Politics
Iranian interventions are a tricky balance of the price, the prize, and the problem with the Prince of Persia
They were talking in Geneva the way Iran and the US always talk. Slightly passed each other.
Now we know there was little store set by the White House on any substantive outcome.
Discussions were about stopping the one thing all Western countries have wanted to avoid; a viable and deployable Iranian nuclear weapons programme. Crudely, ‘the Ayatollahs must not have the bomb’ has been British policy towards the Islamic Republic for almost as long as the idea has existed.
It is in no way to sympathise with the Iranian regime to point out these were discussions at US gun point. You don’t have nearly a third of America’s deployable fleet in the Gulf for holiday sailing jaunt.
This morning Iranians start their first full day in 37 years without Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as their ‘Supreme leader’. The truth is he’d been ill for some time and unlike some of the world’s dictatorships the Iranian regime is a hydra.
It’s clear that Trump now wants more than stopping Iran’s nuclear weapons programme. He tried that in June last year, striking Fordow and other sites in a 12-day campaign. The US President has been explicit in suggesting ‘regime change’ is on the table, and has urged the beleaguered Iranian people to seize this moment to achieve it.
Neutralising Iran and its current rulers permanently, as exporters, fosterers, and funders of global terrorism is what this joint assault by the US and Israel is now explicitly about – and for Israel here read Netanyahu whose aim that has always been.
The British Government pointedly has not taken part in the strikes, and Starmer has called along with the leaders of Germany and France for ‘no further escalation’. That looks unlikely to be heeded, just yet.
Just as Democrats in Washington are gearing up to constrain Trump’s ‘war powers’ in Congress, Starmer has his own political considerations to be aware of, since most of those most pro-Gaza, pro-Palestinian have clubbed him at the ballot box are also open supporters of the Islamic Republic. It’s a problem when someone hates Trump so much it leads them to hold a candle for the thugs in Tehran.
But the UK’s attitude towards Iran, has always been one of its more complex and misunderstood foreign policy areas.
I myself with colleagues have spent many a meeting trying to unravel the reasons and motivations for what is a rather solid default position in the Foreign Office that whilst it produces some very cogent arguments, has often felt inflexible to the moment as if it is some timeless one-size-fits-all policy for every eventuality.
It goes something like this:
The Iranian people, the Persians, are decent, cultured, and dynamic. Their history, art, literature, architecture and academic contribution to the world is enormous and dazzling, which makes the nihilist ugly brutality of their current leaders so stark.
The Iranian people reached a point after the widespread protests over the 2022 killing of Iranian-Kurdish 22 year old, Mahsa Amini by their ‘religious police’ – or Guidance Patrol – for not wearing a headscarf. They recognised two facts of their life in Iran.
First, they would never again be ‘won over’ by the regime. Their tacit support was gone forever. Second, the state security apparatus was too strong to be toppled. The horrible truth of that second fact was demonstrated in blood just recently as widespread protests driven by Iran’s desperate economic situation were brutally crushed. Their ‘cost of living crisis’ makes ours look like a picnic.
The only card beyond repression that the regime has to play in its favour is when it can point to blatant attempts by the Great Satan (America) and Little Satan (Britain) to destabilise Iran. Iranian’s may hate their leaders, but they love their country. I suspect the power of this card has waned significantly in the last two years. Enforced public support for the Palestinians was vocally defied at a number of mass events in Iran.
The Iranian regime – the British government never refers to Iran as having a government – is a complex and shifting conglomeration of powerful individuals and institutions, deeply embedded and protected by a labyrinthine security apparatus. It is many headed and so the “cut off the head of the snake” strategy has always been dismissed as unrealistic.
Well its real now. Trump green lit the assassination of relatively popular Iranian General Qasem Soleimani six years ago with a missile strike outside Baghdad airport. Had Soleimani not been dead, and the regime topples now, you’d have put money on him emerging from the rubble to take control.
That, of course is the final argument made inside the British foreign policy arena. The ‘be careful what you wish for’ line. It is highly unlikely that of all possible scenarios within Iran in the event the Islamic Revolution collapses, that its replacement is a pro-Western, democratic, peace loving respecter of US military hegemony and accepter of the state of Israel.
Iran is a patchwork of peoples and cultures all with rather different aspirations for the future. Like Syria and Iraq, the risk of civil disintegration without the iron hand of state repression is a real one, and not to be dismissed. There is no unified and operational opposition, ready to take over, unless it be from within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
The reasonable and outwardly gentle ‘Prince of Persia’ Reza Pahlavi, the eldest son of the Shah toppled in 1979, is not universally popular inside Iran, abut far more outside. Therein lies his problem. Many Iranians say he has not spent nearly fifty years enduring inside the country he seems to want back. However his recent position to have an immediate referendum in Iran on the future, including the option of one without him as head of state was a smart move. To make it real you’d need a stable country to do it. Most worry now the dice have been thrown, that’s not what you’ll get if the regime falls.
As I said, these arguments are all solid ones. Former Tory MP and foreign minister Tobias Elwood is out today making them. Like Lord Ricketts former chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee and later National Security Advisor speaking on the BBC yesterday, the warnings, risks and costs of Trump’s actions are being articulated across the media.
Whatever one thinks of the arguments, they are of course behind the curve.
Khamenei, and a number of IRGC security personnel are dead in the rubble of a regime compound. A strike which speaks to the levels of intelligence available to the US and Israel. This is now unfolding whatever the view in Whitehall. The things our system have warned about and warned against involving ourselves in, are happening in real time.
There has been considerable threat to British national security co-ordinated by Iran on UK soil for years. Iran has sponsored and exported terrorism from Lebanon and Iraq to Gaza and Yemen. It supplies drones to Russia for the express purpose of killing Ukrainians. And the regime does so because it shares something with Putin.
Iran thinks it should be a regional power player. It thinks it is not given global respect. It feels it’s isolation as a national slight. Its response was not to enter the international rules based order and gain that respect, but demand it under threat, and via proxies. It no longer encourages hostage takers, but has taken an entire population hostage and put a boot on its collective neck.
The ‘do nothing about it beyond sanctions’ option has clearly run out of steam in Washington.
Is this a very risky ploy? Yes. Are their potentially worse outcomes than a new Ayatollah and a newly embittered regime? Yes. But how far does the regime have to go before somebody decides to act. For better or worse Trump has.
He’s not getting universal support for it in America, but there will be, I guarantee it, voices inside the very system fighting to survive in Iran, telling its Western opponents, ‘if you want change, act now.’
The issue will be whether Trump gets the change Trump wants.
Politics
Healey: “Britain played no part in the strikes on Iran”
“Britain played no part in the strikes on Iran”
Defence Secretary John Healey says “it is for the US” to explain whether its strikes on Iran are within international law#BBCLauraKhttps://t.co/CkTHGctZ4k pic.twitter.com/1aIAJAiPZe
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) March 1, 2026
Politics
John Healey Refuses Six Times to Say if UK Backs Strikes on Iran
John Healey Refuses Six Times to Say if UK Backs Strikes on Iran
Politics
Zack Polanski Defends Iranian Regime: It Was Already at the Negotiating Table
Zack Polanski Defends Iranian Regime: It Was Already at the Negotiating Table
Politics
Priti Patel: Once Again Feeble Starmer Sits on the Fence
Priti Patel: Once Again Feeble Starmer Sits on the Fence
Politics
Patel: Starmer’s stance on Iran has been “utterly feeble”
‘Keir Starmer’s statement yesterday was utterly feeble.’
Shadow Foreign Secretary Dame Priti Patel has accused the government of ‘sitting on the fence’ regarding the US-Israel strikes on Iran, calling for a more ‘robust’ stance. pic.twitter.com/EF1Ev3IlKP
— GB News (@GBNEWS) March 1, 2026
Politics
“Starmer is crippled because he is hock to international law” – Gove
‘Keir Starmer is crippled because he is hock to international law.’
Editor of The Spectator Michael Gove weighs in on the Prime Minister’s response to the Iranian crisis, adding ‘he doesn’t know which way to jump’. pic.twitter.com/TAclEjh3SQ
— GB News (@GBNEWS) March 1, 2026
Politics
Green Party Membership Surpasses 200 000 After Election Win
The Green Party’s membership has surged past 200,000 in the wake of their historic victory in the Gorton and Denton by-election.
Party bosses revealed the number of people joining has tripled from 68,000 last September, when Zack Polanski was elected leader.
Polanksi said the party’s latest milestone “is a political turning point”.
“Over 200,000 people have now joined a movement that refuses to accept managed decline, climate delay, or timid politics.
“Across the country, communities are choosing hope over fear and courage over compromise. The victory in Gorton and Denton shows what’s possible when we organise, when we speak clearly and when we stand unapologetically for climate justice, social justice and economic transformation.”
He added: “Let me be absolutely clear: Greens are not here to be disappointed by Labour, but to replace them.
“We will not wait politely for change; we are building it. This membership surge proves that the future of progressive politics belongs to the Greens.”
The Times reported in December that internal data showed Labour’s membership had fallen below 250,000.
Reform UK are currently Britain’s biggest political party, with a membership approaching 300,000.
Qualified plumber Hannah Spencer won Thursday’s by-election with a majority of nearly 4,500.
Reform UK came second, with Labour – which had held the seat with a majority of nearly 13,5000 – came third.
Politics
Politics Home | John Healey Warns UK Bases at Risk Of ‘Indiscriminate’ Strikes After Ayatollah Death

2 min read
Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has been killed in a coordinated United States and Israeli military offensive.
Defence Secretary John Healey warned that Iran was “lashing out in an increasingly indiscriminate and widespread way” with retaliatory strikes that had endangered British forces and allies in the region.
The 86-year-old Ayatollah, who had ruled Iran since 1989, died on Saturday when precision missiles and aircraft struck his fortified Tehran compound as part of the joint assault targeting more than 500 military and strategic sites across the country.
U.S. President Donald Trump publicly announced the leader’s death, describing Khamenei as “one of the most evil people in history” and branding the operation as a decisive blow against what he called a “source of terror”, vowing that strikes would continue until U.S. objectives were met.
The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) vowed to “take a different and tough step of revenge” after promising to conduct “the most devastating offensive” in Iranian history.
Iran has retaliated with ballistic missile and drone attacks on U.S. military positions in the Gulf and infrastructure in allied states, while air-defence systems have been activated across the region. Explosions have been detected over Dubai, Doha, Bahrain, Iraq and Israel.
Healey said that “few people will mourn” Khamenei’s death, describing the Iranian regime as “a source of evil” responsible for internal repression and the export of terror, including threats to the UK.
Speaking to the BBC’s Laura Kussenberg, Healey said Britain is “on top of what’s necessary to keep [the public] safe, to reinforce regional stability, to prevent further escalation”. He refused to say if Britain could join the US-Israeli offensive.
Prime Minister Keir Starmer reaffirmed that Britain was not involved in the U.S.-Israeli strikes, condemning Iran’s retaliatory attacks he urged Tehran to “refrain from indiscriminate military strikes” and to return to diplomatic negotiations.
Starmer also spoke with President Trump on Saturday, discussing the unfolding crisis and clarifying the UK position on defensive operations in the Middle East. Both agreed that Iran must never be able to develop a nuclear weapon, reiterated the need to work closely amongst allies and partners to improve regional security.
British aircraft have been deployed for protective missions, but the Prime Minister reaffirmed that the UK was not a party to the offensive that killed Khamenei, emphasising international law and the need to avoid wider conflict.
Politics
Gen Z Has Gone Postal: The Most Online Generation Are Ditching DMs For Stamps
It is 2026. Artificial intelligence can write your dissertation, generate your face, and compose a symphony in the style of Beethoven if Beethoven had grown up on SoundCloud. The metaverse exists. (Nobody’s in it, but it exists.)
And Gen Z – digital natives, chronically online, the generation that essentially grew up inside a WiFi router – has decided that its preferred form of communication is to write something on paper, lick an envelope, and hand it to a stranger in a red van.
The stamp. The address. The three-week wait. The prayer.
Welcome to the most unexpected cultural trend of the decade: Gen Z has gone postal. The data is, frankly, deranged. Pinterest – which correctly predicted 88% of its 2026 trends and has half a billion monthly users, so we can’t just dismiss this as vibes – has reported searches for “penpal letters” up 35%, “handwritten letters” up 45%, and most importantly, “cute stamps” up a deeply unhinged 105%.
A quarter of Gen Z and millennial users say they are actively rediscovering letter-writing. One hundred and five percent more people are excited about stamps. Those tiny adhesive squares your granny hoards in a biscuit tin next to a broken calculator and some elastic bands.
So what’s going on? Why has a generation with AirDrop, WhatsApp, Snapchat, BeReal, iMessage, Instagram DMs, Signal, Telegram, and the ability to send a 47-second voice note whilst walking to Pret decided that actually, what they really want is to use the postal system?
A few reasons, it turns out. None of them are as simple as “they’re quirky.”
“I’d been doom-scrolling for about four hours,” says one 22-year-old graphic designer from London I spoke to. “I realised I hadn’t actually said anything to anyone. I’d consumed about four thousand opinions and contributed nothing. I felt like a ghost.”
She dug out a notebook, wrote three pages to her university friend in Edinburgh, and posted it on her lunch break. “It took her eleven days to write back. Eleven days where I just… didn’t know? And not-knowing felt weirdly healthy. Like I’d sent something into the world and let it go.”
Eleven days of not knowing. In an era where you can see exactly when someone has read your message, watch the three dots appear and disappear for twenty-two minutes, and infer the entire emotional state of another human being from the speed of their reply, the concept of simply not knowing whether someone got your letter is practically radical.
It is the anti-read-receipt. The anti-notification. The anti-everything.
And people find it a relief.
Here is what a letter categorically cannot do. It cannot be screenshotted and dropped into a group chat. It cannot be ratio’d. It cannot go viral. It cannot be fed into an algorithm that decides who sees it and when. Yes, someone could theoretically photograph it and upload it – but the very act would feel like a breach of the intimacy the letter assumes.
It arrives in one place, for one person, and exists entirely outside the attention economy’s jurisdiction. In an era where a private thought posted at the wrong moment can resurface years later to end a career, there is something quietly radical about a form of communication that leaves no searchable trace, no timestamp, and absolutely no engagement metrics.
“Everything I do online is data,” says a 24-year-old postgraduate student in Durham. “My letter isn’t data. It’s just a letter. Nobody’s going to serve me an ad based on what I wrote to my mate about his break-up. That feels like the bare minimum, but apparently it isn’t.”
He’s not wrong. For a generation whose digital behaviour was monetised since they were in nappies, the concept of communication that nobody is profiting from is, apparently, deeply appealing.
It also helps that the economics of being young in Britain right now are, for want of a better word, catastrophic. Under-30s in the UK now spend more than 30% of their income on rent – more than any other age group – while average rents have climbed £1,616 in a single year. Sixty percent of 18-24 year olds say the pressure to succeed has left them unable to cope. Nearly half report feeling financially insecure.
When you can’t control your rent, your job prospects, or the general direction of civilisation, you can control whether you lick a stamp. A stamp costs £1.35. A piece of paper costs virtually nothing.
And the letter, once sent, belongs entirely to you and the person who receives it, a sealed object travelling through the physical world at its own unhurried pace, indifferent to the algorithm and immune to the ratio.
This is not nostalgia. These are people in their early twenties. They do not remember a world before smartphones. They are not longing for a simpler time they once lived through. They are making a deliberate, rational choice to opt out of a system that has consistently promised connection and delivered anxiety instead.
The metaverse, it turns out, promised a world without limits and produced a space that nobody actually wanted to spend time in. Social media promised community and delivered comparison. The smartphone promised freedom and became, for a significant portion of its users, a documented source of psychological harm.
So they’re writing letters. They’re also buying vinyl, joining running clubs in record numbers, and cooking elaborate meals on a Tuesday evening for absolutely no reason except that it takes an hour and requires both hands and therefore cannot be done while also watching a million 15 second videos. It is all the same impulse: find something that demands your full presence and returns something tangible. Find something that is yours.
Before we get too misty-eyed, it is worth asking whether this is accessible to everyone. Nice stationery costs money. The Pinterest aesthetic, wax seals, vintage stamps, handmade paper, presumably a single artisan candle burning in the background – is not free.
The young person working two jobs with an hour commute each way is not, in all likelihood, sitting down with a fountain pen and a fresh pot of Earl Grey. The trend skews, as these things tend to lean toward people who can afford to be intentional about their consumption.
Fair criticism. But a stamp is £1.35 and paper is practically free, and the impulse behind it, wanting something slow, private, and entirely your own – is not a luxury. It belongs to anyone tired enough to want out of the performance, even briefly. And tiredness, right now, is extremely democratically distributed.
As one cultural commentator put it recently: ”The girls are going analog in 2026.” It reads like a joke. It is, in fact, a data point – and one that says rather a lot about what it feels like to be young right now.
The algorithm can have the rest. The letter is mine.
Politics
The persecution of Hamit Coskun
One of the more disturbing legal cases in recent years has finally been brought to a close. The Crown Prosecution Service’s year-long persecution of Hamit Coskun for burning a copy of the Koran ended in failure at the High Court on Friday. After effectively and repeatedly attempting to punish Coskun for blasphemy, the CPS has finally been sent packing.
It is a rare win for free speech. But the very fact prosecutors were so desperate to convict Coskun, and effectively reintroduce blasphemy laws by the backdoor, should worry us all. In any truly secular and democratic society, Coskun should never have been collared by the authorities in the first place.
It is worth looking at the case in a bit more detail. Coskun arrived in England from Turkey in 2022 as a political asylum seeker. As an Armenian Kurd born and raised in Turkey, he had fled persecution at the hands of the Turkish authorities, and the increasingly theocratic Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
After his arrival in England, Coskun watched on from afar as Erdoğan eroded secularism and drove Turkey in an Islamist direction. By the beginning of last year, he had had enough. And so, on the afternoon of 13 February, he travelled to the Turkish consulate in Knightsbridge, west London, to make a pointed protest.
Nothing much happened initially. Coskun set fire to a Koran he had brought with him, and waved it in the direction of the consulate. According to witnesses, he shouted ‘Fuck Islam’ and ‘Islam is the religion of terrorism’. But no one, at first, paid him much attention.
Coskun’s protest would probably have gone unnoticed, were it not for the actions of Moussa Kadri, a 59-year-old Muslim who owned a nearby corner shop. As a recording of the encounter shows, Kadri first rushes towards Coskun, exchanges a few words with him, before disappearing into a nearby building. Minutes later, he returns with a large bread knife. He starts swinging it at Coskun, telling him that he is ‘going to kill’ him, leading Coskun to fall over. Kadri then proceeds to kick him and spit on him while he is prostrate on the ground.
Shortly after this ordeal, another nightmare began – Coskun himself was prosecuted for ‘religiously aggravated disorderly behaviour’. In June, he was convicted in Westminster Magistrates’ Court and fined £240. Disturbingly, the magistrate said Coskun’s assault was proof of how ‘provocative’ his actions had been.
Kadri, on the other hand, was treated almost deferentially. At Southwark Crown Court in September, the judge almost came close to justifying the actions of Coskun’s attacker, saying he had been ‘deeply offended’ by Coskun’s desecration of the ‘Holy Koran’. After pleading guilty to common assault and possessing a knife in public, Kadri was given a suspended sentence and ordered to pay a paltry £150 victim surcharge.
Coskun appealed his conviction, which was rightly overturned in Southwark Crown Court in October. Given blasphemy laws were abolished in England and Wales in 2008, it was a relief to read Justice Bennathan’s judgement:
‘There is no offence of blasphemy in our law. Burning a Koran may be an act that many Muslims find desperately upsetting and offensive. The criminal law, however, is not a mechanism that seeks to avoid people being upset, even grievously upset.’
Yet it seems the CPS didn’t like this verdict one bit. It proceeded to spend hundreds of thousands of taxpayers’ money trying to overturn it and re-convict Coskun. It goes without saying that the CPS had no issue with Kadri’s stunningly lenient sentence.
Any relief at the High Court’s decision this week should therefore be tempered by the actions of the CPS. It should have been acting according to the law, and the secular principles of British society. But instead, it appeared set on convicting Coskun of what amounts to blasphemy.
It is a grim irony that one of the reasons Coskun fled Turkey was precisely because of its lack of religious freedom. ‘I fled to England to flee sectarian politics. Now… I fear it’s followed me here’, Coskun said this week. These words ought to shame a tolerant, supposedly secular nation such as ours.
Hugo Timms is a staff writer at spiked.
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