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Russian Government Intensifies Online Censorship

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According to a March 15th report from Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the Russian government has introduced strict laws aimed at tightening its grip on the internet by outlawing VPN promotion and increasing censorship of Western social media. These policies come in the wake of Russia’s 2024 presidential election and have raised fears of a rise in digital censorship, drawing parallels to China’s approach to controlling the internet.

Since the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the Russian government has progressively increased censorship on Western social media platforms and thousands of websites, ostensibly to safeguard its digital space from external influences. However, this crackdown inadvertently led to a surge in VPN usage among citizens seeking to bypass these restrictions. To strengthen control, Roskomnadzor, the Russian media regulator, adopted blocking techniques similar to those employed by China. For example, on February 27, several permitted platforms like YouTube and WhatsApp suddenly became inaccessible, while banned platforms such as Facebook and Instagram briefly became accessible without the need for VPNs.

RSF sheds light on the Kremlin’s deliberate maneuvers to throttle the flow of information in Russia, particularly in the lead-up to the presidential election. It unveils the intricate workings of online censorship, showcasing strategies ranging from prosecuting VPN-related content to deploying blocking techniques modeled after those used by the Chinese government.

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A notable example is the recent enactment of laws criminalizing VPN marketing and related information, underscoring the Russian government’s steadfast resolve to tighten its grip on internet freedom. This legislative tactic mirrors a broader trend observed in authoritarian regimes worldwide, where legal frameworks are wielded to silence dissent and mold digital narratives for political gain.

Moreover, the passage of a new bill by the Duma, Russia’s lower parliament, aims at Russian citizens and companies by prohibiting them from advertising on websites and media     

outlets labeled as “foreign agents.” The bill also extends its reach to forbid advertising information resources associated with foreign agencies. What few independent journalistic voices remain in Russia have seen their YouTube channels closed down.

Through initiatives such as deploying mirror sites (Operation Collateral Freedom), RSF ensures that vital information remains accessible to individuals within Russia despite governmental attempts to suppress it. In this regard, RSF is at the forefront of combating censorship and promoting press freedom globally.

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Their proactive approach not only works to circumvent censorship but also underscores the resilience of civil society in the face of authoritarian repression. By leveraging technology to uphold the principles of democracy, RSF and similar organizations demonstrate that the fight for freedom of expression transcends borders and empowers individuals to access unbiased information, fostering a more informed and resilient society.

Corporate media coverage of this story has been rather limited, with only a few major outlets providing reports. The New York Times covered the story in early March, and Yahoo News reported on the upcoming legislative changes in February. However, there has been little coverage beyond these initial reports, and neither source addressed the recent bill prohibiting Russian citizens from engaging in financial interactions with “foreign agents.” 

This lack of extensive coverage raises concerns about the accessibility of information regarding significant legislative developments in Russia. Without broader media attention, important aspects of these measures and their implications may remain overlooked or underreported, potentially hindering public understanding of key governance and civil liberties issues.

Source: RSF, “Kremlin Steps up Online Censorship in Order to Silence Last Opposition Voices Ahead of Presidential Election,” Reporters Without Borders, March 15, 2024.

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Student Researcher: Colton Boone (Diablo Valley College)

Faculty Evaluators: Nolan Higdon and Mickey Huff (Diablo Valley College)

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Corporate Green Policies Are So Much Hot Air

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Companies are backtracking on their promises to implement green policies, despite being incentivized. E- The Environmental Magazine reported that in February 2024 three major investment companies took a step back from plans to limit climate damaging emissions. However, they are not the only ones. Hundreds of companies across the world are going back on commitments toward emissions reductions, many of them being big names.

In 2023, Amazon dropped an effort to zero out emission on its shipments, despite publicly taking on The Climate Pledge in 2021. Another big name, Shell Oil, also stopped an initiative toward carbon absorbing projects after pledging that they would follow through. 

The non-profit watchdog Net Zero Tracker found that of more than 1,000 companies pledging to zero out emissions by 2050, less than 4 percent had done even “the bare minimum” to reach that goal.

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There is a lack of government policy surrounding corporate emissions, which makes it easy for companies to not follow through with their promises. In the United States, the Inflation Reduction Act is designed to change that, providing billions of dollars in tax subsidies to companies that use green energy. Another method long proposed has been placing a blanket tax on each ton of greenhouse gas that is emitted. 

So far, however, companies initially agreed to implement green policies for the quick public relations boost, and not with true intention to make serious efforts. 

Some corporate news outlets have covered how companies are reneging, for example the New York Times  and Los Angeles Times are some of the only corporate news outlets reporting on this issue. However, a majority of news sources are reporting and applauding the efforts of companies taking the pledge toward green policies—however empty such pledges have proven to be.

Source: Taylor Connelly, “Why Are Companies Reneging on Emissions Reductions?” E- The Environmental Magazine, February 22, 2024. 

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Student Researcher: Sophia DiSpirito (Frostburg State University)

Faculty Evaluator: Andy Duncan (Frostburg State University)

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The city storytelling of designer Jean-Louis Deniot

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From concept to completion, the French architect Jean-Louis Deniot approaches every project in the style of a meticulous auteur — developing a new commission with a narrative and storyboard and executing every minor detail of a home, right down to the cutlery. “They might move in with just their toothbrush,” the 50-year-old says of his clients with a grin, one late summer morning in his Paris office on the Quai d’Orsay. 

Deniot’s HQ is one of the only office spaces in this mid-century apartment block — the French decorator Charles Sevigny once lived in the building, as did the fashion designer Hubert de Givenchy — and he has taken care to preserve a certain residential feel. From the spacious living room where we sit, fitted with glass-panelled doors and a glossy painted ceiling to reflect the light and the water from the river Seine, the layout travels through his workspace, which resembles a dining room with book-lined walls, to a seemingly endless sequence of small rooms with floor-to-ceiling windows. 

It epitomises Deniot’s approach to orienteering design around natural light and how he creates balance and flow. For him, that flowing floor plan is like a sequence of vignettes. He eschews hallways in favour of the French enfilade layout to build a sense of rhythm and atmosphere. “The study of a layout is how you create energy in a space, and the more you progress throughout the home, the more detail you are fed,” he says, adding of the result: “It has to be captivating, optimistic, dreamy and contemplative.” 

A grand residential room with modern armchairs and a library of books
Deniot’s workspace at his Quai d’Orsay office © Stephan Julliard

Since launching his company in 2000, after graduating from the prestigious École Camondo, Deniot has built an architecture and interior design business spanning five continents. Today, pinned to the cork walls in one part of the office are 3D renderings of residential projects as far-reaching as Tangier, Palm Beach, Hong Kong, Taipei, Chandigarh, New York and Qatar. The latter, a palace-like 5,000 sq m villa, is an elegant new build steeped in such intricate artisanal craftsmanship — plasterwork, wood panelling, mosaics — that it looks like a historic site. As if it has always been there. 

Each of the projects on display bears Deniot’s signatures — sweeping volumes and dramatic symmetry, a richness in craft details and materials, and an overall soft and luminous palette. Influenced by his love for institutional and historic buildings (the Louvre is a recurring inspiration), his work combines the rigour and elegance of French neoclassicism and a flair for eclecticism in the tradition of Henri Samuel, whom he greatly admired. 

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Jean-Louis Deniot sitting on a sofa, wearing a dark green shirt
Jean-Louis Deniot: every project bears his signatures: sweeping volumes, dramatic symmetry, and a luminous palette © Sophie Delaprote

Yet, every different project also appears distinct to its locale. In Hong Kong, he leans into rigorous lines, ombré walls, and lacquered finishes; in Tangier, his interiors speak to the sea, sky and vegetation, and he employs local craft touches, such as wickerwork, terracotta and woven fabrics. In New York, he works with steel and glass for reflection and transparency, and focuses on scale and height, in reference to the skyline as well as the city’s majestic historic homes. “The work is site-specific and contextual,” he says of how a city’s character and cultural identity feed into his designs, comparing it to a recipe. “Around the world, we all cook with the same basic ingredients, in this case, materials, but it is the way of putting them all together that makes it unique.” 

He estimates around half of his projects are new builds, which allows him the freedom to create specific character profiles — a projection of sorts of the potential homeowner. There is nuance even within mere miles: between homes in Palm Beach and Miami, or between two recent London developments, a Mayfair apartment and a duplex penthouse for The Whiteley in Bayswater. “It’s quiet luxury and more suggestive, with beautiful materials and simple, clean lines,” he says of the latter, adding: “If I had to compare it to a fashion house, it would be Hermès. It’s quite masculine. Mayfair is more suited to something feminine. Chanel.”

A living room with modern furniture and a sea view through the full-length window
The living room in a penthouse in South Beach, Miami © Stephan Julliard
A living room featuring a curved cream-coloured sofa and a large mid-century ceiling light
The living room in an apartment in Porto Veccio, France © Stephan Julliard

It sounds light-hearted, but it’s big business. “Jean-Louis has a unique ability to do something really unique and arresting without making it look kitsch or over the top. His interiors are bold, and both of the moment and timeless,” says property developer Alex Michelin, co-founder of Valouran, who recruited Deniot for The Whiteley, along with US designer Kelly Behun, Linda Boronkay, Joyce Wang and others to design the 139 private apartments in all (valued from £1.5mn to penthouses upwards of £40mn). 

Timelessness is something Deniot aspires to, especially with historical sites such as Cambridge House, the Grade I-listed Georgian townhouse that will open in 2025 as an Auberge Resort luxury hotel. Fittingly, the architect went full anglophile, decorating the royal suites in the aesthetics of former monarchs, such as Queen Victoria, Elizabeth II, and King George, and blanketing the “joyful and decadent” common areas in what he calls “Wedgwood colours”. He was the first choice for developer Jamie Reuben, who says, “Jean-Louis’ understanding of listed buildings and passion for history enabled him to bring this incredible building to life and begin its new chapter as a landmark site in the capital.”

A living room featuring a large cream sofa, a gold coffee table and a  mirrored ceiling
The living room in Sukhumvit Road, Bangkok © Stephan Julliard

Such projects are so grand in scale that some take more than a decade to develop. In 2016, he began designing the 365 apartments (180 configurations) and more than 50,000 sq ft of shared space, including a new pool, for New York’s Waldorf Astoria Residences. He referenced the building’s Art Deco DNA but played with something more geometric and abstract — drawing from the modern lines of the constructivist movement. “It gives the impression of Art Deco without being too ornamental,” he says of the project, which will finally see the light of day later this year. “We don’t count the years — it’s a labour of love — but the design needs to be sustained with time, and when it does, it’s very satisfying,” he says.

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Why Vinod Khosla Is All In on AI

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Why Vinod Khosla Is All In on AI

When Vinod Khosla had a skiing accident in 2011 that led to an ACL injury in his knee, doctors gave conflicting opinions over his treatment. Frustrated with the healthcare system, the leading venture capitalist proffered, in a hotly debated article, that AI algorithms could do the job better than doctors. Since then, Khosla’s firm has invested in a number of robotics and medtech companies, including Rad AI, a radiology tech company. The self-professed techno-optimist still stands by his assertions a decade later. “Almost all expertise will be free in an AI model, and we’ll have plenty of these for the benefit of humanity,” he told TIME in an interview in August.

One of Silicon Valley’s most prominent figures, Khosla, 69, co-founded the influential computing company Sun Microsystems in the 1980s, which he eventually sold to Oracle in 2010. His venture capital firm Khosla Ventures has subsequently placed big bets on green tech, healthcare, and AI startups around the world—including an early investment of $50 million in 2019 in OpenAI. When OpenAI’s CEO, Sam Altman, was briefly fired last year, Khosla was one of the investors who spoke out about wanting Altman back in the top job. “I was very vocal that we needed to get rid of those, frankly, EA [Effective Altruism] nuts, who were really just religious bigots,” he said, referring to the company’s board members who orchestrated the ousting. He contends with their concerns: “Humanity faces risks and we have to manage them,” he said, “but that doesn’t mean we completely forgo the benefits of especially powerful technologies like AI.”

Khosla, one of the TIME100 Most Influential People in AI in 2024, is a firm believer that AI can replace jobs, including those performed by teachers and doctors, and enable a future where humans are free from servitude. “Because of AI, we will have enough abundance to choose what to do and what not to do,” he said.

This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.

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Khosla Ventures has been at the forefront of investing in AI and tech. How do you decide what to put your bets on, and what’s your approach to innovation?

I first mentioned AI publicly in 2000, when I said that AI would redefine what it means to be human. Ten years later, I wrote a blog post called “Do we need doctors?” In that post, I focused on almost all expertise that will be free through AI for the benefit of humanity. In 2014, we made our first deep learning investment around AI for images, and soon after, we invested in AI radiology. In late 2018, we decided to commit to investing in OpenAI. That was a big, big bet for us, and I normally don’t make bets that large. But we want to invest in high-risk technical breakthroughs and science experiments. Our focus here is on what’s bold, early, and impactful. OpenAI was very bold, very early. Nobody was talking about investing in AI and it was obviously very impactful.

You were one of the early investors in OpenAI. What role did you play in bringing Sam Altman back into his role as CEO last year?

I don’t want to go into too much detail as I don’t think I was the pivotal person doing that, but I was definitely very supportive [of Altman]. I wrote a public blog post that Thanksgiving weekend, and I was very vocal that we needed to get rid of those, frankly, EA [Effective Altruism] nuts, who were really just religious bigots. Humanity faces risks and we have to manage them, but that doesn’t mean we completely forgo the benefits of especially powerful technologies like AI.

What risks do you think AI poses now and in 10 years? And how do you propose to manage those risks?

There was a paper from Anthropic that looked at the issue of explainability of these models. We’re nowhere near where we need to be, but that is still making progress. Some researchers are dedicated full-time to this issue of ‘how do you characterize models and how do you get them to behave in the way we want them to behave?’ It’s a complex question, but we will have the technical tools if we put the effort in to ensure safety. In fact, I believe the principal area where national funding in universities should go is researchers doing safety research. I do think explainability will get better and better progressively over the next decade. But to demand it be fully developed before it is deployed would be going too far. For example, KV [Khosla Ventures] is one of the few not assuming that only large language models will work for AI, or that you don’t need other types of AI models. And we are doing that by investing in a U.K. startup called Symbolica AI that’s using a completely different approach to AI. They’ll work in conjunction with language models, but fundamentally, explainability comes for free with those models. Because these will be explainable models, they’ll also be computationally much more efficient if they work. Now there’s a big ‘if’ in if they work, but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t try. I’d rather try and fail than fail. To try is my general philosophy.

You’re saying that explainability can help mitigate the risk. But what onus does it put on the makers of this technology—the Sam Altmans of the world—to ensure that they are listening to this research and integrating that thinking into the technology itself?

I don’t believe any of the major model makers are ignoring it. Obviously, they don’t want to share all the proprietary work they’re doing, and each one has a slightly different approach. And so sharing everything they’re doing after spending billions of dollars is just not a good capitalistic approach, but that does not mean they’re not paying attention. I believe everybody is. And frankly, safety becomes more of an issue when you get to things like robotics. 

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You’ve spoken of a future where labor is free and humans are free of servitude. I’m wondering about the flip side of that. When we’re talking about replacing things like primary healthcare with AI, how does that shift the labor market, and how do we reimagine jobs in the future?

It’s very hard to predict everything, and we like to predict everything before we let it happen. But society evolves in a way that’s evolutionary, and these technologies will be evolutionary. I’m very optimistic that every professional will get an AI intern for the next 10 years. We saw that with self-driving cars. Think of it as every software programmer can have a software intern programmer, every physician can have a physician intern, every structural engineer can have a structural engineer intern, and much more care or use of this expertise will be possible with that human oversight that will happen for the next decade. And in fact, the impact of that on the economy should be deflationary, because expertise starts to become cheaper or hugely multiplied. One teacher can do the job of five teachers because five AI interns help them. 

That’s interesting because you’re suggesting almost a coexistence with AI that complements or optimizes the work. But do you see it eventually replacing those jobs?

I think these will be society’s choices, right? It’s too early to tell what’s there, and we know the next decade will be about this internship of AI expertise idea, in conjunction with humans. The average primary care doctor in America sees the average patient once a year. In Australia, it’s four or five times a year because they have a different doctor-patient ratio. Well, America could become like Australia without producing 5 more doctors. All these effects are hard to predict, but it’s very clear what the next decade will be like. We’ve seen it in self-driving cars. Apply that model to everything, and then you can let them go and do more and more, and society gets to choose. I do think in the long term, in 30, 40, 50 years, the need to work will disappear. The majority of jobs in this country, in most parts of the world, are not desirable jobs, and I think we will have enough abundance because of AI to choose what to do, and what not to do. Maybe there will be many more kids becoming like Simone Biles or striving to be the next basketball star. I do think society will make most of these choices, not technology, of what is permitted and what isn’t.

You’ve publicly disagreed with Lina Khan’s approach to the FTC. What role can regulators play in this need to strike a balance between investing in radical, untested new technologies at scale, and enforcement and regulation to make sure they are safe to use?

I think regulation has a role to play. How much, and when, are critical nuances. We can’t slow down this development and fall behind China. I’ve been very, very clear and hawkish on China because we are in the race for technology dominance with them. This is not in isolation. The Europeans have sort of regulated themselves out of any technology developments, frankly, around all the major areas, including AI. That’s going too far. But I thought the executive order that President Biden issued was a reasonably balanced one. Many, many people had input into that process, and I think that’s the right balanced hand.

Can you expand on where you see dominance within the global AI race? Do you think countries like Japan and India can become global AI leaders?

In the West, it’s pretty clear there will be a couple of dominant models. Places like Google, OpenAI, Meta, and Anthropic will have state-of-the-art models. So there won’t be 50 players in the West, but there will be a few, a handful, as it currently appears. Now, that doesn’t mean the world has to depend on the American models. In Japan, for example, even the Kanji script is very different, as are their national defense needs. They want to be independent. If AI is going to play a role in national defense, they will have to rely on a Japanese model. The same thing in India. If China has its own model, India will have its own model. And so national models will exist. There’s Mistral in the E.U., and that’s a trend we recognized very early, and we were the first to invest in this idea that countries and regions with large populations will want their own models.

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In thinking about these nation models, how do you ensure greater equitable distribution of the benefits of AI around the world?

I do think we have to pay attention to ensuring it, but I’m relatively optimistic it will happen automatically. In India, for example, the government’s Aadhaar payment system has essentially eliminated Visa and MasterCard in their [fee] of 3% on all transactions. I’ve argued that if that same system is the key to providing AI services, a primary care doctor and an AI tutor for everybody should be included in the same service. It wouldn’t cost very much to do it. I actually think many of these will become free government services and much more accessible generally. We’ve seen that happen with other technologies, like the internet. It was expensive in 1996, and now the smartphone has become pretty pervasive in the West and is slowly becoming pervasive in the developing world too.

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With Bluesky, the social media echo chamber is back in vogue

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“There is currently great danger,” a man wrote two years ago, “that social media will splinter into far right wing and far left wing echo chambers that generate more hate and divide our society.”

It may surprise you to learn that the man in question was Elon Musk, who wrote these words when he bought the social media platform formerly known as Twitter back in October 2022, stressing the need for humanity to have a “common digital town square” that was “warm and welcoming to all”, not a “free-for-all hellscape”.

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And yet . . . and yet. 

Repelled by the direction that both the site now called X and its owner have taken, an exodus from the platform is under way. That exodus — oh go on then, Xodus — has been particularly apparent in Britain, having gathered steam since Musk starting posting things like “civil war is inevitable” during the riots that broke out over the summer. Many have left the platform entirely, while others merely lurk. “I have an answer to this, but discussion only on Bluesky these days am afraid [sic],” I saw someone reply on X recently. 

Either way, activity has fallen discernibly. Data from Similarweb shows active daily users in the UK have dropped from 8mn a year ago to only around 5.6mn now, with more than a third of that fall coming since the summer riots. The same thing is happening elsewhere, and not just in places where the platform has been banned, such as Brazil. Over the same 16-month period, X’s active users in the US have fallen by about a fifth.

As disillusioned X users become, yes, ex-X-users, they are finding their way on to alternative sites. With Mastodon having proved off-puttingly techy for many, that tends to either be Meta’s Threads app, or Bluesky, the platform that Twitter founder Jack Dorsey helped to start. But while the former is winning in terms of absolute numbers — about 1.4mn daily active users of Threads in the UK, compared with just over 100,000 for Bluesky — it is the latter that has grown the most rapidly over the past six weeks, and that is cementing itself as the top choice for media types, policy wonks, academics and the broader chatterati.

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That there is a new place for such people to congregate is all well and good, but the problem is that the chatterati — very nice and non-conspiracy-theorising and non-overtly-racist though they may be — tend to coalesce around some quite similar viewpoints, which makes for a rather echoey chamber. I’m not sure I have ever felt more like I’m at a Stoke Newington drinks party than when I’m browsing Bluesky (including when tucking into Perelló olives and truffle-flavoured Torres crisps in actual N16).

An even more fundamental problem is that nobody on Bluesky seems to actually mind that they are in an echo chamber. When I told a friend, who happens to be an enthusiastic Bluesky user, what I was writing about this week, she replied “oh yes, but it is an echo chamber, that’s what people like about it, it’s lovely”.

Many enthuse about how like “old Twitter” Bluesky is, which is telling in itself: in the old days of Twitter, progressives far outnumbered their conservative counterparts in terms of how much they posted about politics on the platform, but that share has fallen dramatically since Musk took it over. According to the British Election Study, in the run-up to both the 2015 and 2019 elections, about 30 per cent of the most progressive Britons posted about politics on the platform. This year, while the most conservative Britons remained no less likely to post than before, the share of progressives posting on X had halved to 15 per cent; presumably that has since fallen much further, given that this survey preceded the riots.

In many ways this is all fair enough. Many of us use video-first platforms like Instagram and TikTok as procrastination-cum-entertainment; why shouldn’t the text-based social media sites be a place for procrastination-cum-cosy-filter-bubbling? Why not have a place on the internet that you can go and have a nice, civilised chat with someone who shares your worldview without the risk of coming across a load of vile racist content?

It comes down, in the end, to whether or not you believe that the “digital town square” Musk talked about when he bought Twitter can really exist and, if it can, whether it is of any benefit to anyone.

I have previously argued that a “digital town square” is a contradiction in terms — the internet is never going to enable the kind of engagement and understanding that comes from coming up against a real person in all their raw and imperfect humanity.

But while it will always be much messier and more maddening than we might like, I believe such a place is preferable to a series of siloed echo chambers. The irony is that it is the man who warned of the “great danger” of a splintering-off who is most responsible for making that a reality.

jemima.kelly@ft.com

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In a political paradigm shift, Sri Lanka leans to the left

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In a political paradigm shift, Sri Lanka leans to the left
 EPA-EFE/REX/SHUTTERSTOCK Anura Kumara Dissanayake speaks to his supporters during a campaign rally EPA-EFE/REX/SHUTTERSTOCK

Anura Kumara Dissanayake won just over 3% of votes in the 2019 presidential poll

Under normal circumstances, the victory of Anura Kumara Dissanayake in Sri Lanka’s presidential election would have been called a political earthquake.

But with many having labelled the left-leaning politician as a strong frontrunner in the run-up to the poll, his win was not a massive surprise for Sri Lankans.

The 55-year-old Dissanayake heads the National People’s Power (NPP) alliance, which includes his Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), or People’s Liberation Front – a party that has traditionally backed strong state intervention and lower taxes, and campaigned for leftist economic policies.

With his win, the island will see for the first time a government headed by a leader with a strong left-wing ideology.

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“It’s a vote for a change,” Harini Amarasuriya, a senior NPP leader and MP, told the BBC.

“The result is a confirmation of what we have been campaigning for – like a drastic change from the existing political culture and the anti-corruption drive.”

The outsider

Dissanayake is expected to dissolve parliament and call parliamentary elections soon.

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It will be a challenge, however, for him to implement his coalition policies in a country that has adopted liberalisation and free-market principles from the late 1970s.

The resounding victory of the NPP came following a wave of public anger over the devastating economic crisis in 2022, when Sri Lanka ground to a halt as inflation surged and its foreign reserves emptied.

The country was unable to pay for imports of food, fuel and medicines and declared bankruptcy.

An unprecedented public uprising against the government’s handling of the economy forced then president Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country in July 2022.

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Getty Images A women in a crowd shouts into the face of an officer Getty Images

Dissanayake capitalised on anti-government outrage unleashed during the 2022 mass protests

Two months earlier, his elder brother and veteran leader Mahinda had been forced to resign as prime minister during the initial phase of the protest, known as “aragalaya” (struggle) in Sinhala.

Ranil Wickremesinghe took over as president with the backing of the Rajapaksas’ party. He stabilised the economy and negotiated a $2.9bn bailout package with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

For the millions of Sri Lankans who took to the streets, the political change was nothing but a transfer of power between established parties and political dynasties.

The NPP and Dissanayake capitalised on this sentiment, as many in the country saw him as someone outside the old order.

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Though he was a minister briefly when the JVP became part of a coalition government during the presidency of Chandrika Kumaratunga in the early 2000s, Dissanayake’s supporters say he is not tainted by corruption or cronyism charges.

The question is how his presidency will tackle Sri Lanka’s massive economic challenges.

During his campaign he promised to lower taxes and utility bills. That means lower revenue for the government, and will go against some of the conditions set by the IMF loan.

“We will work within the broad agreement that the IMF has reached within the current government,” said Amarasuriya from the NPP. “But we will negotiate certain details, particularly regarding the austerity measures.”

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A history of violence

The election win is a remarkable turnaround for Dissanayake, who received just over 3% of votes in the 2019 presidential poll.

But while he may have convinced a large section of voters this time, there are concerns over the political ideology of Dissanayake and his JVP, which is remembered for insurrections that led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people in the late 1980s.

From 1987, the JVP spearheaded an armed revolt against the Sri Lankan government in what would come to be known as the “season of terror”.

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Getty Images Anura Kumara Dissanayake surrounded by men in uniformGetty Images

Some of Dissanayake’s political affiliations have raised concerns over ideology

The insurrectionist campaign, spurred by discontent among the youth of the rural lower and middle classes, precipitated a conflict marked by raids, assassinations and attacks against both political opponents and civilians.

Dissanayake, who was elected to the JVP’s central committee in 1997 and became its leader in 2008, has since apologised for the party’s violence. But his victory at the polls raises questions as to what role the JVP might play in Sri Lankan politics going forward.

“The JVP has a history of violence and there are concerns about the party’s position in a new government,” said Bhavani Fonseka, a senior researcher with the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) in Colombo.

“I think Mr Dissanayake has softened the radical messaging during his public outreach. My question is, while he may have softened, what about the old guard of the JVP? Where do they situate themselves in a new government?”

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Tamil concerns

Another challenge for Dissanayake will be to reach out to the country’s Tamil minority, who have been seeking devolution of powers to the north and east and reconciliation since the end of a civil war in May 2009.

That conflict, between the Tamil Tiger rebels and the Sri Lankan state, erupted in 1983. The Tigers eventually had vast areas under their control in their fight for an independent territory in the island’s north and east, but were defeated and all but wiped out in a 2009 military offensive.

Fifteen years later, the Sri Lankan government’s promises to share power and devolve their own political authority in Tamil-majority areas have largely failed to materialise.

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Though the votes for the NPP have increased in the north and the east, Tamils did not vote for Dissanayake overwhelmingly, reflecting concerns over the NPP’s policy towards their political demands.

The UN Human Rights Commissioner’s office in Geneva has urged the new government to pursue an inclusive national vision for Sri Lanka that addresses the root causes of the ethnic conflict.

The government “should undertake the fundamental constitutional and institutional reforms needed to strengthen democracy and the devolution of political authority and to advance accountability and reconciliation,” it said in its latest report.

Getty Images A woman on her knees praying among others who are standing sombrelyGetty Images

Sri Lankan Tamils pray for loved ones killed and missing during a commemoration ceremony of a violent civil war that ended in 2009

Tigers and dragons

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It’s not just about domestic policies, either. The rise of the NPP and JVP is being keenly watched in India and China, which are vying for influence in Sri Lanka. Both have loaned billions of dollars to Colombo.

Dissanayake, with his Marxist leanings, is seen as ideologically closer to China. The JVP in the past had been critical of India’s policy towards Sri Lanka and opposed what it called Indian expansionism.

During his campaign speech Dissanayake also promised to scrap a wind power project in the north funded by the Indian business tycoon Gautam Adani, who is believed to be close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

“The Adani project’s costs should decrease, given its large scale, but it’s the opposite,” Dissanayake said last week. “This is clearly a corrupt deal, and we will definitely cancel it.”

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In any case, expectations are high among many ordinary Sri Lankans who have voted for change.

“Whoever comes to power, they should reduce the prices of food, fuel and electricity. They also need to increase wages,” said Colombo resident Sisira Padmasiri. “The new president should give some immediate relief to the public.”

Experts point out that Sri Lanka will have to make further tough decisions on austerity measures to balance the books and meet its debt obligations.

Once he takes over, Dissanayake will find out how far he can realistically fulfil the expectations of the people.

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Over 700 people crossed the Channel on Saturday

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Over 700 people crossed the Channel on Saturday

The Home Office said 707 people crossed the English Channel in small boats on Saturday, the fourth highest daily total so far this year.

The total number of arrivals for 2024 now stands at 24,335. The highest number of people who have made the crossing in a single day was 882 on 18 June.

More than 10,000 people have made the journey across the Channel since Labour won the election in July.

The government said it is making progress in its bid to stop the crossings, having recruited former police chief Martin Hewitt as its new Border Security Commander.

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The latest arrivals come just days after the prime minister said he is “not going to put an arbitrary date” on stopping the small boat Channel crossings.

In an interview with BBC South East, Sir Keir Starmer said he was “absolutely determined” to tackle the smuggling gangs who facilitated the crossings, but would not commit to a timeframe for doing that.

Home Secretary Yvette Cooper has said the government will be working with European police forces to try and stop small boat crossings.

The prime minister recently discussed the issue with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.

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A Home Office spokesperson said: “We all want to end dangerous small boat crossings, which threaten lives and undermine our border security.

“We will stop at nothing to dismantle their business models and bring them to justice.”

On 15 September, eight people died when a small boat carrying 60 people got into difficulty off the coast of France. Forty-five people have died making the crossing in 2024.

The previous Conservative government made stopping the boats a central pledge, but the Labour government stopped short of saying the same.

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