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By Nolan Higdon

“It is no longer good enough for us just to say this is what happened or here, this is the news. We have to explain our [inner] working.” So exclaimed Emma Tucker, editor-in-chief of the Wall Street Journal, as she remarked on the lack of trust among the news consuming public at the January 2024 meeting of the World Economic Forum (WEF).

The WEF is a non-governmental organization whose mission is “improving the state of the world by engaging business, political, academic, and other leaders of society to shape global, regional, and industry agendas.” Rather than celebrate the existence of more media literate audiences asking important questions, Tucker communicated the concerns of elites at the WEF: that a media literate public threatens their grip on power. Currently, media literacy curriculum is sparsely offered to students in the US. Tucker’s inadvertent admission regarding the power a media literate public has to hold the Fourth Estate to account reveals why that needs to change.

In 1992, media and education scholars in the US developed a definition of media literacy as “the ability to access, analyze, evaluate, create, and act using all forms of communication.” However, while many other countries began offering media literacy courses in the late 20^th century, the US did not. There was resistance to bringing media into classrooms by traditionalists, those who saw new media as a corrupting influence on education. Further, America’s decentralized schooling system has made it difficult to develop national media literacy requirements and curriculum.

However, the post-2016 moral panic over fake news and reporting around the ensuing COVID-19 pandemic advanced those efforts, making Americans acutely aware of the necessity of media literacy education. In response, many states passed media literacy policies, but they have resulted in few offerings to students and even the existing offerings are limited to teaching about online privacy and safety available to schools. Currently five states mandate some type of media literacy education in the US, including California. That simply is not enough.

When done right, critical media literacy education spurs audiences to ask critical questions about who owns and produces media; what messages are presented and censored; who is represented and how; and what sources journalists use. Tucker expressed frustration that audiences were asking more critical questions about the media remarking, “We kind of owned the news, we were the gatekeepers, and we very much owned the facts as well…If it was said in the Wall Street Journal, New York Times, then that was a fact. Nowadays, people can go to all sorts of different sources for the news and they’re much more questioning about what we’re saying.” Tucker says that as if it is a bad thing.

Corporate news media disguising propaganda as journalism is not a recent revelation. In their 1988 classic Manufacturing Consent, scholars Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky argued that the corporate ownership structure of media reduced news outlets to little more than business propaganda. They noted and provided mountains of evidence that corporate media would not likely report on stories that threatened their profits, alienated advertisers, or reduced their audience sizes. As a result, the handful of corporations that own 90 percent of the news media in the US provide a narrow scope of the world told with a corporate bias.

Indeed, the dominant corporate news media outlets in the US do not offer programming that villainizes corporations and celebrates average people. Instead, they rely on a hyper-partisan narrative approach (Republican versus Democrat, Team Red versus Team Blue) to programming that protects elites by keeping the public divided along party lines (because it prevents a larger unified movement against elites). Since the 1990s, corporate media have been highly partisan with MSNBC, CNN, New York Times, and Washington Post confirming the Democratic bias of its more liberal audience, while Fox News, Wall Street Journal, and New York Post do the same for the Republican Party bias of their more conservative audience.

Critical media literacy education encourages media users to go beyond the hyper-partisan frames and examine how elite influence in corporate news media results in the propagandizing of the public. This interrogation of corporate media is apparently a threat to organizations like the WEF, which is a highly elitist organization, whose members believe that it is in the best interest of the global community if a coalition of self-selected multinational corporations, governments, and organizations influence the economic direction of the world. That is why Tucker was most certainly lauded by the elites at the WEF when she complained that, “we have to…almost like explain our [inner]working, so readers expect to understand how we source stories. They want us to know how we go about getting stories. We have to sort of lift the bonnet as it were and in a way that newspapers aren’t used to doing and explain to people what we’re doing. We need to be much more transparent about how we go about collecting the news.” Again, Tucker is essentially admitting why the public does not trust major media institutions, where people like Tucker are in charge.

Tucker said the quiet part out loud: elites want the public to be media illiterate and unquestionably accept their corporate and establishment propaganda. When the public tries to hold media accountable by demanding transparency, elites grow agitated and defensive. Although such disdain for the masses from elites is nothing new, Tucker inadvertently made the case for why media literacy education is so desperately needed in the US. She revealed that becoming media literate is a revolutionary act that equips audiences with the skills to confront power by asking questions and making demands of elites to uphold the principles and institutions of democracy. That is why critical media literacy is so vital for meaningful civic engagement and should be mandated in US schools.

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The Fifties are back with a bang. James Macdonald’s brilliantly framed staging of Waiting for Godot (1953) is running in the West End and Lorraine Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun (1959) is due in London shortly. And here is the Almeida, reviving Arnold Wesker’s Roots (1958) and John Osborne’s Look Back in Anger (1956) — two seminal works from the “angry young men” playwrights. Staged in repertory by one ensemble, they dive into that period between the war and the Sixties when a generation of men and women were pushing at the social structures they’d inherited, disillusioned with a world that had been torn apart and yet not changed enough.

In both, the kitchen becomes the scene for battle — between the generations, between the sexes, between the classes. In 2024, the works punch across the decades to speak to a society where anger is common currency. When Morfydd Clark’s Beatie stands in her parents’ kitchen at the end of Roots, raging that “we’re all taking the easiest way out”, she could be voicing exasperation over climate change or global inequality.

Time and distance also lend perspective. Looking back, the anger is qualified not just by what hasn’t changed but by what has. We see the sexism even more keenly. Diyan Zora’s deftly paced and beautifully acted production of Roots underscores this. She keeps Wesker’s punctilious naturalism and yet frames the drama as a memory play. It’s as if we were revisiting and reassessing, with Beatie, that crucial visit to her family in rural Norfolk that, by tearing a rift between them and her, saw her find her voice as an articulate young woman but left her rootless in an unequal society.

Clark’s Beatie begins by stepping on to a bare, circular playing arena, her past assembling around her as the cast pass up props and furniture. Immediately she’s back home, joking with her sister as the two wash dishes and sweep the floor. But a division has slipped between them. Fired up by her intellectual socialist boyfriend’s ideas, Beatie longs to galvanise her family into awareness of their own condition. They, however, are too busy, tired or preoccupied to hear her. That’s even more evident in her mother’s kitchen, where Beatie’s impassioned attempts to get her weary mother (Sophie Stanton, excellent) to discuss ideas are met with a running commentary on the passing buses.

It’s a play about women, set entirely in the domestic sphere and written with sympathy by Wesker. But while we see Beatie’s awakening, we notice too the way the playwright frames it as a response to her mansplaining boyfriend. Clark handles this brilliantly. She brings a certain irony to the passages where she repeats Ronnie’s opinions and is moving as she finds her voice. Her impassioned final plea for change could have been written now.

The anger and disillusionment that simmer and bubble in Roots boil over in Look Back in Anger, as does the sexism, finding voice in the toxic character of Jimmy Porter. It’s a hard play to watch: Jimmy is obnoxious, his abusive, controlling behaviour towards his upper-middle-class wife, Alison, hard to stomach.

Atri Banerjee’s blistering production faces that head-on. Billy Howle’s terrific Jimmy is viciously nasty, cruelly undermining Alison and lashing out at Cliff, the couple’s peacekeeping lodger. But while Jimmy is never excused, Howle does help to explain him. This is a man whose frustration at a stagnant society and his own lack of agency has curdled into self-pity, toxic masculinity and ugly misogyny. He’s utterly chewed up by anger.

He’s brilliantly well matched by Ellora Torchia’s desolate Alison, shrinking into coiled rage as she irons Jimmy’s shirts and sucks up insult after insult. On Naomi Dawson’s red disc of a set they seem trapped in a circle of hell that neither Iwan Davies’s decent Cliff nor Alison’s friend Helena (Clark) can break them from.

It’s a blazing production of a tough, ugly, angry, desperate, sad play. And together the productions prompt the disturbing question: are Jimmy and Beatie still with us today? And if so, why?

★★★★☆

To November 23, almeida.co.uk

AN EXPERT has revealed the six household products you can buy for at little as 30p to keep mould and damp at bay this winter.

Mould and damp are not just unsightly, they can also cause health problems so it’s important to take action if you spot it in your home.

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Jane Wilson, cleaning expert and manager at Fantastic Cleaners, has shared six super-cheap products that can help banish mould from every area of your property.

Mould typically shows up in damp or dark areas such as bathroom and wardrobe corners, ceilings corners, along window sills and on stagnant fabrics as small black and brown dots.

If you catch it quickly, it can be cleaned off and, when you’ve removed it, you can take action to prevent it from returning.

Here are some of Jane’s top buys

White vinegar

White vinegar is a “powerful, natural mould killer”, according to Jane.

And, best of all, it’s readily available from supermarkets and corner stores for just a few pennies.

Both Sainsbury’s and Tesco sell 568ml bottles of white vinegar for just 35p.

Jane recommends pouring undiluted white vinegar into a spray bottle and applying it directly to the mouldy area.

She said that once applied, the vinegar should be left for at least an hour before being scrubbed off with a brush.

After removing the vinegar, wipe the area clean with a damp cloth.

Jane explained that “the acidic nature of vinegar breaks down the mould and prevents its return.”

Baking soda (bicarbonate of soda)

Baking soda is a household staple that’s effective for removing mould.

Jane explains that it is a particularly good choice for using on delicate surfaces.

The cleaning expert explained that as well as being a great cleaner baking soda has antifungal properties to prevent mould from returning.

And, it wont break the bank. Both Sainsbury’s and Morrisons sell bicarbonate of soda for just 59p.

The expert cleaner advised mixing a quarter of a teaspoon of baking soda with water in a spray bottle before shaking well.

Then spray the solution on to the mouldy surface, scrub with a brush and rinse with with water.

After you’ve cleared away the mould Jane advised spraying the area again and letting it dry to prevent future mould growth.

Tea tree oil

Tea tree oil is a natural and highly effective way to remove mould.

A 20ml bottle will set you back £9 from Boots, making it a little pricier, but it will leave a far nicer scent than a cheaper fix.

Jane recommended mixing one teaspoon of tea tree oil with one cup of water in a spray bottle.

Simply spray the solution onto the mould and let it sit without rinsing.

Jane explained that tea tree oil is a natural fungicide making it particularly effective at killing mould spores and preventing their spread.

Lemon juice

Lemon juice has naturally acidic and antibacterial properties that make it great for dealing with mould problems.

Lemons are a particularly cheap way of removing mould.

Morrisons, Tesco, Sainsbury’s and Asda are all selling lemons for 30p each.

Jane recommended squeezing the juice from several lemons and applying it directly to the mouldy area.

Let it sit for a few minutes, then wipe it clean with a damp cloth, or scrub with a brush on tougher areas.

Jane said the added benefit of using lemon juice is the fresh scent it leaves behind.

Cinnamon oil

Cinnamon oil has antifungal properties that can help prevent mould growth.

Amazon has multiple listings for cinnamon oil, which contains cinnamaldehyde to help inhibit mould growth, for around £5.

Jane said it was particularly useful for treating small areas of mould and preventing it from spreading.

She added: “Unlike some stronger-smelling mould cleaners, cinnamon leaves a warm, pleasant aroma, making it a good choice for use in living areas.”

Jane advised mixing a few drops of cinnamon oil with water in a spray bottle.

Spray the mixture directly onto a mouldy area and let it sit for about an hour before wiping the area clean with a damp cloth.

For persistent mould Jane advised reapplying the solution or combining it with other natural cleaners, such as vinegar, for a stronger effect.

She also recommended sprinkling cinnamon powder on mould-prone areas like windowsills or bathrooms to help prevent mould from returning.

Hydrogen peroxide

Hydrogen peroxide is a potent antifungal and antibacterial solution, that’s available online and from some chemists.

Amazon has listings from £3 for 30ml.

Hydrogen peroxide is particularly effective against mould on porous surfaces like wood, drywall, and fabrics, and is safe to use around the home.

Jane advised pouring 3% hydrogen peroxide into a spray bottle and using it to saturate mouldy areas.

Let it sit for 10 minutes then scrub the surface to remove all mould and stains before wiping the area clean with a damp cloth.

What causes mould?

Mould flourishes where there is condensation, which occurs when warm air hits a cooler surface and creates moisture.

Mould spores are present in the air year round and spread when dampness is present for six hours.

In the home this dampness is normally caused by condensation, which occurs while showering, drying clothes or cooking.

Mould can grow anywhere in a property and can be identified as black speckled marks or grey growths on window sills, woodwork, painted walls, ceilings, wallpaper or fabric.

Jane explained that the best way to prevent mould was to keep your home dry and well-ventilated.

She recommended regularly checking areas prone to moisture, like bathrooms, kitchens and basements.

Using a dehumidifier in damp areas can also help reduce the risk of mould growth.

Why should you deal with mould?

Mould is not just unsightly, it can have serious health consequences.

In 2020, youngster Awaab Ishak tragically passed away after living in a one-bedroom housing association flat in Rochdale, Greater Manchester, that was riddled with mould.

If you find any signs of mould or spreading damp, it’s vital to act quickly.

Government guidance states: “Damp and mould primarily affect the airways and lungs, but they can also affect the eyes and skin. The respiratory effects of damp and mould can cause serious illness and, in the most severe cases, death.”

As well as the dangers to your health, mould can cause damage to your home, and leaving it for longer will only end up costing you more to fix it later.

Common Bathroom Habits That Increase Mould

Plumbworld, a leading expert in bathroom and kitchen products, has shared the daily habits that increase the chance of mould growing in homes.

Leaving wet towels and bathmats on floor 

Wet towels and bathmats on the floors after a shower or bath can increase humidity levels which provides a perfect breeding ground for mould spores.

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To prevent this, hang towels and bathmats in an area where they can dry quickly and to wash them regularly.

Not turning on the fan 

An exhaust fan is critical in reducing moisture levels in the bathroom. 

When taking a hot shower or bath, steam increases the room’s humidity level, creating an ideal setting for mould to flourish on walls, ceilings, and other surfaces.

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An exhaust fan helps by moving the moist air outside, significantly reducing the risk of mould growth. 

Experts suggest running the fan during the shower and for at least 20-30 minutes afterwards to lower humidity levels.

Ignoring small leaks

Even minor leaks from the sink, toilet, or shower can contribute to increased moisture levels in a bathroom, fostering an environment where mould can thrive. 

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Over time, these leaks can cause significant water damage, promoting mould growth in less visible areas such as inside walls or under flooring. 

Fix leaks promptly to prevent mould and potential structural damage.

Keeping shower curtains or doors closed 

Keeping the shower area closed after use traps moisture inside, delaying the drying process and creating a humid environment conducive to mould growth. 

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Mould can easily develop on shower curtains, doors, and in tile grout if they remain wet for too long. 

To avoid this, leave the shower door or curtain open after use to improve air circulation and allow the area to dry more quickly.

Storing too many products 

Shower caddies and corners filled with bottles and accessories may seem harmless, but they can obstruct airflow and trap moisture and creates hidden, moist niches where mould can grow unnoticed. 

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Keep shampoo and shower gel bottles to a minimum, and regularly clean and dry the areas underneath them to prevent mould growing. 

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Plus, you can join our Sun Money Chats and Tips Facebook group to share your tips and stories

Former transport minister S. Iswaran was handed a 12-month prison term on Thursday for bribery and obstruction of justice, with the judge delivering a sentence even longer than that sought by prosecutors to underscore the city’s zeal for clean governance.

“Trust and confidence in public institutions are the bedrock of effective governance,” Justice Vincent Hoong said. “This can all too easily be undermined by the appearance that an individual public servant has fallen below the standards of integrity and accountability.”

Iswaran is the first ex-minister in Singapore to receive a prison sentence since 1975. The former minister last week unexpectedly pleaded guilty to four charges of obtaining valuable items as a public servant and one count of obstruction of justice. He had previously vowed to defend himself over nearly three dozen counts including corruption, but the prosecution amended the charges on the first day of the case.

A swift conclusion to a trial that was expected to drag on for months may put to bed a scandal that has tested the wealthy island nation’s reputation for clean governance since the initial investigation came to light last year. It also clears the way for Prime Minister Lawrence Wong—who came to power in May—to lead the ruling People’s Action Party in a general election that must be held by November 2025.

Read More: A Wave of Scandals Is Testing the Singaporean Government’s Ability to Take Criticism

“The sentence underscores the court’s strong stance against any corruption-type offense,” said Eugene Tan, professor of law with Singapore Management University. “There is no doubt that the court placed a premium on maintaining the integrity of the public sector.” 

Justice Hoong agreed to a request for the 62-year-old to be jailed from Oct 7. It’s possible Iswaran may appeal the sentence, with his defense lawyer noting that his surrender is subject to any applications that may be made. 

Prosecutors had asked for a seven-month jail term, while his defense lawyers sought no more than eight weeks. Justice Hoong said Iswaran’s contributions to public service and Singapore were, at best, a neutral factor in sentencing.

Since the start of this year, Iswaran was charged with 35 counts including graft. He was alleged to have obtained more than S$403,000 ($313,000) in luxury goods including tickets to musicals and soccer matches in the U.K. Most of the court charges dealt with Iswaran’s interactions with tycoon Ong Beng Seng, who owns the rights to the Singapore Grand Prix and is chairman of race promoter Singapore GP Pte Ltd.

Ong’s spokesman declined to comment. The property mogul has not been charged and the Attorney-General’s Chambers has said it will “take a decision” on him soon.

Among the amended charges, Iswaran pleaded guilty to obtaining tickets for the Singapore F1 Grand Prix in 2022, a night’s stay in Four Seasons Hotel Doha, and flights including being aboard a private jet to Qatar. In agreeing to the guilty plea, Iswaran returned more than S$380,000, while gifts were forfeited to the state.

Iswaran “abused his position” by obtaining gifts from Ong, Justice Hoong said. 

Known for bringing F1 racing to Singapore, Iswaran is the first minister to get embroiled in a graft probe since 1986 when then-Minister for National Development Teh Cheang Wan was investigated for accepting bribes. Teh denied receiving the money and died before he could be formally charged. 

The last time a former minister from the ruling party was sentenced to jail in Singapore was in 1975. Then-Minister of State for Environment Wee Toon Boon was sentenced to 18 months in jail for accepting a two-story house and land.

Good morning. Today, I report on European countries’ fears regarding the widening conflict in the Middle East, and my Brussels colleague reveals new research that suggests moves to protect the EU’s car industry from foreign competition could hurt the fight against climate change.

Contagion

European capitals are increasingly concerned about the long-term ramifications of the widening conflict in the Middle East, as Israel steps up its offensive against Lebanon and the Hizbollah militant group based there.

Context: Israel has bombed Hizbollah targets in Lebanon for more than a fortnight and this week launched a ground invasion of the country’s south. The killing of Hizbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah and other senior officials saw Hizbollah’s ally Iran respond with a massive ballistic missile salvo against Israel on Tuesday.

Iran’s attack has dramatically raised the risk of a full-scale war enveloping the entire region, and prompted a snap G7 leaders virtual meeting yesterday, in which they “agreed to work jointly to foster a reduction in regional tensions . . . [and] reiterated that a region-wide conflict is in no one’s interest and that a diplomatic solution is still possible”.

Western capitals are pressuring Israel to focus any counterattack against Iran on military targets in the country, and not its oil or nuclear research facilities, people familiar with the talks said.

While the Iranian missiles have raised the stakes, the ongoing Israeli assault on Lebanon, including the bombing of southern Beirut and elite commando incursions across the border, had already spooked EU officials.

Lebanon is just over 160km from EU member Cyprus and has historic links to European countries such as France and Italy. The EU has provided the country with more than €3.5bn in aid since 2011, including support to its armed forces.

Sixteen of the EU’s 27 member states currently have their troops in Lebanon as part of the UN’s peacekeeping mission in the country, including more than 1,000 Italian soldiers and more than 600 each from France and Spain.

EU capitals are also fearful of the potential refugee crisis a major, long-lasting war in Lebanon could cause, and how an increase in people fleeing the Middle East could impact domestic politics — given the already heightened anti-migration sentiment in many European countries.

Chart du jour: Rebound?

The tailwinds for a European consumer recovery are building, writes Gerry Fowler, if interest rate cuts support a rise in spending on durable goods.

Reality check

A day before a planned vote on whether the EU should impose tariffs on electric vehicles from China, one of Brussels’ most influential think-tanks has warned such a move could imperil the green transition, writes Daria Mosolova.

Context: EU member states are scheduled to vote tomorrow on imposing additional tariffs on cheap Chinese electric vehicles, in a move to protect European carmakers from what they view as unfair competition.

Analysts at Bruegel cautioned that the cost of clean technology will be a key factor determining the success of Europe’s decarbonisation, and warned about the wider impact of trade battles in a report published today.

The report argues that as the EU reframes its competition rules, it cannot ignore that China is the global leader in markets for batteries and critical raw materials, both of which are crucial for the EU’s green transition.

“Reduced imports from China of these products, because of competitiveness concerns or economic security, imply the risk of both slowing down the energy transition and increasing its cost”, the authors wrote.

“Economic de-risking may increase climate risk,” they added.

The authors also warned that the EU’s new budget rules, as well as capital constraints due to high interest rates, could limit countries’ capacities for much needed green investment — especially as other spending needs like defence become more important.

The EU aims to slash its greenhouse emissions by 90 per cent by 2040 compared with levels in 1990, which would require yearly investments into the energy system of about €700bn from 2031 to 2040 — roughly 3 per cent of the bloc’s GDP.

What to watch today

1. G7 interior ministers meet in Mirabella Eclano, Italy.

2. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz gives a speech on the 34th anniversary of German unification in Schwerin.

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