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The smuggler’s daughter and other tales from the Gulf of Aden

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Known as tahriib, they are clandestine travellers seeking to escape conflict, poverty and the effects of climate change. Over the past decade, their journeys across the Gulf of Aden have become increasingly chaotic, a microcosm of the forces driving worldwide flows of human traffic.

Between the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea, this stretch of water separates the Horn of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. No other place on earth has witnessed more cycles of conflict, forcing so many people into successive rotations in such a small space. Today, contraflows of migrants and refugees move through a labyrinth of ever-more-dangerous routes, exchanging insecurities, jumping between continents, from one battlefield to another. They criss-cross Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, Yemen and Saudi Arabia, a human shuffle in which the odds are never favourable.

A generation of young men and women has been seduced by a growing network of middlemen, promising jobs and a better future elsewhere. Promises that have, in turn, fuelled a new model of people trafficking, drawing the tahriib into a world in which there is often complete disregard for life. 

The cracking sound jarred Sami from his sleep. A floundering came from the ladder that led up to the overhanging sleeping quarters. The broken top rung must have given way again. Probably a visitor. A new farm boy from the plains or another tahriib seeking shelter.

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Sami lay there, his head under a flapping, shiny curtain at the open window that could not be pulled back. Listening to the rhythm of his own breath, he could make out the sound of a car turning into the potholed street, making its way through the last of the deep puddles left by the rains. Downstairs, the sound of running water came from a hose in the tiled courtyard, someone taking a shower.

There was shouting. Tongues that could not be understood. Semi-awake, Sami turned gradually on the lean foam mattress, sensing that it must be afternoon and that he was the only one in the small, sulphur-yellow room. The others must have been out, hustling for work or else on the hunt for cheap snacks sold by women with pans of hot oil in the alleyways around Place Rimbaud.

Sami’s mind was rattling, thoughts lurching between memories of his home in Dire Dawa, Ethiopia, and the streets of Djiboutiville, capital of Djibouti, where he now found himself in limbo. He imagined the well-trodden paths of Quartier Quatre nearby: the alleyway where weightlifters trained; the tin mosque with a green door, standing at such a slant that it was propped up with sand bags; the blue phone cabin next to three pink houses; and the spot on Avenue Thirteen where the girl had smiled at him last night.

Sami recalled a conversation five years ago, sat gathered on a patch of cool earth under a damas tree with his best friend, Araso, and some other boys who worked on the farms. He was 15 then, and his mother had recently died. Sami was numb. Nearly all of the boys in the villages around Dire Dawa had been visited by the dilals, local brokers who spun tales of riches and wonder abroad. Like campfire fable-tellers, they spoke reverently of a quixotic figure who would guide and watch over them. That was when he first heard the name of Abdul Qawi.

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Around the Gulf of Aden, thousands are searching for Abdul Qawi. Unlike the dilals, who are merely middlemen, Abdul Qawi is in many tellings a legendary people smuggler operating in this region. In others he is a powerful warlord to be avoided. Some chatter loudly, questioning whether he is real or not, alive or dead, good or evil. Some tout theories, deeming him to have been shot, or to have escaped, disappeared, in this place or that. Whether he is fact or fiction is inconsequential. His name no doubt continues to lure thousands to their deaths.

A person in a yellow shirt standing inside a small, rustic barbershop with blue corrugated metal walls, watching a television mounted on the wall
Djiboutiville, Djibouti
Resting on a pile of mattresses in a makeshift wooden hut built onto the roof of a house, a Yemeni man rests amid the chaos of Djibouti’s slums
Djiboutiville, Djibouti
Three Ethiopian tahrib settle themselves on the wooden bench of a vacated tea stall
Obock, Djibouti
A green door leads to a tin mosque
Djiboutiville, Djibouti

The stories did not need to be true to be believed. “So many young boys in my area were travelling to Yemen or Saudi for a better life,” Sami said. “We tracked down a dilal and went to his house to work it all out. My cousin stayed on to look after my family’s small house and I set off with five friends.”

The journey included a 250-kilometre walk around Djibouti’s coastline to Obock, through a vast lava field of sharp, black rocks. Depressed below sea level, the earth is encrusted with a thick layer of salt made whiter still by the glaring sun. Avoiding checkpoints on the roads, gravel patches make for the best going underfoot. Spread out along the well-worn route, blue barrels sit like way-markers. A lifeline from which to drink, they have been left for the hundreds of parched migrants and refugees who walk by each day.

Their internal voices full of stories and possibilities, Sami and his friends pressed on undeterred. He took a boat from near Obock with 70 others. “We were dropped into the water near a beach where there was a group of 10 men with Kalashnikovs waiting. It was the first time in my life I was really, really scared. We were all taken in a big truck to a camp.” There were seven women with them and, when they reached the hosh, or camp, the group was split up. “There were lots of other migrants there, around 400 in total, from Somalia and Sudan but mostly from Ethiopia.”

In the smuggler’s encampments near Res al-Ara, on the southwestern tip of Yemen, the first questions they were asked were whether they knew anybody in Saudi Arabia, England or the US. “If you then tell them you have relatives, you are forced to hand over the contact number of somebody you know there. Then they immediately start asking for $3,000. If you don’t know anybody, then they start hitting you.” Sami said beatings, torture and rape were commonplace. “If they want ransom money, then they immediately start making videos of you suffering. For the women it’s worse. Every tahriib in there is crying but even though your eyes become tired, even at midnight you don’t sleep.

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“In the camp, they don’t want to kill you, but the gangs there are very violent. They take the same drug, called Dama, that fighters take. It closes your heart.” The synthetic drug Captagon, sometimes called Dama in Yemen, has become common on battlefields, allowing users to stay awake for days and feel invincible. 

Sami does not sleep much these days. Easing himself up slowly from the mattress in the yellow room, he drew his mouth down in pain. From beneath a tightly fitting T-shirt, a lumpy channel of white scar tissue extended the length of his abdomen. A discomfort, a constant reminder. Fifteen days into his captivity, a deranged guard had stormed into the compound. Wild-eyed, he flung himself from wall to wall before stabbing Sami in the stomach.

Bedding down on sheets of cardboard and sacks, a group of exhausted tahrib wake up on the roadside close to Obock’s port
Obock, Djibouti
A dimly lit interior of a run-down home, with hanging clothes, an old refrigerator, and makeshift curtains
Djiboutiville, Djibouti
Under Arabic graffiti that reads “You cannot search for the beauty of love, it comes to you” armed fighter jets have been drawn on the opening of a canvas tent in Obock Camp
Obock, Djibouti
Two men pass a brightly painted Ethiopian restaurant as they aimlessly walk the town’s streets in search of casual work
Obock, Djibouti

Irrational violence is commonplace within Yemen’s smuggling mafia, but most is premeditated and methodical. Prescribed by ringleaders, it is enacted by compliant henchmen as a means of extortion. The past decade has seen wholesale trafficking and hostage-taking evolve into a multimillion-dollar business.

Bleeding and unconscious, Sami was left for dead, dumped by his captors on a road. A passing vehicle took him to hospital. After his recovery, he travelled to Sana’a and spent a long time trying to claim asylum, find work and build a new life for himself. Sami was sleeping on the streets of Sana’a when fighting broke out. “Bomb craters, missiles falling and every 20 minutes or so there were more soldiers on the road.” 

Several days after leaving the capital on foot, Sami reached a Houthi checkpoint, along with five others including his best friend, Araso. “We explained that we were just refugees and were trying to make our way to Saudi. They told us to come with them or they would kill us. We were scared, of course, and when we tried to plead with them, they shot Araso directly in the face. Only then we followed.”

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The Houthi fighters demanded they work for them, carting supplies and munitions into the mountains. “In between, they would teach us how to fight. To fire a weapon and to throw bombs. My consciousness was telling me not to fight, that I had to save my heart.”

Back in Djiboutiville, one hand shielding half his face, he rested the other against the curtain. He wanted to move, to stand, to get out of the yellow room, to meet his friends in Place Rimbaud, yet felt weighted. There was a mourning of time passed, five years wasted, the loss of Araso, and of his mother. Memories flooded in, shape-shifting figures, blurring lines between truths and falsehoods. The skirmish in the mountains that gave Sami the chance to escape, like stories under the damas tree, seemed almost fantastical.

“There are two things I will never forget,” he said. “Being kidnapped and having seen my friend killed in front of my eyes . . . The boys that come from the farms in Ethiopia, they don’t think. Even if you tell them about the war in Yemen or about Abdul Qawi, they close their ears. Any word of trouble and they will just answer you back with the same remarks like ‘Allah will save me’ or that their ‘dilal can’t be lying’. If you decide your future on the cheap, then for sure something bad will happen.”

Three thousand dollars sat wrapped in a bundle, passing for a giant’s sack. The heavy bag stayed exactly where it was on the fur-covered dashboard as Said veered sharply around a bend on the rutted coastal highway into Obock. Eventually, the smuggler’s truck screeched to a standstill and, through a slim gap in the tinted windscreen, Said caught sight of them. Two teenage boys, dead under a tree.

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For a brief moment, the clamour that had been building inside the packed vehicle ceased. The men and women crushed in the back of the pick-up dusted off their disagreements. In unison, each with their palms turned upwards, the melancholy incantation came: “Inna lillahi wa inna ilayhi raja un.” We belong to God and to Him we shall return.

A slow-moving column of vehicles had already passed the nameless boys that morning. Perhaps supposing them to be sleeping, hundreds of migrants and refugees had simply walked by, their heads bowed against the dust storm. In the already unbearable surging heat, their need to find cover was pressing.

Had the two boys walked for another half an hour, a spit of tarmac would have led them to Obock town and the high, white screed walls of the Migrant Response Centre, where they could have sought help.

Kassim was one who had made it. Limping to the centre on a single flip-flop, the 15-year-old was shouldered by his smaller friend. In jeans cut off to just below the knee, he clenched a near-empty shopping bag containing all that he owned. Taped all over his face, sheets of taupe sticking plasters barely masked his agony. Charting an unlit route in the cool of night, when checkpoints are easier to pass, Kassim had been hit by a car that didn’t stop. 

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A narrow view of Obock’s dusty main street is seen through a partially blacked-out windscreen of a smuggler’s pick-up truck
Obock, Djibouti
Covered in an almost coordinating pink floral fabric, a pillow sits on a dirty, uncovered mattress propped up against the wall of a blue rented room
Hargeisa, Somaliland region of Somalia
A sun shade for new arrivals overhangs a wall signed d’orientation aux migrants at a reception centre run by the International Organization for Migration
Obock, Djibouti
A group of people walking through a rocky, arid landscape with trees and sparse vegetation
Alat Ela, Djibouti

In the far corner of the yard, closest to the water supply where residents clean themselves and their clothes, brimming vats of sticky rice sat on the boil for lunch. Holding up a wooden spoon longer than his arm, 16-year-old Abdi stopped stirring. Mopping his brow, he was careful not to wipe away the semblance of a beard, sketched on to his jawline with biro. Having escaped enslavement in Yemen, Abdi sized up Kassim and his friend, his soon-to-be roommates.

Logged as numbers 24 and 25, their names were taken down in a thick blue ledger reserved for unaccompanied minors. The Migrant Response Centre’s manager, Mohamed, showed the boys into the compound. Kassim was taken to the hospital, a rudimentary single ward, pungent with the biting odours of antiseptic and bleach. Patched up and given fluids, he lay on one of the four plastic-covered beds dressed with clean white sheets, his bag stowed beneath him.

The Migrant Response Centre was constructed little more than a decade ago, and Mohamed has been working there ever since. “It was when we started to hear the name Abdul Qawi. Before, it was just a small number of Somalis coming through Obock but now it’s nearly all Ethiopians. Around 300 a day,” he said. Under galvanised roofs, dormitories are hemmed into the boundary walls, laced at their upper edges with repeating flower patterns. Shapes formed by semi-open concrete blocks, blowing in clouds of dirt but too high to see out of. Mattresses dispersed here and there on floors are partitioned by hung mosquito nets. Shrouds that cast a synthetic blue haze across bare spaces, assigned for a constant turnover of about 500 men, women and children.

Funded by the UN’s International Organization for Migration, staff at the Migrant Response Centre do their best to offer lifelines. Covering a vast terrain, outreach teams set out to warn travellers of the dangers that lie ahead, at sea and in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Words and realities that more often than not fall on deaf ears. Mohamed spoke of how the heat kills so many and of human remains, all too regularly discovered by the roadside. “Just this summer we found a corpse only metres away from the entrance. He was so, so close.”

Leaning back on the chest freezer, the guards sneaked a look at Aisha’s screen. Behind the bright pink phone case, their queen was dropping effects on to her latest TikTok post. For her third lip-syncing video of the day, the beats of Puntland favourite Sharma Boy were overlaid with animated broken hearts. Wagging at the camera, her face was reflected back, slimmed by a glamour filter. Aisha is the heiress to a matriarchal people-smuggling empire. She sat under the shade of her mother’s corrugated-iron preserve on the edge of Bosaso, Somalia, the favourite child.

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Her two young sons manned the counter of the shop, sucking lollipops that have dyed their tongues blue. The store sells Superb- and Comfort-brand biscuits and soft drinks, all priced at an exacting $1 minimum, along with chargers, T-shirts and an array of goods aimed at a captive market. On the other side of the semi-open shack, a few guards were gathered in the café area, taking a break from the oppressive afternoon sun. Dressed all in black, Aisha’s mother, Hoyo Oromo, surveyed her realm, a clutch of dormitories and shelters housing migrants and refugees. Her moniker, meaning “Mother of the Oromo people”, is hand-painted in large, blue letters on the walls around her. Returning to her father’s home town following the fall of Siad Barre’s regime in the early 1990s, she was quick to see a business opportunity. “Back then I used to see only Somali refugees but then Ethiopians began arriving in town,” she recalled. “They’ve never stopped. They all know my name now, even in Ethiopia.”

The Mother of Oromo’s pre-eminence began simply enough with a shop, set up on the margins of Bosaso, the renowned smuggling township near the tip of Africa’s horn. As the old guard of smugglers died, or were killed in disputes over stakes in the lucrative people trade, Hoyo Oromo seized her chance. She now controls a human-trafficking syndicate that stretches from Jijiga in Ethiopia to Las Anod in Somalia and Ataq in Yemen. “It’s hard to remember the numbers, but each day we receive around 700 to 800 Ethiopians. Usually, three trucks arrive every day and each carries 250. The numbers used to be less but now they just keep increasing, and now there are so many women.”

As the call to prayer resounded from the two neighbouring mosques, hundreds of weary tahriib emerged from the shadows. She nodded to her guards to get back to work. Watched over like this, the tahriib cannot wander far from the encampments sited on either side of Hoyo Oromo’s headquarters. Divided into separate quarters for males and females, the roofless dormitories are a grim resting place. Scum-covered water fills a trough on the outer edge of each compound. It is all that is available both to drink and for the two mud latrines. With only spare rations of rice served once a day, many inside lie hungry and sick. Skin infections are commonplace, as are untreated wounds, inflicted during beatings or incurred on the journey. 

Shrouded in sheets, two siblings fall asleep exhausted on leopard patterned mattresses
Berbera, Somaliland region of Somalia
Wearing a nib over a red Somali jilbab, a Yemeni woman walks past shelters built of sheet iron, wood and plastic sheeting
Hargeisa, Somaliland region of Somalia
A man drinks from a flask
Bosaso, Somalia
A group of women in a halfway house in Bosaso
Bosaso, Somalia

Dunia sat in a daze, her left eye bruised and swollen. Her legs were outstretched, a cotton dress bundled into a red shawl on her lap her only possessions. When Hassan, another guard, emerged from his room, Dunia and her companions dared not look up. Behind a curtain patterned with the Apple logo, their keeper’s private lodgings were replete with decorative plastic flowers, a wooden double bed with mosquito net and dressing table. Two whips sat propped up on the headboard. Behind the purdah, four 14-year-old girls who had dreamt of new lives in Saudi Arabia were holed up in what was effectually Hassan’s private rape chamber. He looked at them gleefully. “They will find work more easily because they are young.”

Hassan swaggered through the compound gulping ice-cold water from an insulated flask, taunting his thirst-quenched detainees. Like the rest of the guards, he readily admitted to participating in torture. “It’s a very profitable business,” he said. Hassan joined his colleague Jibril. The pair sat awkwardly, chewing on leaves of qat, a mild narcotic. There is nowhere really comfortable, not even in the guard’s room. They told stories; they laughed, brushing away requests for mercy from any of the tahriib brave enough to approach. They indulged themselves in recounting horrors they had seen and inflated rumours they had only heard. The name Abdul Qawi was mentioned. 

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Hassan lurched back. “I get afraid when I hear that name. It’s like seeing a ghost. The first time I started to hear about him was around eight years ago, when I was working in Yemen. There are others that saw him, but I never did. One of the tragedies I witnessed with my own eyes was when one of his men caught a migrant. They stitched his lips together and told him that they would make him a new mouth. They took a knife and that’s what they did.” Hassan sucked in loudly and slowly ran his finger from cheek to cheek.

Jibril had his own theories: “He’s an Arab man. He’s a thief. He’s a hunter. He is everywhere. You will always find him. In Yemen his people are all over the shore waiting so that when the tahriib arrive, they bring them to him. I think Abdul Qawi is an operation, a group of people. Maybe he’s the boss, but now everyone that works for him uses his name.”

Having uploaded her quota of TikTok videos for the day, Aisha came in to look in on the latest truckload of 69 women and girls to have arrived. Obsessively checking her smartphone for reactions to her post, as if oblivious to the pervading sense of dread, she briefed the new arrivals. It would be at least another week before they are escorted on to boats. Prevailing summer monsoon winds would make the crossing even more treacherous. 

Drownings are common. This June, for instance, a smuggler’s boat making its way from Bosaso forced passengers to jump overboard more than four kilometres off the coast of Yemen in rough weather. Fifty-six refugees and migrants died. A further 140 were unaccounted for. Nearly all were young and spent hours fighting for their lives in the water. 

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Aisha made reassuring statements about powerful boat engines and new technology. She said she would keep the new arrivals safe. And then she readily cast blame. “Every migrant that has died or been killed is because of Abdul Qawi. He is a bad man. The tahriib don’t want to go through Djibouti because of this man. It means now there is less fear of travelling through Somalia. It is good for us.”

On a waning tide, the flat seabed stretched between the boundless plains and the now-faraway shore. The wind had blown all traces of footprints from the sand, left smooth as buttercream run over with a palette knife. Up close, its surface was speckled with sharp twigs, blue caps from water bottles and coloured sprigs of plastic bags. The only feature was a solitary acacia tree, just visible in the clammy dawn haze.

Fantehero, a village near the port of Obock in Djibouti, is one of a number of open-air staging posts where the tahriib gather, bound for Yemen, just 100 kilometres away. From within adjacent huts in the village, spectral figures draped in oranges and reds emerged, carrying pots and firewood. Wives and daughters of local dilals getting ready to cook and make money. Soon, the smells of cooking woke the shrouded figures sleeping under the tree. 

Mohammad Siraj was the first to rise. After finding his flip flops, he scanned the scene, looking for Omar. The youngest of the group escaping war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, Omar said he was 15 but was probably much younger. His small feet were just visible, moving from side to side, amid a line of sleepers coming round.

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Siraj fumbled in his shorts, searching for the last of his birr. A roll of small banknotes that might do him no good in a day or two. For now, he bought himself a round of overpriced bread and one for the boy. He considered his options. Better to keep some funds for later. There was no knowing when the order to move out might come.

Along a dry river bed, groups of women secreted themselves away, finding private spaces behind boulders. Climbing up, Fathima revealed herself, holding hands with a girl dressed in a bright pink hoodie. From their vantage point, they looked curiously at those digging down into the channel with their bare hands for water. It is safer than risking drinking from the well, where a tethered bucket glugs up a soup of rubbish. After eight days on the road, Fathima was exhausted but too anxious to rest properly.

A group of nine migrants from Tigray collapse under an acacia
Obock, Djibouti
A person standing next to a large, weathered rock formation in a desert-like landscape
Obock, Djibouti
A pair of worn shoes left on the sandy ground, partially covered in dust and sand
Obock, Djibouti
A large group of Ethiopian migrants gather at dusk around an acacia tree at a staging post near Obock
Obock, Djibouti

Back beneath the trees, a sense of foreboding prevailed. Conversations did not come easily. It was not until later in the afternoon that a man crouching on his heels with a small black pocket book was first noticed. His head on one side, he mouthed numbers. He was counting. There was no cue to come forward yet the tahriib began to file towards him. As each one gave their name, the dilal wrote. 

With each stroke of the pen, Siraj became increasingly unsettled. He had forgotten to look at where Omar’s name came, not wanting the orphan to travel alone. Among the group, agitated whispers built. In need of reassurance, some of the tahriib told the dilal they were with Abdul Qawi. When, they asked, would they meet him? Would he be there when they arrived in Yemen? Was he here now? The quiet dilal simply nodded. For the first time, Siraj wondered if he would ever return home.

Later in the evening, nearly 200 strangers stood in the pitch dark, anticipating the journey ahead. They were waiting to make the short escape across the Bab el-Mandeb, the 30-kilometre-wide channel traversed by small boats in a matter of hours. The so-called Gate of Tears is renowned as a perilous strait, a turquoise corridor dotted with islands and submerged, shifting shelves. 

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Then came the hum. At first distant, the reverberating noise grew louder. One after the other, a column of trucks hurtled around an escarpment. Then, rising up on to the plateau’s ridge, the convoy went dark, switching off its headlights to avoid detection by coastguard patrols. In a shower of sand, the vehicles came to an abrupt halt, recklessly close to their intended payload.

Wrenched apart from brothers and chaperones, some of the women were taken along with a group of boys in faded puffer jackets. Bundled together on to the back of the Toyotas, the youngest and prettiest were selected, destined to be sold into slavery. Fathima and Omar were gone. They disappeared into blackness.

Crossing the sea from Obock, two women wrapped in colourful scarves travel in a small, fibreglass speedboat
Off the coast of Obock, Djibouti
View from the inside of a vehicle showing multiple yellow jerry cans in the back
Hargeisa, Somaliland region of Somalia
A young child standing near the entrance of a makeshift wooden shack by the ocean at dusk
Obock, Djibouti
A woman in a black headscarf sitting in the backseat of a vehicle, looking towards the camera, while a man seated in front of her faces forward
Berbera, Somaliland region of Somalia

As the highly orchestrated fiasco played out, everything became dreadful. The dilals worked, calling out names. Male and female; Oromo, Tigrayan and Somali; the fit and the injured, divided into lines and then loaded on to trucks. Groupings that may or may not have replicated those in a notebook. Skirting along thick tracks cut into the desert floor, the drivers lurched away in a cloak of dust.

Inside a lorry, Siraj sat hunched, one of a crushed group all shaken to the core. As the doors to the enclosed cargo bed were flung open, the dilal, quiet up until now, roared, screaming commands in French. “Courir! Cacher!” Run! Hide! 

Disoriented, the passengers jump down in turn, keeping low. Hearts hammering, their quick exit was impeded. Each step they took they subsided deeper into the broad viscous mudflats that surround Godoria’s mangroves. A reckless race, headlong into an onshore wind. 

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A panicked few ran like lemmings to the sea. On the upper stretches of the beach, awash with layers of dried seaweed and debris, others sought out hiding spots. Remembering instructions, they sheltered in the dunes and behind the fibrous upturned hulls of smuggler’s boats that sat like whale carcasses at intervals along the coast. Above, an expanse of stars fell down to every horizon like the ribs of an umbrella. 

From the shallows, the painted bow of a narrow craft emerged, pulled over the breakers by its Yemeni crew. A frenetic scramble ensued and, in minutes, the boat was gone, the sound of its engine lost to the blowing swells. In its wake, only footprints and still-full bottles of water, left in haste along with pair after pair of shoes — laced walking boots, petite sandals with heels, pink suede brogues — footwear meant for new lives that would now begin in bare feet.

Note: Some of the names in this story have been changed

For more than 15 years, photographer and author Alixandra Fazzina has been reporting from the shores of the Gulf of Aden, weaving together intimate stories of people on the move. Her first book “A Million Shillings” documented the flight from war-torn Ethiopia and Somalia. She is a laureate of the UNHCR Nansen Refugee Award and was shortlisted for the Prix Pictet in 2015.

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Keir Starmer must set clear goals for UK-EU reset, warn diplomats

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Sir Keir Starmer must provide more clarity on his plans to improve the UK’s Brexit deal at a meeting next week with European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen, diplomats and analysts have warned.

The UK prime minister will meet von der Leyen in Brussels on Wednesday nearly three months after taking office amid continued divisions in his cabinet over whether to agree a youth mobility deal with the EU. This would enable young people to work and travel more freely in the UK and across the bloc.

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However, after a summer of summits, bilateral visits and warm words, senior EU diplomats have indicated they are growing impatient with what they see as the UK’s unwillingness to set out clear objectives for the relationship. 

“The melody is there, but now we have to start concentrating on writing the lyrics,” said one senior diplomat. A second was more direct: “The UK needs to tell us what they want,” they said.

Labour has said that it wants a deep rapprochement with the EU but has ruled out rejoining the single market or seeking a customs union with Europe, preferring to seek additions and improvements to the existing Trade and Co-operation Agreement.

These include a “veterinary agreement” to reduce trade barriers on agrifoods, easier access for service professionals and a deal to reduce paperwork for touring musicians and other artists.

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Analysts said Wednesday’s meeting was being seen in Brussels as a significant stepping stone to more detailed negotiations beyond Starmer’s general expressions of a desire for deeper co-operation with the EU on security, policing and trade.

“Starmer has to use the meeting to provide a greater, concrete sense of what the government actually wants to do. It can’t be another ‘mood music’ meeting — that won’t land well in Brussels,” said Mujtaba Rahman of the Eurasia Group political risk consultancy.

The prime minister will also see the presidents of the other big EU institutions, Charles Michel of the European Council of national leaders, and Roberta Metsola of the European parliament.

Differences have emerged between the two sides over the question of a youth mobility deal. Brussels has prioritised it as an important first expression of warmer ties but a deal has been rejected in London as appearing to be too close to the “free movement” of people that was ended by Brexit.

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This week Pedro Serrano, EU ambassador to the UK, played down the youth mobility issue ahead of the meeting, suggesting the scheme should resemble a “gap year” programme that would not grant European citizens the right to work in Britain. The commission proposal, now being revised by member states, suggested four years’ residence for the under-30s.

However, speaking after Serrano’s intervention, Starmer reiterated his position that he has “no plans for a youth mobility scheme” between the UK and EU. He added that he shared the view of Yvette Cooper, UK home secretary, that it risked undermining public perceptions of the government’s approach to immigration.

Cooper wants to cut down on legal migration and to focus on training young people in Britain to fill skills shortages.

Despite the differences, UK ministers say they believe “landing zones can be found” on the issue, while arguing it is important not to “lose sight of the big picture” as the EU and the UK jointly face the challenges of Russian leader Vladimir Putin, populism and irregular migration.

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UK chancellor Rachel Reeves is also pushing for an ambitious deal to reduce trade barriers with the EU, including telling the Financial Times before the election that she was willing to sign up to the Brussels rule book in certain sectors, including chemicals.

“Rachel is relaxed about that,” said one ally of the chancellor. “She doesn’t see any problem with being a rule taker in established industries.” The Starmer government is, however, still attached to the idea of Britain having regulatory flexibility in emerging technologies.

Reeves’s role in the forthcoming talks with the EU will be vital, given the chancellor’s focus on delivering the government’s overarching mission: boosting growth.

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Her allies say the chancellor believes a compromise can be reached with Brussels on a youth mobility scheme but she also supports Cooper’s position that it cannot look anything like the pre-Brexit free movement of people.

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‘Even if you don’t have kids, grab them!’ urges mum over FREE nappies deal as Morrison’s shoppers issue warning

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'Even if you don't have kids, grab them!' urges mum over FREE nappies deal as Morrison's shoppers issue warning

A MUM has urged shoppers to snap up free nappies “even if you don’t have kids” before Morrison’s shoppers issued a stark warning to parents.

Stephanie Pim shared a post on Facebook encouraging shoppers at the major supermarket chain to check the app to see if they’re eligible for free nappies.

The supermarket chain is handing out free nappies via the Morrison's card app

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The supermarket chain is handing out free nappies via the Morrison’s card app

She wrote: “If you have a Morrisons card check your app. Free nappies.”

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However, it’s not just those with children that can snap up the essential item.

The savvy mum added: “Even if you don’t have kids- grab them and pop in the food bank.”

Stephanie’s Facebook post received hundreds of likes and comments from fellow shoppers.

One user wrote: “Thank you for the heads up, it is on mine.”

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“I got them a couple of weeks ago,” said another.

However, many shoppers commented that even after signing up for the Morrison’s card and baby club, they still weren’t eligible for the free nappies.

This user commented: “I’m in baby club and not on mine.”

Another added: “Not on mine.”

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While a third explained: “Spoke to someone in Morrisons who said it’s potluck if you get them or not which seems silly as people who don’t have children get them and there are others out there with children who need this.”

Morrison shoppers have also complained about the lack of nappies in stock with many customers expressing frustration on social media.

One shopper wrote: “The problem is tons of people got this offer and my local Morrisons has never had the nappies in stock.”

It comes after several lucky shoppers were surprised to learn they could get free Pampers nappies from Tesco.

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One excited shopper shared her Tesco receipt on Facebook, revealing that she could choose from either a pack of 55 size ones, a pack of 44 size twos, or a pack of 40 size threes.

The savvy mum, who posted the find on social media, urged parents to check their receipts to see if they’re eligible.

Those lucky enough to be selected get a pack of Pampers nappies for free.

The popular brand costs around £10 normally.

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The mum’s Facebook post received numerous likes and comments with shoppers eager to get their hands on the free nappies.

One user commented: “If we go to Tesco. Always yes for a receipt.”

“Need to go to Tesco, worth seeing if we’re one of the lucky ones,” wrote another.

While a third said: “If anyone gets anything like this but doesn’t need them, put them in the Foodbank Collection boxes.”

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Other ways to save money when you shop

Cashback sites have amazing freebies for new customers, such as a takeaway from Just Eat or a Benefit beauty product.

Free gifts can change regularly so do check online to see what is being offered before you sign up.

Look for cashback on everything

You can claim on things such as MOTs, insurance, train tickets and holidays.

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It is worth looking around and what companies offer cashback schemes as you could be earning hundreds.

TopCashback reckons its average user makes £345 a year.

Save money at the supermarket

It’s a good idea to download apps Shopmium, Check-outSmart, Quidco ClickSnap, GreenJinn and TopCashback’s Snap and Save.

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Check out what is available, pick it up in-store and upload a photo of the receipt to get your cashback.

Combine cashback offers with promotions

Double savings and maximise cashback by matching third-party offers from cashback sites with in-store and online promotions.

You can’t always use discount codes with cashback, but you can take advantage of sales and offers such as free gifts.

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Download cashback notifiers

The website Honey has a great notifier.

It sits in your browser, pops up when you click on a website that offers cashback and searches for voucher codes.

How to get free nappies from Morrison’s

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Morrisons has re-launched its Baby Club offering parents advice, discounts and a free monthly newsletter throughout their parenting journey.

To join, your children must under the age of five.

As well as the points, you’ll also get a free pack of Nutmeg wipes for joining.

We’ve seen reductions of up to 59% on the typical prices, so it’s well worth checking your local supermarket for deals.

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You can sign up to the baby club online.

Be sure to also sign up and check the Morrison’s card app to see if you’re eligible for free nappies.

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Paying the price for European security

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This article is an onsite version of our Europe Express newsletter. Sign up here to get the newsletter sent straight to your inbox every weekday and Saturday morning. Explore all of our newsletters here

Welcome back. No discussion of Europe’s future omits to place defence and security at or near the top of the list of policymakers’ priorities. For Nato’s European members, the aim is to deliver not just higher but better-quality defence expenditure.

Still, the obstacles to an integrated European defence effort are formidable — and the question of how far to involve the EU remains contested. I’m at tony.barber@ft.com.

A ‘true defence union’

In 2014, when Nato governments pledged to spend at least 2 per cent of GDP annually on defence, only three countries met the target. This year, 23 of the alliance’s 32 states will do so, according to Nato estimates.

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Column chart of Number of Nato allies meeting 2% showing A record 23 countries hit defence spending target of 2% of GDP

In principle, then, there is progress. But the leaders who will run the EU’s Brussels-based institutions for the next five years say, correctly, that more needs to be done. They take the view that the EU can play a vital role in stimulating and co-ordinating an improved effort from national governments and defence industries.

Speaking at the European parliament in July, Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission president, said:

For the first time in decades our freedom is under threat . . . I believe now is therefore the time to build a true European defence union.

An early sign of her commitment was her nomination of former Lithuanian premier Andrius Kubilius as the EU’s first defence commissioner.

Andrius Kubilius
Andrius Kubilius, who will become the EU’s first defence commissioner this year if the European parliament approves, said the EU must prepare for Russian attack within a few years © AP

The EU legislature has still to confirm the appointment of Kubilius. But he has wasted no time in airing proposals that, if put into effect, would define his five-year term.

One is to make EU governments stockpile minimum levels of ammunition and other supplies. Another, more controversial idea is to draw on unused tens of billions of euros in the EU’s post-pandemic recovery fund to ramp up defence expenditure.

Vulnerable Europe

The sense of urgency is not misplaced.

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Writing for the US Council on Foreign Relations, Thomas Graham puts matters bluntly:

Currently, Europe is in no position to defend itself. Comfortable in its reliance on the US as its security guarantor after the cold war, it allowed its military forces and defence industries to atrophy to devote greater resources to raising standards of living.

As a result, European military forces cannot effectively operate without direction and material support from the US.

Now, Graham says, Europe has been “shocked out of its geopolitical slumber” by two developments: Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and a possible second term in the White House for Donald Trump.

Legal and constitutional constraints

Various difficulties stand in the way of an EU-led defence effort. In this collection of articles for the EconPol Forum, a Germany-based research network, one essay highlights the problem of lack of co-ordination:

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European states are not aligning their military spending priorities. For this reason, a simple increase in national defence spending does not automatically lead to a higher joint industrial and operational capacity of the EU but increases the risk of wasting the growing military resources.

Another article underlines the legal and constitutional constraints on the EU:

On the one hand, the EU treaties currently do not provide a fully fledged legal basis for a proper EU defence; on the other hand, several national constitutions (including the German, Italian, Irish and others) include clauses that limit what can be jointly achieved in terms of defence.

In this article for the UK in a Changing Europe think-tank, Delphine Deschaux-Dutard explains that, in spite of these constraints, the EU has launched some useful initiatives, mostly in response to Russia’s attack on Ukraine.

They include:

1.    The European Peace Facility, which finances the delivery of military equipment to Ukraine

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2.    The Act in Support of Ammunition Production, which promotes collective European procurement of ammunitions

3.    The European Defence Industry Reinforcement through Common Procurement Act, which sets up a fund to assist weapons purchases

Where to get the weapons?

Defence procurement poses a particular challenge for Europe. According to the French Institute for International and Strategic Affairs, EU countries announced over €100bn of defence purchases in the 15 months after Russia’s attack on Ukraine in February 2022.

Of that sum, 78 per cent represented armaments from outside the EU. The major suppliers were the US (80 per cent of non-EU procurement), South Korea (13 per cent) and Israel and the UK (3 per cent each).

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The EU has programmes in place for a more self-reliant, collaborative European defence effort, especially in research and development, but the sums of money involved are small.

Defence industry executives and specialists recently drafted a report that highlighted shortcomings in the EU effort. “Companies are worried their collaborative outputs will be put on the shelf, never again to be looked at once EU funding runs dry,” Aurélie Pugnet wrote for the Euractiv news site.

Former Lithuanian defence vice minister Vilius Semeška, centre, meeting drone manufacturing company Baykar in June 2022. Baykar and Turkey’s defence industry agency donated a Bayraktar TB2 advanced combat drone to Lithuania for transfer to Ukraine, after Lithuanians crowdfunded about €6mn to buy it © Baykar Defense/AFP via Getty Ima

Who should run the show?

Not all EU governments are convinced that von der Leyen’s commission should be handed more control over European defence policy.

In this FT article, Paola Tamma and Henry Foy quoted a senior EU diplomat as saying: “We would not accept a power grab by the commission.”

For good measure, this unnamed policymaker dismissed the idea of commonly issued EU defence bonds as “pure fantasy”.

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Where will the money come from?

This raises the question of how to maintain or increase defence expenditure when budget deficits and public debt are already high in many EU countries after the 2008 financial crisis, the Covid pandemic and the subsequent energy crisis.

In a survey published this week by the World Economic Forum, some 53 per cent of chief economists identified public debt as a major risk to the stability of advanced economies.

The fiscal pressures facing EU governments are outlined in this authoritative European Central Bank study, which highlights the huge costs involved in addressing defence and security, demographic ageing, digitalisation and climate change. These are depicted in the ECB chart below.

However, the ECB makes the point that, if skilfully managed, higher defence spending could be beneficial for European economies and the public finances:

Additional defence spending could potentially increase GDP growth in the EU, with positive implications for fiscal sustainability in the longer term, if it (i) is concentrated in R&D-intensive investment, (ii) does not crowd out other productive investment, and (iii) focuses on EU-based sources.

EU budget

The fiscal constraints on defence spending are linked to the question of the EU’s next long-term budget, due to run from 2028 to 2034.

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Any hope that the EU’s 27 states will reach an early consensus on the budget has been complicated by the domestic political weakness of President Emmanuel Macron in France and the troubles of Germany’s three-party ruling coalition.

After conversations this month with high-level policymakers in Brussels, Mujtaba Rahman of the Eurasia Group consultancy concluded that the budget debate will be extremely fraught. An expansion of the EU’s Covid-era joint debt issuance is far from certain, he says:

Opposition to more common borrowing is now so entrenched that most senior EU officials do not believe it will happen in the short term.

The small window that existed to do something more quickly — essentially between now and Germany’s federal elections in September 2025 — has effectively been closed by . . . Macron’s early election gamble.

This both weakened Macron’s voice in Europe and arrested the momentum that was building behind the idea of more common financing for intra-EU security and defence.

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German blockage

To restore the momentum, there would need to be significant change in Germany, the EU’s largest economy.

After Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Chancellor Olaf Scholz announced the creation of a €100bn fund for modernising Germany’s armed forces. But Rafał Ulatowski, writing for the Washington Quarterly, contends that there are good reasons to doubt whether this initiative has really transformed the country’s defence policy.

It’s not that Germany lacks the money. Rather, as Markus Jaeger argues in the Internationale Politik Quarterly, the problem is twofold.

First, Germany’s constitutionally enshrined “debt brake” imposes restrictions on deficit spending that hinder investment in defence.

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Second, there are political constraints — “less in the sense of a lack of public support and more in terms of a lack of political leadership”.

Scholz’s coalition is on the ropes amid a rise in support for radical parties of right and left that oppose both support for Ukraine and an expanded defence effort.

In conclusion, the outlook for European security will be shaped not only by November’s US election result. A great deal hangs, too, on Germany’s Bundestag election a year from now.

More on this topic

Power for progress: why the EU needs a new global strategy — an essay by Giovanni Grevi for the Centre for Security, Diplomacy and Strategy at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel

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Tony’s picks of the week

  • Chinese merchants have flooded online marketplaces to sell US presidential election merchandise, as Democrats and Republicans seek to promote locally made products in a campaign marked by hostility towards China, the FT’s Sun Yu reports from New York

  • Tuvalu, the Pacific coral island chain state, hopes to establish a legal basis for its continued sovereignty even if it disappears beneath the waves because of climate change, Kirsty Needham reports for Reuters news agency

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Tiny restaurant around the corner from major English airport named ‘best hidden gem’ in the UK

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Lavang in Solihull has been crowned the number one hidden gem restaurant by Tripadvisor

A RESTAURANT in Solihull less than a 10 minute drive away from Birmingham Airport has been crowned best ‘hidden gem’ restaurant in Britain.

Lavang restaurant was awarded the accolade for its rave reviews from customers and its out the way location – nestled in between an electrical shop and a Chinese takeaway on a residential estate.

Lavang in Solihull has been crowned the number one hidden gem restaurant by Tripadvisor

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Lavang in Solihull has been crowned the number one hidden gem restaurant by TripadvisorCredit: Lavang
The restaurant's has a chic interior, with white blossom on the ceiling

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The restaurant’s has a chic interior, with white blossom on the ceilingCredit: Lavang

The award was given by Tripadvisor in its Travellers’ Choice Awards Best of the Best Restaurants 2024.

Winners of the awards were chosen by looking at the quality and quantity of reviews and ratings for restaurants from travellers over a 12-month period.

Lavang’s location may not be the most exotic, but its menu serves up a tonne of South East Asian delights.

There’s everything from flavourful tandoori dishes to delicious charcoal grills.

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And the prices on the menu are cheap too – poppadoms, a starter, curry, rice, naan, and chips for two people will set you back around £40.

Lavang’s chic and sophisticated style is also realised once you step inside.

The decor includes a beautiful white blossom ceiling, and customers describe everything as looking very clean and well presented.

Diners have also commented on Lavang’s staff being extremely friendly and efficient, with dietary requests always accommodated.

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The restaurant is even commended for having an “impeccable playlist”.

Mr Miah, Lavang’s owner, explained to Sun Travel why the restaurant is perfectly located for customers.

Frankies at the beach and Rye Rugby Club

He said: “Being located in Solihull; we’re in close proximity to both the NEC and Birmingham Airport – this in turn allows us to invite customers that are both local, and that are visiting the region.”

He added: “We are incredibly honoured and thrilled to receive this award. It’s a testament to the hard work and dedication of our entire team, who strive every day to provide exceptional food and service to our guests.

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“Winning this award reinforces our commitment to excellence and motivates us to continue elevating the dining experience at Lavang.

“We are extremely grateful to our loyal customers for their support, and we look forward to sharing many more memorable moments with them.”

One customer who visited the restaurant in August this year and shared their experience on Tripadvisor.

They wrote: “After finding this gem of a restaurant I haven’t dined anywhere else for the same type of cuisine! That’s saying something because I love going to different places.

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“Starters often taste better than the mains in a lot of restaurants; possibly because when you first sit down you’re hungry. Not here! Starters and mains are perfectly prepared each and every time; you truly savour and enjoy the whole meal.

“The level of service attention, helpfulness and friendliness is at exactly the right level creating a relaxed ambience of a great evening out.”

Another offered a tip with their review: “Do book as it’s always busy but this does not detract from its quality – it just adds to the enjoyable buzz of the restaurant.”

Two restaurants that missed out on the top spot on Tripadvisor’s hidden gems list were Sotto Sotto in Bath and Coronation Curry House in Bristol.

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Sotto Sotto is an Italian restaurant known for using high-quality ingredients and its romantic setting.

Tripadvisor Travellers’ Choice Awards Best of the Best Restaurants 2024 (UK)

Casual dining

  1. Makars Gourmet Mash Bar, Edinburgh
  2. La Boca Steakhouse, Doncaster
  3. The Shalimar, Matlock, Derbyshire
  4. Murphy’s Pakora Bar, Glasgow
  5. Lavang, Solihull
  6. Casa Brazilian Rodizio, York
  7. Howies Waterloo Place, Edinburgh
  8. Annies, Manchester
  9. Taipan Asia, Darlington
  10. Cappadocia Mediterranean Restaurant, Bath

Date night

  1. The Old Stamp House Restaurant, Ambleside, Cumbria
  2. Fifty, Looe, Cornwall
  3. Jackson’s Bistro, Bowness-on-Windermere, Cumbria
  4. Sutherland House Restaurant, Southwold, Suffolk
  5. The Bank Restaurant, Barmouth, North Wales
  6. Paul Ainsworth at No. 6, Padstow, Cornwall
  7. 1863 Restaurant, Pooley Bridge, Cumbria
  8. Restaurant Kensington, Lynton, Exmoor National Park
  9. The Really Wild Emporium, St. Davids, Pembrokeshire, Wales
  10. Pentonbridge Inn, Carlisle, Cumbria

Fine dining

  1. Northcote Restaurant, Langho, Lancashire
  2. The Old Stamp House Restaurant, Ambleside, Cumbria
  3. The Tudor Pass, Egham, Surrey
  4. Paul Ainsworth at No. 6, Padstow, Cornwall
  5. The Kitchin, Edinburgh
  6. Opheem, Birmingham
  7. Pentonbridge Inn, Carlisle, Cumbria
  8. Gidleigh Park Restaurant, Chagford, Dartmoor National Park
  9. Upstairs By Tom Shepherd, Lichfield, Staffordshire
  10. Adam’s, Birmingham

Hidden gems

  1. Lavang, Solihull
  2. Sotto Sotto, Bath
  3. Coronation Curry House, Bristol
  4. The Secret Italian, Barnsley
  5. Ciliegino Restaurant, Cardiff
  6. Casa Med Tapas, Bromsgrove, Worcestershire
  7. Chop Chop, London
  8. The Lazy Trout, Meerbrook, Staffordshire
  9. The Coconut Tree Cheltenham, CheltenhamGreen Gates Indian
  10. Restaurant Merchantcity, Glasgow

Quick bites

  1. Frankies At The Beach and Rye Rugby Club, Rye, East Sussex
  2. Pizza Union Spitalfields, London
  3. Please Sir !, Broadstairs, Kent
  4. Sausage Shack, Manchester
  5. Notorious BRG Canterbury, Kent
  6. Northern Soul Grilled Cheese, Manchester
  7. Middle Feast, York
  8. Magic Falafel, London
  9. Yanni’s Traditional Fish & Chips, Liverpool
  10. Goddards at Greenwich, London

Vegan & Vegetarian

  1. Twelve Eatery, Bournemouth
  2. David Bann, Edinburgh
  3. Vega, Tintagel, Cornwall
  4. Magic Falafel, London
  5. Hendersons – Eat Better Live Better, Edinburgh
  6. Tofu Vegan Islington, London
  7. Purezza, Manchester
  8. Herb, Leicester
  9. Mallow – Borough Market, London
  10. Herbies, Exeter

It’s located in a basement cellar with stone vaulted ceilings and bare brick walls, with candlelit tables. 

Coronation Curry House in Bristol has fun colourful decor and Indian artwork adorning the wall, and customers describe its chicken tikka as “comforting and tender”.

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There's lots to choose from on the menu, from flavourful tandoori dishes to delicious charcoal grill

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There’s lots to choose from on the menu, from flavourful tandoori dishes to delicious charcoal grillCredit: Lavang

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After Nasrallah’s death, the Middle East braces itself

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The writer is the former UK ambassador to Lebanon and foreign policy adviser to three prime ministers. His latest novel is ‘The Assassin’

Hassan Nasrallah’s death is a seismic moment for the Middle East, increasing the danger of a conflict between Israel and Iran that would be devastating for civilians and send tremors far beyond the region.

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For decades, the Hizbollah Secretary General may have been hidden from public view, but he was present in every discussion. As Ambassador in Beirut I remember many evenings gathered around the radio, waiting to hear whether his latest speech — in response to an assassination or military strike — would dial the danger up or down. It was often the latter, but always with the menace of violence to come. The most powerful man in the country relished the theatre of it, the ability to keep us all guessing. 

Nasrallah was a malign genius. He built a formidable fighting machine, backed by his sophisticated public communications skills and the soft power — schools, hospitals, social care, infrastructure — that meant that his control of southern Lebanon was not only based on fear. He was also able to ensure, through assassinations, street muscle and a deft ability to divide and rule, that no Lebanese government could survive without his acquiescence. And that most could barely function even with it.     

The region now braces itself for the next decisions made by the hardliners in Iran and Israel. Many are fighting for their own survival, not the interests of the people they claim to represent.

In New York last week, Iran had signalled hard to western diplomats that it did not want to escalate, leaving Hizbollah seething that they were being abandoned. Iran’s major strategic fear, of a wider normalisation between Israel and the Gulf, has for now been buried in the catastrophic conflict following Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7 last year. Some in Tehran think that they should not interrupt their enemy in the process of making a mistake, arguing that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has isolated his country for a decade and made inevitable the outcome he has fought throughout his turbulent career: a Palestinian state.  

Meanwhile, Israeli decisions will continue to be driven by internal politics rather than international pressure. Netanyahu has sought to move the story on from domestic and international criticism of the conduct of the Gaza war. Israel has hit Hizbollah very hard, physically and psychologically. Some in Tel Aviv are arguing that a ground invasion — what hardliners call “mowing the grass” — could further degrade or destroy Hizbollah. But calmer voices recognise the immense damage that more massive civilian casualties would do to Israel’s reputation. A ground invasion would allow Hizbollah to rebuild the popularity and confidence that has drained away because of their actions against critics in Lebanon and in propping up Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. 

For the Lebanese there will be mixed emotions. Parts of the community will celebrate the removal of a man who has for years kept a brutal grip on the country. But there is also widespread horror at the loss of civilian life, and trepidation at whether Hizbollah, which will not remain leaderless for long, now has no choice but to unleash whatever remains of its arsenal towards Israel, bringing a further bloody cycle of retribution. 

Diplomats have talked for months of the danger of war between Israel and Hizbollah. We are now past that point. There had been genuine confidence in New York this week, following the UK’s swift call for a ceasefire and the statement from US, European and Arab leaders pressing for a 21-day cessation of hostilities. But hope ebbed away as Netanyahu shook a public fist at the world from the UN podium, and then raised the stakes so dramatically. The mood is now despondent. 

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Yet those working hardest to pull the region back from the brink know what is needed. First, the implementation of UN resolutions and consistent pressure to stop the escalation. Then to get the Lebanese army alongside the UN on the Israel/Lebanon border, and the return of Lebanese state — not Iran or Hizbollah — authority to south Lebanon. A Gaza ceasefire agreement that gets the Israeli hostages out and aid in remains critical: this could create the conditions for the two-state solution that Hamas, Hizbollah and Israeli hawks want to bury. Security, justice and opportunity can only be achieved through coexistence, not the zero sum cycle of fear and destruction of which Nasrallah was such a part.

Above all, despite the growing feeling of impotence and despair, the international community must now — unequivocally and consistently — put protection of civilians from death or displacement at the heart of its strategy. The casualty numbers are staggering. The humanitarian community is already underfunded, overstretched and under attack. 

Nasrallah lived by the sword. I have heard today from many friends across the region who lost relatives, friends or political leaders as a result of his decisions. The emotions, of those who mourn or celebrate, are raw. The fear of what lies ahead is real. In death as in life, Nasrallah keeps his enemies and allies guessing. 

 

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What Rick Astley can teach us about giving up

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Rick Astley is famous for two things. His 1987 hit, “Never Gonna Give You Up”. And giving up.

At 27, Astley quit his lucrative pop career to look after his daughter, exchanging tour buses for the school run. He was brought back into the spotlight 20 years later by Rickrolling — a meme that tricked the user into clicking on a video of his famous song, which has amassed more than 1bn views. It shot the 1980s singer back to stadiums and festivals, notably last year’s Glastonbury, introducing him to a new generation. It appeared he had pulled off a masterstroke.

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I’ve always considered Astley’s walk away from fame and success heroic. It seemed to contrast with many successful people in fields beyond music — business, finance or politics — who chase more money, another deal, a bigger role. How is it possible to make peace with a smaller life without nurturing resentment or desperation to recapture the early glories of a successful career? Could Astley teach us something about professional achievement and managing ego? 

Walking out

It turns out that in crediting him with sacrificing fame for family, I’d fallen for a myth. In his new autobiography, Never, Astley sets the record straight. “It’s a lovely idea, and because I’ve never talked much about what really happened, people think that’s what happened. But it wasn’t like that — at least, not at first. On the surface, I was hugely relieved to be shot of the whole thing. I felt as if I’d been let off the hook: thank fuck for that, I can just get on with being a dad for a while. Underneath that, though, I was miserable about the whole situation.”

Speaking this week, he tells me he had to walk away as he had reached a point when continuing would have made him miserable and ill. Records were not selling, and promotion felt pointless and exhausting. Flying had become a phobia (“It felt like life or death”).

He knew his career had a shelf life. “I was in the frothy end of pop music. Most people don’t get 25 years. It was the universe saying knock it on the head now.” He asked to leave his record label and they agreed.

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Money makes all the difference

Of course, a significant amount of cash helped the transition. How much is enough to retire in your twenties? I’ve met many people whose goalposts shift as their lifestyle becomes more expensive. “I can’t convey to you the luxury of having enough money to redo the kitchen,” Astley tells me. The way he looks at his wealth is: “I’m not the richest guy in the neighbourhood but I live in a very nice neighbourhood.”

Money had always been about freedom, rather than extravagance. His autobiography describes him wanting to escape his volatile father whom he lived with in a portable cabin in a garden centre: “I wanted to be successful, to earn money . . . to answer my dad back: it would give me the ability to say ‘no’ when he told me what to do.”

Recognise the role of luck

Astley recognises that luck makes all the difference. “I’ve been unbelievably lucky,” he tells me. “You have to be prepared for that luck, you have to work with it. Without the luck no one gets anywhere. I’m very conscious of that.”

Appreciating the luck factor helps curb the potential for rampant egotism. “Don’t run away thinking how amazing you are. If I’d gone through a different door,” the outcome might have been very different.

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Don’t fall for plaudits

Astley says fame and success have also taught him not to take compliments or criticism “so seriously”. “We live in a world where everyone can voice their opinion for the rest of the world, which is kind of an amazing thing. It teaches it, you, [to take it] with a pinch of salt.”

Rickrolling could have backfired — after all, it was a joke. In the book, he writes it “was the kind of thing that could turn really negative — people could get sick of it, particularly if you seemed to be milking it for all it was worth. It was best to just let it run its own course.”

Astley’s bemused wait-and-see reaction is refreshing in a world of media management. “Some artists would be devastated to become a meme,” he tells me.

Get perspective

Today, he is happy with his career arc. With his huge success in later life, releasing new material and doing nostalgia tours, how could he not be? Experience has given him perspective, which is that fame and success create “nonsense that messes with your ego, belief system”. But still, he probably wouldn’t advise someone to “quit completely”. “I would say take a year off.”

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