Downing Street holds a lobby briefing.
After 12.30pm: Shabana Mahmood, the justice secretary, makes a statement to MPs about the sentencing review.
If you want to contact me, please post a message below the line (BTL) or message me on social media. I can’t read all the messages BTL, but if you put “Andrew” in a message aimed at me, I am more likely to see it because I search for posts containing that word.
If you want to flag something up urgently, it is best to use social media. I’m still using X and I’ll see something addressed to @AndrewSparrow very quickly. I’m also trying Bluesky (@andrewsparrowgdn) and Threads (@andrewsparrowtheguardian).
I find it very helpful when readers point out mistakes, even minor typos (no error is too small to correct). And I find your questions very interesting too. I can’t promise to reply to them all, but I will try to reply to as many as I can, either BTL or sometimes in the blog.
Key events
Shabana Mahmood says errors that affected first round of early prison releases in September now ‘ironed out’
Shabana Mahmood, the justice secretary, has said that mistakes that affected the first set of early prisoner releases under Labour should have been “ironed out” ahead of the second round take place today.
In an interview with Times Radio, she said that 37 prisoners were released by mistake when around 1,700 inmates were released early in September. She went on:
All 37 were returned to custody, and that operational part of the system actually ended up working exactly as it should.
But those mistakes have now been ironed out, and I’m confident that the releases taking place will now be exactly as we need them to be, and victims who are required to be notified will be notified.
Mahmood also said that the rates of recall for prisoners released early were “broadly in line” with usual prison releases.
Speaking on LBC, she said:
We’ll do a statistics release in due course, as we normally would, on rates of recall and on reoffending in our prison estate.
What I can tell you is our early assessment is that the rates of recall and potential reoffending in the cohort that has been released as a result of the emergency release measures is broadly in line with what we would expect.
Paul Brand from ITV says, if the government thinks that, by getting David Gauke to carry out the sentencing review, they will get the Conservatives support for it, they will probably be disappointed. He has posted this on social media.
Govt hopes by appointing Gauke – a former Tory Justice Sec (tho admittedly a centrist in today’s party) – they can get cross-party agreement on sentencing reform. But it’s likely Tory leadership candidates will say Labour being soft on criminals, and on the political debate goes.
David Gauke calls for end to ‘sentencing bidding war’ between parties as he is appointed to lead MoJ prison policy review
Good morning. Michael Howard was Conservative leader at one point, and was instrumental in ensuring that David Cameron succeeded him in that job, but perhaps he will be best remembered for his time as home secretary in the 1990s, when he gave a speech that summed up criminal justice policy for the next three decades. He told the Tory conference:
Prison works. It ensures that we are protected from murderers, muggers and rapists – and it makes many who are tempted to commit crime think twice … This may mean that more people will go to prison. I do not flinch from that. We shall no longer judge the success of our system of justice by a fall in our prison population.
And, around that time, the prison population in England and Wales started to soar. The election of a Labour government did not make any difference to this trend; Howardism prevailed.
Today, is that all going to change? As Rajeev Syal reports in our overnight story, to coincide with the 1,100 more criminals being let out as part of the early release policy introduced by Labour to deal with the jail overcrowding crisis, Shabana Mahmood, the justice secretary, is announcing a review of sentencing policy, which will be carried out by David Gauke, the former Conservative justice secretary. It will consider alternatives to sending people to jail.
The Ministry of Justice’s press release about the review is here. And the terms of refererence are here.
Mahmood has been giving interviews this morning and it has been notable that she has not been declaring war on the Michael Howard approach. The Ministry of Justice says that one of the principles behind the sentencing review is to “make sure prison sentences punish serious offenders and protect the public” and it says the government is committed to creating 14,000 more prison places. Although the review will consider “tougher punishments outside of prison”, the terms of reference also imply sentences should go up for offences against women and girls.
On the Today programme this morning Nick Robinson asked Mahmood to clarify how radical she was being. Did she just want to curb the rate at which the prison population was going up? Or did she want fewer people to be jailed, and Britain to stop being “the European leader in locking people up”? In her reply, Mahmood rather fudged it, implying she wanted both. She said:
Well, the problem is that the rate of increase is such that nobody can keep up with demand, and you risk running out of prison places … We reach critical capacity again by next summer. We cannot build our way out of this crisis.
To put it in context, I have HMP Birmingham in my constituency. That’s a very large, older Victorian prison. It has a capacity of over 1,000. We need to build nearly five of those every single year to keep up with demand. So we do have to manage demand into the prison system.
But for a period it’s obvious that demand is going to go up, because we are going to have to build those 14,000 places. If we don’t, we run out of prison places earlier than we would expect.
The crisis is so acute that all of these things, building more supply, dealing with demand, have to be part of the solution.
But in the end, the sentencing review is our best opportunity to set a new trajectory where we can manage that demand, where I can make sure we never run out of prison places again, where there is a prison place for everyone who needs to be locked up, and where we expand the range of punishments outside of prison.
But Gauke himself has been a bit more willing to denounce Howardism. He has written an article for the New Statesman about the sentencing review and he says he wants to use it to end the “sentencing bidding war” between political parties. He says:
For the last 30 years, there has been a sentencing bidding war between the political parties seeking to compete to be seen as the toughest on crime by promising ever-longer prison sentences. Rightly, the public expects criminality to be punished and prison is often viewed as the only effective means of punishment. But the capacity crisis in our prisons has meant that – at the very least – we have no choice but to pause the increase in the prison population. It is also sensible that we now look more broadly at the evidence and ask whether sentencing policy should be more fundamentally reformed. By next spring, we should have the answer.
There will be a lot more on this as the day goes on.
Here is the agenda for the day.
9.30am: Keir Starmer chairs cabinet.
11.30am: Downing Street holds a lobby briefing.
After 12.30pm: Shabana Mahmood, the justice secretary, makes a statement to MPs about the sentencing review.
If you want to contact me, please post a message below the line (BTL) or message me on social media. I can’t read all the messages BTL, but if you put “Andrew” in a message aimed at me, I am more likely to see it because I search for posts containing that word.
If you want to flag something up urgently, it is best to use social media. I’m still using X and I’ll see something addressed to @AndrewSparrow very quickly. I’m also trying Bluesky (@andrewsparrowgdn) and Threads (@andrewsparrowtheguardian).
I find it very helpful when readers point out mistakes, even minor typos (no error is too small to correct). And I find your questions very interesting too. I can’t promise to reply to them all, but I will try to reply to as many as I can, either BTL or sometimes in the blog.
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