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Politics

Fraudster Reform backer linked to controversial Trump judge

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Judge Susan Brnovich, Donald Trump, Nigel Farage of Reform UK, and Posh George Cottrell

Judge Susan Brnovich, Donald Trump, Nigel Farage of Reform UK, and Posh George Cottrell

Reform UK has multiple ongoing financial scandals right now. Several of these scandals link to the convicted fraudster George Cottrell – a.k.a. ‘Posh George’. Now, journalists have linked Cottrell to another dubious figure (a figure who is herself linked to Donald Trump):

Reform aristo-cash

Posh George provided Nigel Farage with various benefits in the runup to the 2024 general election:

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This all happened in the runup to the election, which meant Farage potentially should have declared it after he became an MP. Farage and Reform defended not doing so on the basis that he wasn’t an MP and the benefits didn’t link to political activity, but the rules are that incoming MPs should provide details of any potentially relevant payments they received from the 12 months before they became an MP.

Parliament has paused the investigation into all this while Farage fights the Clacton by-election, but will resume after its conclusion.

On Cottrell, we added:

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Cottrell is an aristocrat with a criminal record who’s involved ” in an offshore crypto gambling platform implicated in potential criminal betting in the UK”. As you might have guessed, he’s currently angling for a pardon from president Donald Trump – a good friend of Farage’s.

It later came out that Cottrell may have also made undeclared donations to Reform UK:

And more keeps coming out:

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Judge not

As Venetia Menzies of the Times reported, the judge pictured at Cottrell’s residence is linked to president Donald Trump:

Menzies further noted that Trump has a habit of pardoning people who once would have been considered un-pardonable:

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The above isn’t a joke, by the way; Cottrell actually authored a book titled How to Launder Money. As you can see in the link below, it’s presented as a “guide for law enforcement”:

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The latest revelations are attracting significant negative attention anyway:

There’s also speculation as to why the establishment media has suddenly found its teeth when it comes to Farage and his party:

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Problems mounting

The more that the media looks into Reform UK and its various backers, the worse things look. And with three years between now and the next election, the party’s prospects of winning a majority are looking increasingly bleak.

Featured image via the Canary

By Willem Moore

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Iran’s foreign minister promises to retaliate for lethal Ukrainian attack

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Excerpt of video showing an alleged Iran ship on fire after Ukrainian attack in Caspian Sea

Excerpt of video showing an alleged Iran ship on fire after Ukrainian attack in Caspian Sea

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has vowed to retaliate against Ukraine for its attack on a commercial Iranian ship in the Caspian sea.

Araghchi said that the attack, which blew up the ship and killed at least one crew member, violates the UN Charter and “cannot go unanswered”.

In a call with the EU’s pro-Israel foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, and Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, Araghchi also said that Israel was behind the attack to try to “drag Europe into its war”.

Ukraine claimed it had attacked a Russian warship.

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MP Ebrahim Azizi, who heads the Iranian parliament’s national security body, said:

Any attack on Iran always comes with a cost, and that remains true today; the US and Israel are well aware of this. Ukraine, too, may soon come to understand that Iran does not let actions go unanswered.

A post by the non-governmental Iran Observer X account showed a graphic that it said demonstrated the ability of Iranian missiles to reach Ukraine in retaliation.

Iran has summoned Ukrainian officials in Tehran over the “hostile and criminal act”. Araghchi thanked local authorities in Russia’s Astrakhan region for helping surviving crew members.

Featured image via Baird Maritime

By Skwawkbox

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ICC chief prosecutor sacked as states cave to US and Israel

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Karim Khan, ex-ICC prosecutor, who has a bald head and piercing eyes, looks stern as he stares into the distance

Karim Khan, ex-ICC prosecutor, who has a bald head and piercing eyes, looks stern as he stares into the distance

Weeks after the ruling ‘Bureau’ of the International Criminal Court (ICC) changed its voting rules to please the US and Israel, and stitch up its chief prosecutor, Karim Khan has been removed from his role.

The removal was voted through despite expert lawyers unanimously clearing Khan of wrongdoing in connection to alleged sexual misconduct with a junior colleague, which he has denied.

It is the first time in ICC history that a prosecutor has been removed. Meanwhile, Israel has boasted of its role in him being ousted.

Khan has said he will appeal the decision.

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ICC top prosecutor pursued war criminals

Khan lost his role after a sustained pressure campaign by the US and Israel after Khan obtained arrest warrants for wanted Israeli war criminals, Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli defence minister, Yo’av Gallant, for crimes in Gaza.

Netanyahu has now claimed that Khan issued the arrest warrants to distract from the misconduct allegations, which the Canary has written about here. However, the warrant process considerably pre-dates any allegations against Khan.

The prosecutor and his family also faced physical threats from supporters of Israel and financial sanctions from the US.

Khan’s lawyers were not allowed to address the Bureau.

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The US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, threatened to “dismantle” the ICC “brick by brick” if it did not cave to US demands.
The vote was held behind closed doors, so which way member states voted has not been published. However, the UN announced that 82 of the Bureau’s 125 members had backed Khan’s removal.

Retributive manoeuvres

Israel and the US have pressured and manoeuvred for Khan’s dismissal ever since he applied for war crimes arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant.

The Bureau is staging the latest manoeuvre despite repeated findings by independent legal experts that Khan was innocent of any wrongdoing.

Featured image via Piroschka Van De Wouw/ Reuters 

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Campaigners march to end greyhound racing after 100 years of suffering

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Protesters against greyhound racing hold a banner saying End Dog Racing Now

Protesters against greyhound racing hold a banner saying End Dog Racing Now

Animal welfare campaigners took to the streets of central London on Saturday 25 July. They were calling on the government to ban the “inherently dangerous” sport of greyhound racing in England.

Campaigners organised The Century of Suffering: March to End Dog Racing Now to highlight the scale of pain and suffering greyhounds have faced at the hands of the greyhound racing industry since the first race took place 100 years ago.

It follows landmark moves by the Welsh and Scottish parliaments earlier this year to ban greyhound racing in both Wales and Scotland.

The government stipulates that governing body the Greyhound Board of Great Britain (GBGB) releases death and injury figures every year. This year’s figures paint a bleak picture.

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The number of greyhounds euthanised at British greyhound tracks rose to 161 deaths in 2025. This was an increase of 31% on the previous year, and the highest number since 2020.

The trackside death toll has now reached 1,518 since 2017 when figures were first published, and the same figures show a shocking 38,816 injuries suffered by racing greyhounds during that period.

New coalition takes on greyhound racing

A new coalition called Greyhound Freedom UK organised the event. Members include:

  • Animal Aid.
  • Gamban.
  • Grey2K USA Worldwide.
  • The League Against Cruel Sports.
  • Shut Down Campaigns.

Green Party peer Natalie Bennett, who spoke at the rally, said:

Today we celebrate the progress in Wales and Scotland in banning greyhound racing and demand England catch up and bring in a greyhound racing ban here.

The focus is often on the dogs that are injured and killed but we must also not forget that they spend 95 per cent of their lives confined in kennels and suffering, which is unacceptable in terms of animal welfare.

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Will Morton, head of public affairs at the League Against Cruel Sports, said:

Greyhound racing is inherently dangerous and causes extensive pain and suffering to the dogs, so we need urgent action.

We call on the UK government to follow the progress made by other governments around the world and ban greyhound racing in England, and live up to its pledge to deliver the most ambitious animal welfare reforms in a generation.

Sean Gifford, chief executive at Animal Aid, said:

Today has been an important step towards ending greyhound racing in England. Very few nations worldwide still tolerate such a cruel practice and if action is not taken urgently, England risks being the last country on the planet in which dogs are raced, injured, and killed for sport.

Norb Gordon, the founder of Shut Down Campaigns, said:

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Greyhounds, like the dogs many of us share our homes with, have their own personalities and desires, and deserve comfy sofas in loving homes.

Instead, they are confined to barren kennels that overheat in the summer and freeze in the winter, and are forced to race around dangerous tracks that claim far too many lives.

The march started outside the offices of the GBGB in central London before finishing at Parliament Square in Westminster.

The League Against Cruel Sports and GREY2K USA Worldwide issued a report in spring 2026. Titled Reaching the Finish Line: Time to end dog racing in the UK, it laid bare the inherently dangerous nature of greyhound racing around oval tracks.

The report also highlighted overbreeding, a poor quality of life for greyhounds kept in kennels for up to 95 per cent of the time, and the challenges in finding homes for the dogs once they retire.

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Three greyhounds tragically died at residential kennels attached to Star Pelaw greyhound track during the recent heatwave.

New Zealand is phasing out greyhound racing this year and it’s now illegal in 42 states in the US.

The ban on greyhound racing in Wales could come into force as early as April 2027.

Featured image via League Against Cruel Sports / Alex Harman

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By The Canary

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Boy George releases sick song defending Israel’s genocide

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Boy George, the Israeli flag, and mass graves in Gaza

Boy George, the Israeli flag, and mass graves in Gaza

The nasty little freak Boy George has released a song defending Israel’s genocide:

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Much like Israel itself, Boy George has a history of committing false imprisonment.

Boy George presents war crime: the song

For clarity’s sake; we should add that the song is absolute dog sh*t. The track itself sounds like one of the demos that comes with a free music production app. It also sounds like the sort of thing a person might make their prisoner listen to as a method of torture (although we’re sure that’s just coincidental, and not something George is actually considering).

In the first verse, George sings:

You say genocide, I say war
When you’re attacked, that’s what the army’s for
Does it get ugly? You bet it does
When I know you wanna kill every last one of us

Much like the Israeli government, George is seemingly saying it’s okay to inflict unlimited collective punishment on the Palestinians, because apparently they want to ‘kill every last one of us’. George is neither an Israeli nor a Jewish person, so presumably by “every last one of us” he means ‘every last Zionist’ (we’re clarifying this because George does also sing that he ‘stands with the Jews’ – just not the many Jews who oppose the genocide, obviously).

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George continues:

You never mention October 7.

The October 7 defence is often used by Zionists and their backers, but of course it doesn’t hold up. People aren’t condoning October 7; they’re saying that the events of October 7 don’t give Israel the right to carry out unlimited war crimes.

It’s really not an argument Israel should want to get into either. If past events justify future actions, you could say October 7 was justified by the apartheid conditions Israel subjected Palestinians to; or it was justified because of all the peaceful protesters Israel murdered; or it was justified by the Nakba – i.e. the event in which Jewish settlers ethnically cleansed the native Palestinians from what is now Israel. We’re not making that argument, obviously, but anyone asking ‘what about October 7?’ logically is.

Criminals stand together

In 2009, a judge famously convicted Boy George of false imprisonment. Here’s what the Guardian reported at the time:

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Boy George was today sentenced to 15 months in jail for falsely imprisoning a male escort by handcuffing him to a wall and beating him with a metal chain.

The judge told the 47-year-old former Culture Club front man, whose real name is George O’Dowd, he had left the escort “shocked, degraded and traumatised” by the ordeal.

O’Dowd was found guilty last month of attacking the Norwegian model Audun Carlsen, 29, after he visited the singer’s flat in London in April 2007.

The sentencing judge said:

Whilst I accept that Mr Carlsen’s physical injuries were not serious or permanent, in my view there can be no doubt that your premeditated, callous and humiliating hand-cuffing and detention of Mr Carlsen shocked, degraded and traumatised.

There’s an obvious parallel between this and how Israel treats prisoners. Articles we’ve published on the topic include the following:

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As Alaa Shamali reported for the Canary:

In recent reports, B’Tselem confirmed that torture in these prisons is not an isolated occurrence, but rather an institutional policy involving the occupation’s intelligence services, the Shin Bet, and the prison administration, aimed at breaking the prisoners’ will and humiliating their human dignity.

B’Tselem documents cases of direct physical torture, including beatings with rifles, sticks and military boots, electric shocks, and prolonged ‘shackling’ for hours on end, which has led to recorded deaths without any official investigation. Reports also reveal a comprehensive system of psychological and sensory torture, including depriving prisoners of sleep, food and water, placing them in metal tents or isolated containers, threatening them with execution or assault on their families, and forcing them to listen to the screams of others being tortured.

F*ck off, Boy George

The fact that Boy George was able to return to public life after his conviction is astounding. The man is an absolute danger. And his continued support of Israel shows that he can’t truly have rehabilitated himself since leaving prison.

Featured image via the Canary

By Willem Moore

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Farage won’t say Andrew Tate is a bad role model for children

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Nigel Farage of Reform UK and Andrew Tate

Nigel Farage of Reform UK and Andrew Tate

In an odd encounter in Clacton, Nigel Farage has refused to describe Andrew Tate as a bad role model for children:

It comes as Tate and his brother are facing a criminal investigation into crimes which include the possession Child Sexual Abuse Materials (CSAM).

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Farage: mealy mouthed

In the clip above, a journalist asks Farage if Tate is a good role model for boys. Farage answers:

He’s got a massive following and that shows you how big the gap is. Huge gap.

By ‘huge gap’, Farage presumably means the gap between the online support Tate enjoys and the negative attention he receives. We can’t confirm this; it’s just unclear what else he could have meant.

Farage also said:

You know, he’s, I mean, clearly facing some very serious allegations and said some things that are difficult to level with. But the fact that he’s got the following shows you how big the gap is.

On the “very serious allegations”, the Crown Prosecution Service released the following statement on 19 July:

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The Crown Prosecution Service has decided to bring further charges against brothers Andrew and Tristan Tate in relation to four further victims.

The CPS has decided to prosecute Andrew Tate, 39, with seven further counts of rape, three counts of arranging or facilitating trafficking for sexual exploitation, three counts of assault occasioning actual bodily harm and 19 additional charges for offences relating to indecent images of a child and extreme pornography.

The CPS has decided to prosecute Tristan Tate, 38, with one count of sexual assault, two counts of rape and three counts of arranging or facilitating trafficking for sexual exploitation.

The offending is alleged to have taken place between July 2010 and August 2017.

The suspects were arrested by the US Marshal Service in the United States of America on July 18, 2026.

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Following their arrest in the US, prosecutors will be seeking extradition in relation to the original 21 charges and the further charges which we have decided to prosecute.

Tate has a history of describing how to commit some of the crimes he now stands accused of:

He has, however, denied that he is guilty of the crimes that the CPS is now accusing him of.

Weak

Many teachers have spoken out about the detrimental impact Tate has had on children. Speaking to the BBC in 2025, one said:

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I have had boys refuse to speak to me and speak to a male teaching assistant instead because I am a woman and they follow Andrew Tate and think he is amazing with all his cars and women… These were 10-year-olds.

Another said:

In a secondary English class last year, a group of boys opted, despite discouragement, to write a persuasive essay on why Andrew Tate is the GOAT (greatest of all time) which included praise of his view that women are a man’s property… all of the parents were contacted and were appalled.

Given Tate’s alleged crimes – and the man’s long and well-documented history of vile behaviour – it should be easy for Farage to categorically say that the man is a bad role model. The fact that he can’t suggests he’s scared of offending the sort of people who think Tate’s online presence is admirable.

Featured image via the Canary

By Willem Moore

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Richard Tice flips out over reporting on his latest scandal

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Richard Tice of Reform UK

Richard Tice of Reform UK

Reform UK and its senior politicians have embroiled themselves in several ongoing financial scandals, and deputy leader Richard Tice is now complaining that…people have noticed said financial scandals. Many of these controversies relate to funding the party received in the runup to the 2024 general election. And in what seems to be a clear sign that the Reform people are rattled, Richard Tice is now attacking the media outlets investigating him:

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Richard Tice panic stations

Tice’s message read in full:

I have written to both the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police and the BBC’s Director-General setting out these serious breaches. My lawyers have also been instructed.

Any media organisation considering repeating these allegations should exercise the utmost caution.

Tice has taken particular offence with the BBC, who reported the following:

Police are investigating payments to Reform UK by a company controlled by the party’s deputy leader, Richard Tice, BBC News has learned.

Britain Means Business gave the party two donations of £250,000 in the run-up to the 2024 general election, when Tice was party chairman.

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Tice has said the money was given to his firm by Fiona Cottrell, a significant donor to Reform UK and mother of a convicted fraudster with close links to Nigel Farage.

The convicted fraudster in question is George Cottrell – a.k.a. ‘Posh George’. Posh George is also linked to other party scandals, having partially bankrolled Farage and Reform in the runup to the 2024 election:

As with Tice, people accused Farage of trying to deflect from his scandals by focusing on everything besides the issue at hand. The key example of this was the Clacton by-election which Farage instigated for no obvious reason.

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Deflections

Back to Tice, the BBC also noted:

The BBC understands that the party was not aware of the investigation into the payments from Britain Means Business.

So Tice’s issue is that the BBC and other outlets seems to have become aware of things he wasn’t aware of. In other words, he doesn’t seem to understand what ‘journalism’ is.

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Tice also seems to think that people are going to care more about how the revelations came out than the revelations themselves. This is optimistic on his part. It’s especially optimistic given that Reform has spent the past few months trying to deflect from its many scandals with pretty much no success.

As the Times revealed, the donations in question led to Reform’s bank blocking its payments for two weeks around the 2024 election:

The Times also reported:

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Taking into account money she donated directly or via Tice’s company, Fiona Cottrell provided 35 per cent of all payments received by Reform during the [2024 election] campaign. She has never commented on the source of her wealth or the subsequent inquiries by the National Crime Agency or Scotland Yard.

Attention economy

By kicking up such a fuss, Reform and Tice could end up triggering the Streisand Effect; i.e. they could draw more attention to the story than if they just kept quiet. In other words, we encourage them to carry on kicking up a fuss.

Featured image via the Canary

By Willem Moore

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Activists confront Aviva Norwich HQ for insuring migrant detention and surveillance private contractors

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Protesters at Aviva HQ in Norwich

Protesters at Aviva HQ in Norwich

On Friday 24 July 2026, from 8.00-9.00am, activists converged on Aviva’s historic Norwich headquarters. They were demanding the insurer severs ties with companies accused of human rights abuses against migrants and asylum seekers.

They brought a 1.5m barbed wire ball surrounding Aviva’s logo, and spoke to hundreds of staff as they made their way to work.

Aviva insures the largest number of migrant detention and surveillance contractors operating in the UK. Activists say this record sits in stark contradiction to the company’s publicly stated human rights commitments.

Profiting from abuse?

Aviva, which grew out of Norwich Union to become a multinational company, positions itself as a leader on corporate human rights. Yet campaigners allege the insurer is failing to uphold its own due diligence policies.

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They point out it continues to underwrite private corporations accused of serious human rights violations connected to the detention and surveillance of migrants and asylum seekers. These companies include Serco and Mears.

Activists are specifically calling on Aviva to drop its insurance contract with Serco, which comes up for renewal on 31 October 2026. Campaigner for Boycott Bloody Insurance, Andrew Taylor said:

Aviva’s five-plus years of cover have enabled Serco’s continued operation of immigration detention centres, round-the-clock surveillance of migrants, and substandard housing provision. Aviva has continued to insure Serco after reports of sexual abuse, human rights abuses and fraud. It’s time for Aviva to break ties with Serco.

Local context: migrant housing in Norwich

The action carries particular weight in Norwich. In 2025, the city saw a surge of anti-migrant protests outside hotels housing asylum seekers. Occupants and staff faced harassment and assault.

Following the closure of the Brook Hotel in Bowthorpe, there are currently no hotels in Norfolk housing asylum seekers, according to Home Office data. But campaigners say the underlying detention system remains intact.

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Representing Nelson Ward in Norwich, Green Party councillor Hannah Hoechner said:

Serco’s role in the UK’s immigration system is a stark reminder of what happens when government outsources responsibility for vulnerable people’s lives.

Despite serious concerns raised about the treatment of those detained in Serco-run facilities, the company continues to be awarded contracts worth billions from the UK government.

The UK’s asylum system should be built on dignity, compassion and accountability—not on contracts that allow private companies to put profit over basic human rights.

What activists are demanding:

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  • Aviva drops its insurance contract with Serco before its renewal on 31 October 2026.
  • Aviva conducts transparent, independently verifiable human rights due diligence on all clients involved in migrant detention and surveillance.
  • Aviva publicly reports on the steps taken to align its underwriting portfolio with its human rights commitments.

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By The Canary

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Luke Littler dismantles Gerwyn Price to retain title in Blackpool

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Luke "the Nuke" Littler smiles with his winner's trophy in hand infront of a darts board in Blackpool

Luke "the Nuke" Littler smiles with his winner's trophy in hand infront of a darts board in Blackpool

Luke Littler delivered a record-breaking masterclass to retain his World Matchplay crown, overpowering Gerwyn Price 18-9 at the Winter Gardens and becoming the first darts player since Michael van Gerwen to win back‑to‑back titles.

The 19‑year‑old produced an extraordinary 111.53 average, hit 12 maximums and reeled off six ton‑plus finishes in a performance that never dipped, never loosened and never allowed Price a meaningful foothold.

Price, the 2022 runner‑up, averaged 104.97 himself. This was his best of the week, but he still found no way to disrupt Luke Littler’s rhythm.

The world no. 1’s scoring power and relentless accuracy pushed him clear early and kept him there, sealing a second straight Blackpool triumph and extending his lead at the top of the PDC rankings.

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Luke Littler set the tone

The opening exchanges went with a throw before Littler detonated the first major blow: a clinical 167 checkout, his first bull finish of the tournament. He backed it up instantly with a 110 to hold, moving 4-1 ahead despite Price averaging north of 109 in the mini‑session.

From there, Littler tightened the screw. Back to back 11‑dart legs followed, then a tops‑tops finish for his third ton‑plus checkout inside the first nine legs. Price held where he could, but Littler’s scoring was already stretching the match beyond him.

Littler’s most brutal burst came across four legs that took him from 7-3 to 11-3. He pinned 128, then 127, and needed just 47 darts to sweep through the session. Price responded with successive legs to halt the slide, but the gap remained vast and the momentum stayed firmly with Littler.

Price kept himself within six legs, but Littler’s late acceleration was inevitable. A stunning 148 checkout landed with the same ease as everything else, followed by a break of throw that pushed him into the finishing straight.

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He closed out the title with an 81 on the bull – a fitting end to a week where he averaged 109 or better in all five matches and smashed Phil Taylor’s long‑standing tournament scoring record from 2010.

Historic numbers, historic run

Littler’s victory marked his 10th consecutive win over Price and his 28th straight victory in PDC major matches over 20 legs, a streak stretching back to the 2024 World Championship final.

He also broke his own record for most 180s in a World Matchplay campaign and reclaimed the Phil Taylor Trophy along with the £225,000 first prize cashpot, pushing his season earnings past the £3 million barrier.

The win continues his perfect run through every PDC TV major in 2026, strengthening his bid to sweep the entire ranked major calendar.

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Price had spoken before the final about needing his A‑game to challenge Littler. He produced something close to it, but the teenager’s finishing and scoring left him with too few chances to apply pressure.

Price acknowledged on air afterwards that the 167 checkout was a turning point and praised Littler’s consistency. He called him “one in a million” and admitted he was a little bit gutted not to have converted more of his opportunities.

Price’s run to the final included strong wins over Joe Cullen and Peter Wright, and his scoring throughout the week had been solid. But against Littler, he found himself repeatedly forced into chasing legs rather than dictating them.

It just was not meant to be for Price on this occasion.

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To be clear on this performance, Luke Littler won 12 legs in that final in 12 darts or less.

It means the opponent has got to hit a 9 darter to win those legs. It was just not happening. Littler’s becoming unbeatable.

With every major still to come, and with his form showing no sign of dipping, Littler’s season continues to build towards a potential sweep of the ranked PDC majors. A feat no player has achieved.

Featured image via Luke Littler/ Instagram

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By Faz Ali

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Left-wing Jews demand Burnham do better than Starmer: ‘Good riddance’

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Keir Starmer and Andy Burnham greeting one another and smiling in close proximity

Keir Starmer and Andy Burnham greeting one another and smiling in close proximity

Jewish Voice for Liberation (JVL) has issued a withering statement seeing off disgraced former prime minister Keir Starmer and demanding better from his replacement.

Starmer, buh-bye – do better Burnham

In an article on its website, the left-wing group looks back on Starmer’s record, particularly the lies in his departing speech about the findings of the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) on Labour under Jeremy Corbyn.

JVL’s verdict is that the EHRC’s report, and Starmer’s shameless misquoting of it, are a hypocritical “triple outrage” and an “extraordinary travesty”.

It elaborates:

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First, the EHRC did not make any finding of ‘institutional antisemitism’. That term is not defined in law and does not appear in the EHRC’s report. The phrase conjures an organisation in which antisemitic speech and conduct are pervasive and which directly discriminates against Jewish people. Submissions to the EHRC did level these allegations against the Labour Party, but the EHRC did not uphold them.

Second, the EHRC’s actual, far more limited findings relied upon serious misrepresentations of both the facts and the law. This has been set out in detail elsewhere by JVL as well as the investigative journalist Paul Holden. The Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn mounted a robust defence, but Holden reports that after Starmer became leader, he withdrew the party’s objections and thereby allowed the EHRC’s flimsy indictment to stand unchallenged.

Third, Starmer himself reportedly engaged in the very behaviour the EHRC had condemned. Multiple accounts relate that Starmer was personally involved in the decision to suspend Corbyn over his response to the EHRC report. This arguably amounts to ‘political interference’ in disciplinary cases of the kind that, according to the EHRC, unlawfully discriminates against Jews.

Put otherwise: Starmer colluded in the production of a flawed report on antisemitism, then violated this same report, and then flagrantly misrepresented it—all as part of an apparent effort to traduce his factional opponents.

We deplore Starmer’s misrepresentation of the EHRC report, we denounce the political weaponisation of the fight against antisemitism, and we endorse Peter Oborne’s measured verdict on Starmer’s exit from British political life: ‘Good riddance.’

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It adds, to Andy Burnham:

We urge Andy Burnham as prime minister to have no truck with such distortions but to pursue a non-partisan anti-racist policy that is grounded in evidence and informed by universal human rights principles.

Tragically, Burnham’s cabinet appointment of a host of ‘Labour Friends of Israel’ suggests he has no intention of changing anything meaningful.

Featured image via the Times

By Skwawkbox

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The Engineering of the Belt and the Land

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IOF soldiers in Sa'sa', Upper Galilee, during Operation Hiram, which redrew the borders between Palestine and Lebanon

IOF soldiers in Sa'sa', Upper Galilee, during Operation Hiram, which redrew the borders between Palestine and Lebanon

Hardly had the Second World War drawn its heavy curtains when Levantine and regional politics spun back into a vortex of bewilderment and existential struggle, causing widespread destruction across Palestine and Lebanon.

This was the inevitable detonation of the Arab-Zionist conflict over the identity and future of the historic land of Palestine. Exhausted economically and politically by the fallout of the global war, Great Britain found its continued position as a mandatory power in Palestine untenable. It could no longer withstand the blows of the Arab resistance and Zionist insurgent operations.

Following its absolute failure in February 1947 to reach any mutually acceptable political settlement, London decided to abandon the file entirely and cast it into the lap of the newly established United Nations, calling upon the international body to handle the issue.

The Partition Resolution and the Rejected Border Map

On 29 November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly approved the historic Resolution 181, which explicitly called for:

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the partition of Palestine into independent Arab and Jewish States, bound by a close economic union, and the establishment of a special international regime and international trusteeship for the City of Jerusalem.

The Arab states and Palestinian leadership swiftly rejected the resolution in its entirety, viewing it as a stab into the heart of the nation. They publicly vowed to prevent its implementation on the ground, even if compelled to deploy total military force.

Yet, a meticulous geopolitical reading of the 1947 partition map reveals that, had it been implemented operationally, its structural impact on the shape and nature of the border between Palestine and Lebanon would have been profound and radical.

According to the precise terms and demarcations of the resolution, that long stretch of the 1923 international frontier – extending from the Mediterranean coast at Ras al-Naqoura in the west to a point situated immediately north of the Palestinian village of Salha in the east – would have fallen entirely under the sovereignty and authority of the proposed independent Arab Palestinian State.

Along the coastline, Arab jurisdiction and sovereignty were intended to stretch from Ras al-Naqoura in the far northwest down to the city of Acre in the south, while its northern interior sector was to reach a strategic point located directly south of the city of Nazareth.

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It is patently clear how completely the Palestinian side of the sensitive border zone adjacent to Lebanon would have been altered by the execution of this resolution. The district of Safad – a geographical zone that had occupied a prominent and central position in the arduous post-WWI Anglo-French border negotiations due to Zionist insistence on integrating the existing Jewish settlements established there – was consciously excluded by the resolution to be subsequently incorporated into the proposed borders of the projected Jewish State.

This was done despite the undeniable fact that a crushing and decisive majority of the indigenous population were Arabs who held both the land and its history.

Beirut’s Territorial Ambitions

Nevertheless, armed Arab opposition and categorical political rejection ensured that the international partition resolution would never find a peaceful path to execution.

As the British Mandate approached its formal and dramatic termination in May 1948, security and military conditions along the border line between Palestine and Lebanon rapidly degenerated into the exact same state of absolute chaos and clashes that had prevailed during the Great Arab Revolt between 1936 and 1939.

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An irregular, volunteer Arab military force known as the ‘Arab Liberation Army’ (or the Salvation Army), led by the military commander Fawzi al-Qawuqji – one of the most prominent leaders and combatants of the 1936 revolt – was operating dynamically and fighting fiercely on both sides of the Upper Galilee border. Meanwhile, South Lebanon, which by then had become a part of the newly independent Lebanese Republic, was transformed once again by the force of nationalist ties into a safe haven, a logistical supply base, and a vital launching pad for Arab fighter incursions against Zionist colonies.

As had been the case a decade earlier, the Lebanese entity in Beirut, with its fragile sectarian architecture, appeared neither willing nor militarily capable of intervening to regulate or prevent the commando and resistance operations against targets in Palestine, which were launched freely from its southern territories.

Much like the surrounding sister Arab states, the ruling elite in Lebanon harboured serious doubts and anxieties regarding the capacity of the Palestinians to establish an independent and viable Arab state within a fragmented Palestine. Furthermore, mirroring the fraternal Arab governments that acted on tactical nationalist and expansionist motives, Lebanon officially coveted the acquisition of certain lands and geographical zones at the expense of mandated Palestine to expand its own borders.

The 1948 Invasion of Lebanon

Consequently, the government in Beirut took the decision to utilise the small Lebanese Army to support and supply Qawuqji’s forces. They hoped that, if there were to be a partition and carving up of Arab Palestine, Beirut could at the very least claim the historical and geographical annexation of the Upper Galilee to Lebanese sovereignty. However, there were clear political and military limits to Lebanon’s military commitment in the battle to ‘save’ Palestine.

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Possessing a regular army that was highly limited in size and efficiency – designed and armed primarily for the requirements of maintaining internal security and suppressing local unrest – Lebanon was not in a military position to conduct sustained offensive operations or wage a wide war of attrition in Palestine. Accordingly, its direct military involvement in the struggle for Palestine was mostly symbolic, functioning as a calculated political manoeuvre to secure the maximum possible political and territorial gains while expending the minimum of military effort and sacrifice.

From the perspective of the Zionist military command, which was fighting an existential battle, there were three clear tactical routes and axes of advance leading from Lebanon into the depth of Palestine:

  1. on the left flank from Ras al-Naqoura, moving directly along the coastal line toward the city of Acre;
  2. through the central sector stretching from the environs of Bint Jbeil to any number of border crossings;
  3. and on the right flank through the strategic Hula Valley via Marj’ayoun and Metula.

However, as the military historian Sacher noted in his analyses:

the lines of communication … were not favourable to an attack; the roads through the Galilee ran from west to east, not from north to south, so an advance from Lebanon faced immense logistical hurdles and challenges.

With the occupation of the Palestinian border post at Ras al-Naqoura on 24 May 1948 by a detachment of the Lebanese Army, we observe that Lebanon’s actual and direct role in the First Arab-Israeli War was tactically restricted and reduced to the narrow Bint Jbeil border sector.

On 15 May 1948, the very first day of Israel’s self-proclaimed independence, two Lebanese infantry battalions and an armoured company attacked and overran the small border settlement of Malikiyya, successfully uprooting its garrison. This rapid military incursion officially placed Lebanon in direct, dangerous opposition to the United Nations partition plan, as Malikiyya was located within the zone designated by the UN as part of the projected Zionist Jewish State.

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The Israeli Backlash in the Deep South

Just three days after the resounding fall of Malikiyya, the Israeli forces launched a counter-offensive characterised by audacity and unconventional planning.

A small, highly mobile and mechanised Israeli force entered deep into Lebanese territory near the northern village of Odaysah, approximately eighteen kilometres north of the fortified Malikiyya crossing. The Israeli force pushed southward into the Lebanese interior, bypassing and threatening the towns of Markaba, Houla, Meiss El-Jabal, and Blida with a complete disregard for sovereignty. South of Blida, the Israelis wheeled sharply to the southeast and re-entered Palestine, taking the Lebanese garrison stationed at Malikiyya entirely by surprise and isolating it through a clever tactical outflanking manoeuvre from the rear, thereby recapturing the position.

The Lebanese Army responded to the loss of Malikiyya by launching its only genuine, organised combat operation on 6 June 1948, successfully storming Malikiyya and overrunning an additional small settlement the following day: Kadesh-Naftali. According to the historical military analysis by O’Ballance:

That attack on Malikiyya was the sole Lebanese success during the war. The assault was carried out by an infantry force numbering about 800 men, supported only by mortars. Not much can be deduced from this incident, as the victory was perhaps due to overwhelming numbers more than anything else.

In any event, that limited operation did nothing to bolster Lebanon’s resolve, or at least enhance its proficiency in major theatres of war.

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Following its localised victory at the Battle of Malikiyya, Lebanon quietly and prudently retired from any active participation or assaults in the war, surrendering its gains and positions in the central sector entirely to the irregular Arab Liberation Army. At the conclusion of the first Arab-Israeli truce (9 July 1948), limited Lebanese forces were deployed in the border area of Bint Jbeil and just a few metres from the border in the ‘Arab’ sector of Palestine at Ras al-Naqoura.

Yet, Lebanon subsequently found that severing its connection and isolating itself from the fierce war raging in Palestine was neither easy nor permissible. Israel was resolute and determined to acquire the maximum possible amount of mandated Palestine and secure its frontiers.

Operation Hiram

In October 1948, the Israeli forces launched a sweeping military campaign aimed at completely clearing northern Palestine of the Arab Liberation Army’s presence, dubbing the assault ‘Operation Hiram’ after the ancient king of Tyre from the biblical era.

The operation represented a brilliant and unambiguous Israeli military success. The Arab Liberation Army was forced to abandon all its fortified positions in the Galilee and retreat chaotically into the Lebanese region of Bint Jbeil. The Israeli forces did not stop there, but pursued the defeated enemy deep into the Lebanese interior.

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The Lebanese Army, exercising extreme caution and prudence, refrained from taking any combat stance or engaging the invading Israelis to avoid its own destruction. The Zionist forces found themselves in complete military control of eighteen occupied southern Lebanese villages, consolidating their presence across a wide area running parallel to the Manara road up to Wadi Douba and the Litani River. In the Zionist consciousness, this territory represented the natural geographical and historical borders of the entire Upper Galilee region.

Ben-Gurion and the Armistice Agreement

Finally, translating the dreams of long decades into reality, the Zionists managed to secure a solid, strategic military foothold on the banks of the Litani River. From that moment on, everything within Israeli political and military circles pointed toward a firm and final determination to retain and annex the captured Lebanese lands.

In late 1948, intensive and coordinated claims emerged in Israeli diplomatic and press circles asserting that the occupied Lebanese villages were demanding to be placed under the authority and protection of the Israeli army, and that a pro-Zionist Christian ‘Free Lebanese Movement’ was active inside Israel to justify the total annexation of Lebanese territories by Israel.

However, rather than risking a forced alteration of its northern borders and confronting the international community, Israel adopted an alternative, highly astute political strategy: bartering the occupied Lebanese lands in exchange for major political concessions and border security.

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In early 1949, Israeli leaders believed they could conclude an attractive, unilateral peace settlement with the Christian-dominated Lebanese state. They assumed that such treaties would not only secure Israel’s historic access to the waters of the Litani River, but would also further fragment and isolate the Arab world by permanently detaching Lebanon from the Arab alliance.

On 21 May 1948, David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister, recorded and summarised this strategic vision in his diary, stating:

The Achilles’ heel of the Arab coalition is Lebanon. Muslim supremacy in this country is artificial and can be easily overthrown. A Christian state ought to be set up there, with its southern frontier on the Litani River. We would sign an alliance treaty with this state.

As a practical demonstration of this vision, Israeli negotiators entered the negotiation arena fully aware that they could obtain either the Litani as territory or a political treaty, but not both simultaneously.

Consequently, when formal armistice talks with Lebanon commenced under United Nations auspices in January 1949, Israel displayed a high degree of readiness that resembled an eager desire to relinquish the Lebanese territories it controlled. It swiftly withdrew from four occupied Lebanese villages in exchange for a minimal, symbolic Lebanese withdrawal from the Israeli side of Ras al-Naqoura.

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Nevertheless, several weeks of deadlock ensued as Israel attempted to link its complete withdrawal from Lebanon to a Syrian withdrawal from a small pocket of Palestinian territory in the Hula Valley. The two issues were eventually uncoupled under international pressure, and on 23 March 1949, the General Armistice Agreement was formally signed between Israel and Lebanon.

Deconstructing Homogeneity

The armistice was not a permanent peace treaty; it left Lebanon and Israel in a state of technical warfare under international law, although its signing was viewed within Israel as:

the penultimate step toward comprehensive peace.

Guided by the terms of the agreement, the Israeli forces withdrew from Lebanon behind the Armistice Demarcation Line, the purpose of which was to define the line beyond which the armed forces of both parties must never pass. The agreement stipulated that ‘the Armistice Demarcation Line follows the international boundary between Lebanon and Palestine’ as originally drawn in 1923.

The armistice agreement did not stop at restoring the border along its designated line, but imposed strict and specific military restrictions to be observed on both sides of the armistice line. The text called for the deployment of ‘defensive forces only’ in the armistice line zone to prohibit any mutual aggression. These ‘Defensive Forces’ were defined in the annex to the Armistice Agreement with mathematical and military precision as follows:

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On the part of Lebanon:

  • Two battalions and two companies of the regular Lebanese Army infantry;
  • a field battery of 4 guns;
  • a single company consisting of 12 light armoured cars armed with machine guns; and
  • 6 light tanks armed with light guns (a total of 20 vehicles), with the total number of officers and enlisted men not exceeding 1,500 personnel.

No other military forces whatsoever were permitted to be deployed or utilised south of the general line: Qasimiya – Nabatieh al-Tahta – Hasbaya. This effectively rendered South Lebanon a zone demilitarised of heavy and offensive weaponry, with the closest point where Lebanese offensive forces could be stationed being approximately twelve kilometres north of Metula near the village of Blat.

In the case of Israel:

  • One infantry battalion;
  • a support company with six mortars, six machine guns, and six armoured vehicles;
  • a single reconnaissance company;
  • six armoured jeeps;
  • a field artillery battalion of four guns, a platoon of field engineers, and logistical units, with the total not exceeding 1,500 officers and men.

No other military forces were permitted north of the general line: Nahariya – Tarshiha – Al-Jish – Marus. Under these conditions, Israel was permitted to concentrate its offensive forces in the Hula Valley region to confront the Syrians, and the General Armistice Agreement made absolutely no mention of the paramilitary forces garrisoned within the newly established Zionist Jewish settlements being constructed right along the armistice line.

Constructing the Belt

While the demilitarisation of South Lebanon succeeded in alleviating Israeli anxiety regarding a potential conventional military threat from the north, the forced demographic transformation in northern Israel came to be viewed as the true, radical solution to the problem of irregular warfare and the dilemma of ethnic homogeneity previously exposed by Tegart’s Wall. Thousands of Arab farmers had fled to Lebanon from northern Palestine under the weight of the 1948 battles and operations, and the Zionist state moved rapidly to convert their abandoned villages adjacent to the Lebanese border into fortified, militarily armed Israeli settlements.

During the years spanning 1948 to 1950, a dense chain of these settlements was established, and the Arabs who were still living near the border were expelled and displaced purely for security purposes. The goal was to create an exclusively Jewish security and ethnic belt stretching across northern Israel to ensure that any possibility of infiltration was severed. In this regard, the Israeli Attorney-General in 1972 clearly summarised this Zionist security philosophy, stating:

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We do not want Arab villages near the Lebanese border; we do not want to provide an opportunity for them to establish contact with the Arabs on the other side.

Accordingly, the government barred the Arabs who had been expelled from the border villages of Iqrit and Kafr Bir’im in 1948 from returning, despite their loyalty and the service of their youth within the Israeli military.

In short, the immediate military effect of the 1949 General Armistice Agreement was the complete pacification of Zionist anxieties regarding the defence of their northern border. Lebanon, which had barely posed an offensive threat at the best of times, was barred from deploying any forces of substance, while Israel succeeded in transforming its side of the frontier into a chain of fortified strongholds.

The historic ethnic homogeneity of the border zone was erased, and the fear of invasion was eliminated, temporarily closing the battlefield of South Lebanon. Yet, in 1949, Israel failed to foresee that the absence of a strong, organised Lebanese presence south of the Litani would ultimately become its next security nightmare.

Featured image via Wikimedia

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By Mohammad Fakih

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