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Deconstructing Media Propaganda & Framing: War, the Unhoused

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Deconstructing Media Propaganda & Framing: War, the Unhoused

In the first segment, media scholars Robin Andersen, Nolan Higdon and Steve Macek come back on the show, this time to discuss their latest edited book, Censorship, Digital Media, and the Global Crackdown on Freedom of Expression. The recent upsurge in censorship is a global phenomenon taking many forms across the media spectrum, as well as in schools, universities and public spaces. We’ve seen physical assaults and legal restrictions on journalists, writers, intellectuals, scholars and much more, including record numbers of book bans and challenges. This book analyzes and evaluates the contemporary phenomenon of censorship in digital spaces, as well as in print, visual and legacy media.
Later in the show, co-hosts Eleanor Goldfield and Mickey Huff talk about a now debunked New York Times story about Hamas and rape from the October 7 attacks. They also discuss the importance of understanding the way unhoused people are framed in the corporate media. They discuss Eleanor’s recent piece at Truthout, and they talk about why it’s important to stop criminalizing the unhoused.

 

Notes:

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Robin Andersen is an author and Professor Emerita of Communications at Fordham University. She is a frequent contributor to FAIR, Al Jazeera, Project Censored and more. Steve Macek is Professor and Chair of Communications at North Central College in suburban Chicago, co-coordinator of Project Censored’s Campus Affiliates Program, and a long time Project contributor and judge. Nolan Higdon is an author, lecturer in Education at the University of California Santa Cruz campus, and Project Censored Judge. The three are the co-editors of Censorship, Digital Media, and the Global Crackdown on Freedom of Expression.

 

Video of the Interview with Eleanor Goldfield

 

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Below is a Rough Transcript of the Interview with Eleanor Goldfield

Please consider supporting our work at Patreon.com/ProjectCensored

Mickey Huff: Welcome back to the Project Censored Show on Pacifica Radio. I’m Mickey Huff.

In this segment, we are joined by my co host, Eleanor Goldfield, and we’ve done this before, so listeners of the program know that sometimes Eleanor and I join forces to talk about the state of our free press or the sordid state of our so called free press.

We also have a segment we’re going to talk about with Eleanor, a recent piece that she wrote for Truthout. It’s over at truthout.org on the unhoused crisis. And we’re going to talk a little bit more about 1 of the stories in top 25 and certainly hear from Eleanor about her experiences around this issue.

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But Eleanor, before we get into that, let’s talk a little about the state of the so called free press. There’s been a lot more reporting in the last week or so that is deconstructing the New York Times piece from late last year that was drumming up the Hamas rape story from the October 7 attacks.

That’s of course been challenged and debunked by numerous sources, including more recently, over at the Intercept. And, of course, our colleague Robin Andersen had written about this. We’ve addressed this before, but Eleanor Goldfield, your thoughts on some of what’s been coming out around these stories.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, so first, Mickey, I want to highlight to folks that sexual assault and rape are horrific war crimes that are used around the globe in times of war, but also in times of so called peace, and they are notoriously difficult to prove.

And this is also why, so disgustingly, they are sometimes used as false claims, because unlike, like, if somebody’s decapitated, it’s pretty easy to see that, right? It’s a very clear case. If somebody’s been sexually assaulted or raped, it’s difficult to prove, especially if that person then dies. It’s not like you can ask them what happened.

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Now, with the case of the claims of rape and sexual assault by Hamas on October 7th, as you pointed out, Mickey, several outlets covered this, including the GrayZone and Robin Andersen, who’s a frequent contributor to Project Censored. And The Intercept also published a piece just at the end of February, basically pulling together a lot of this in like a massive expose that’s a pretty long read, but an important one and it brings together, though without credit, it brings together insight about the reporting from others about this, and basically showing in a very clear cut way how the New York Times just made this up by using somebody who, and I’m not going to go into all the details because that would take four hours, but basically, a woman who went around to crisis and rape centers around Israel and tried to find evidence of rape and couldn’t.

And then basically they just made it up because they couldn’t find evidence of it, so they just made it up. And I just like to also highlight that this is coming from somebody who has himself pointed out that evidence is not important. And this is Jeffrey Gettleman, who’s a veteran reporter at the New York Times, and he said, this was a while ago, I believe, I can’t recall exactly when this was, but he was giving a speech about so called evidence and his relationship to it.

So he said, “I don’t want to use the word evidence because evidence is almost like a legal term that suggests you’re trying to prove an allegation or prove a case in court. That’s not my role. We all have our roles, and my role is to document, to present information, to give people a voice.”

And he says, “with regards to the claims, we found information along the entire chain of violence, so of sexual violence.”

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Which, no you didn’t, Gettleman.

Mickey Huff: Isn’t this a Pulitzer Prize winner at the Times?

Eleanor Goldfield: I’m not sure. I know that he helped the New York Times win a Polk Award.

Mickey Huff: Hmm. Yeah. I mean, Gettleman, I mean, again, being one of the lead authors here, they brought in two other writers and it’s turned out that there’s been some other issues with these people.

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Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah. I mean, but that’s, that’s the New York Times, right?

Mickey Huff: Having no experience in journalism, having no real background, having connections to, I mean, and it’s a bizarre story.

Eleanor Goldfield: Gettleman literally worked with a woman, Schwartz is her last name, who told, in a podcast interview, explained her extensive efforts to get confirmation from Israeli hospitals, rape crisis centers, trauma recovery facilities, and sexual assault hotlines in Israel. And didn’t get a single confirmation from one of them.

And these are Israeli rape crisis centers and trauma centers. Like, these are not like anti-Zionist rape centers. You’re working with a woman who admitted that she didn’t find evidence. And Gettleman’s like, well, look, evidence is not what we do here. That’s not my job.

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It’s like, well, I agree. That’s obviously not your job. But how dare you then print it in the New York Times when you clearly are suggesting that you have the evidence?

Mickey Huff: Well, Eleanor, this isn’t new for the New York Times. I mean, you know, they’ve hired people before that have just made things up whole cloth, Jason Blair.

They have contributed to the cottage industry known as Russiagate in recent years, along with MSNBC and others and going back far enough over 20 years, they were the ones with Judy Miller, flogging the nonsensical weapons of mass destruction story over and over and over again and, you know, the atrocity propaganda, or it’s almost atrocity porn at some point, the way the media tries to cover these issues and cover up reality in the process goes back, it’s age old.

Over 100 years ago the U. S. government under the Creel Commission and the committee of public information was spreading wild this information around the U.S. public about Germans ripping the arms off of Belgian babies to get into the war. And, you know, we saw similar things in the Cold War, in Vietnam. We certainly have seen it over 1989/90. We can’t forget when Naira, the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador, was coached by a U.S. public relations firm, Hill Knowlton, to lie to Congress about babies being thrown out of incubators that George Herbert Walker Bush then repeated endlessly to justify support for that invasion, the first Gulf War, where we killed untold numbers of Iraqis, the highway of death.

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You know, again, more mis- and disinformation being deliberately planted into the press. We then see it again around well, again, there’s too numerous to mention, but we’re back to the WMD trajectory. Here we are now October 7, turns out that Israel was aware that there were warnings of the attacks as much as a year in advance, and in fact, it looks as though that there have been concerted efforts to really spin yarns and create this narrative whole cloth, with what it seems like no evidence, which is where you just ended your last point, Eleanor Goldfield.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, absolutely. And I’d also like to point out, Mickey, that headlines in the New York Times and all the other legacy media have harped on the hostages, the hostages that were taken by Hamas and how they’re treated. But nobody talks about the prisoners, a. k. a. hostages that Israel has had in jails for decades, including children. Hostages who have also been tortured and raped by Israeli forces, and there is documentation of that going back years. UNRWA, the U.N. agency for Palestinian refugees has documented this very well, as well as a lot of news outlets across years.

Where’s the New York Times on that? If you care so much about sexual assault and rape, if that’s really your goal to document that, then where are you on that, Gettleman and the New York Times?

Mickey Huff: Well, again, it’s very selective, right? It’s very one sided. It really smacks in a lot of ways of, it’s okay when we or our allies do it, which is unfortunate. It’s a very unfortunate moment for journalism, for the New York Times, in my view. It’s an embarrassing situation.

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Fortunately, there have been many people taking notice of it, Robin Andersen being one. Of course, it’s good to see the Intercept piece, but of course, there have been people at Grayzone and other places that have been rightfully deconstructing this piece.

We’ve yet to see, of course, what will happen at the Times, but we won’t hold our breath about what the alleged paper of record and the old gray lady will do about reporting such propaganda.

Eleanor Goldfield, let’s shift gears at this point. You recently wrote a piece for Truthout.org titled, I’ve been unhoused. It could happen to you. Let’s stop criminalizing it: the push to criminalize the unhoused should be treated as a threat to us all.

And here, of course, we live in basically a glorified real estate company, an investment bank called the United States where even people of great means find themselves struggling to make ends meet with exorbitant rents and real estate market prices and interest rates, oh my.

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And one of the stories we did this past year in Censored 2024. On the list, nearly half of unhoused people are employed. I just wanted to segue, you know, and hear about the piece that you recently wrote, but I just wanted to give a little background on this for our listeners in case they were unaware.

According to the National Alliance to End Homelessness, from September of 2022 drawing on a study produced by the Becker Friedman Institute for Economics at the University of Chicago, it’s reported that 53 percent of sheltered unhoused population and 40 percent of the unsheltered unhoused population were employed either part or full time from 2011 to 2018.

Again, the point of this is that it’s showing the way in which the unhoused and homelessness and these things are often depicted in the corporate media are it’s a blight. And of course, out here on the left coast in the San Francisco Bay area, it’s shown as this is the collapse of our civilization. In San Francisco the homelessness is running amok and it’s destroying all the nice things and so forth.

These people that are unhoused again, a majority of these people have had places to live. They face, once you get into a situation, and you’ll talk about this, I’m sure, Eleanor, once one gets into a situation where they’re this economically unstable, it becomes almost impossible to get back to some place of stability, to get in to not just shelter, but get into a home and try to reconstruct

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So, that was story 21, and of course our listeners can go and check that out online if they want. But Eleanor, let’s segue to your piece from Truthout. Can you talk a little bit about this because you also wrote this partially from a first person perspective, to ground this in a very staunch reality, Eleanor Goldfield.

Eleanor Goldfield: Yeah, thanks, Mickey. What I wanted to do with this piece was connect issues. It’s a big thing that I really like to try to do: recognize how all of these things are interlocking forms of oppression. And I think that to start here, it’s to recognize that everybody listening to this or everybody who reads that article is one or two emergencies away from being unhoused unless you’re like a trust fund kid, in which case Mazel Tov. But, most people are one or two, because there’s no safety net.

You can call it whatever you want. There’s no, there’s nothing to fall back on. If you have medical bills, you know, 85 percent of people who went bankrupt back in 2015 due to medical expenses had insurance. So it’s like even when you pay exorbitant insurance fees, there’s nothing to fall back on.

So I think it’s also important to recognize that the reasons that people become unhoused cannot be separated from the systems of capitalism, of racism, of sexism, of colonialism, of all of these interlocking aspects of oppression. And so, you know, for me personally, I became unhoused because the situation that I had set up before I moved to LA became unsafe.

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And then I couldn’t find anything that I could, A, afford, or B, wanted to step into because, wow, if I had a nickel for every bananas situation that I found on Craigslist, that’s how we did it back in the day, of people who were willing to have me as their housemate, I mean, I’d be a trust fund kid.

So, there were these interlocking reasons that created this, the reasons for why I became unhoused in 2005. And a lot of this also has to do with the accessibility of things like shelters in LA in particular, but this is not unusual. It’s nearly impossible to get into a shelter.

And also if you have any kind of issues, whether that be mental health issues, addiction issues, it’s even more inaccessible. You have to be like this perfect, the perfect unhoused person, which, what does that even mean? So these things are all connected in a myriad ways.

And this connects to things like the criminalization of homelessness, of course, which is something that’s ramping up in this country. And I wanted to show people that this is something that affects you as well, because the criminalization of the unhoused, it’s kind of like the “first they came for” aspect, you know, and if they are criminalizing people for trying to survive in the failing empire, a failing capitalist empire, where does that put any of us?

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Our tenuous relationship to housing is therefore also a tenuous relationship to legality, and that’s something that we have to reckon with.

Mickey Huff: And Eleanor, you write in the piece, and this is, you know, contextually very important to, to note, and you said, even if you have housing now, you are still likely only one or two emergencies away from being unhoused, like you were just saying.

In the richest country in the world, where 16 million homes sit vacant while on any given day, Some 650,000 Americans are unhoused, record numbers, you write. And housing is unaffordable to half of all renters in the United States. Seems that we’re on shaky ground.

You do go on to talk about more criminalization of houselessness, cash bail funds, other ways in which houselessness has been criminalized, the way in which we see public spaces transformed as exclusionary, or somehow, merely sitting on a bench or trying to take a break somewhere in public is verboten and we’re putting spikes on chairs and things.

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I mean it’s absolutely lunacy the degree to which this has gone, and I think it’s important to contextually frame it the way in which you did, that this is something that actually affects way more people than we think, and it has the potential to affect half or more of people living in places like the US, if there is some unforeseen calamity or tragedy that strikes, and they do. People die, people get sick, people lose jobs, I mean, this is all a pretty normal part of life.

Eleanor, can you address a couple other things from the piece, particularly, if you want to get into any of the other legal issues or particularly maybe some things that you suggest that people might do to raise awareness around this or what are things people can do in their own communities to address these mounting concerns and problems?

Eleanor Goldfield: Sure. Well, Mickey, I think the important thing to notice is that the solutions to this are the solutions that everybody needs, you know, universal health care, make housing accessible and affordable. And if people need housing and can’t pay for it, they deserve a house. I mean, there are way more empty homes in this country than there are unhoused people. It’s not difficult to house them. And then make sure that there’s accessible services to the people who require them, whether that be physical services, mental health services, what have you.

And so the idea that the solutions to the unhoused are something completely different because they’re a different species is like part of the propagandization of how we look at the unhoused in this country. And I think in terms of addressing it wherever you live, because there are unhoused people everywhere, it really starts with something, and I feel like it almost feels trite saying this, but recognize the humanity in unhoused people. And recognize ways to address, if you can’t address the root causes, because most people can’t really build a shelter that has access to mental health care and physical health care programs, address some of the issues that you can, you know, whether that’s food not bombs, or whether that’s ensuring that people might have a place to sit, if you live in places that get really cold, make sure that people have supplies.

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This is what mutual aid has done and will continue to do as the empire continues to fall and more and more people become unhoused. Be one of these civilian reporters who documents this. You know, it’s kind of like cop watching. Watch these homeless sweeps and see if your presence there might not keep people from being moved, or at the very least stop them from being brutalized, because that can have that effect.

So I think just like with any other issue, it’s paying attention, and then what does that attention move you to do? Just like on this show, it’s like the news that doesn’t make the news, and why, and then what does that, what does that push us to do in terms of acting on this information that we then have?

Because anybody who has the information of what’s really going on, Mickey, I think will feel moved to act. And, of course, that’s the importance of media literacy and really seeing what’s going on in the world.

Mickey Huff: You know, Eleanor, great points. And, a good note to sort of wrap on. You have a note at the end of the piece that I think is really important because when teaching, you know, sometimes students ask questions about the language we use, right?

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And, when they’re used to seeing an issue framed a certain way in, in the establishment press, the homelessness crisis or how it’s attached to all these other bad blight things in urban areas and so forth, the way that it’s stereotyped, you have a clarifying point that talks about why the term unhoused is used versus homelessness.

Can you address that? Because it’s, I think it’s a significant way of trying to get people to think about things outside the corporate frame through which you know, again, we’re back to the United States of Realtors. That frame, that’s just almost automatically accepted. And in this way, by kind of reclaiming the language and talking about the term unhoused, you’re actually calling attention to something.

Could you talk about that briefly?

Eleanor Goldfield: Sure. Yeah. I mean, as you mentioned, Mickey, the language that we use is hugely important because it shapes the way that we think about things. The term unhoused refers to, it emphasizes that those who live on the streets or in their cars do not necessarily lack a connection to place.

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And this has been used in particular with Indigenous communities. They are at home in this land and on this land. They do not lack a home. They lack shelter. People also use the term unsheltered because what’s really lacking here is a house, a shelter, something material that the system has an obligation to provide if the system were worth anything.

But homelessness suggests like, Oh, these people just don’t have a home. They’re wanderers, you know, like the old fashioned term tramp. Like they’re just wandering and they’ve got the little stick with the pack on it.

Mickey Huff: But Eleanor, they have cars and phones.

Eleanor Goldfield: Right. Right. And that’s the other thing. It’s like this Oliver twist perspective. So when they, when people see an unhoused person with a phone or with a car, they’re like, you’re doing fine. And it’s It’s like, no, I never said I don’t have a phone. I said I don’t have shelter.

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And so it’s really recognizing the myriad ways in which people who are unhoused present in our communities in our modern day age. So it’s not Oliver Twist.

And also then recognizing that the way we use the language unhoused means that the obligation to fix it lies on the system and in the system as opposed to homelessness, which just sounds kind of like hippie dippy wanderer.

Mickey Huff: Yeah, well, or the Oliver twisted logic that if only millennials and Gen Z people would lay off the lattes and avocado toast, they too could buy an exorbitantly priced house.

But I think that that’s important to call out is that I think that there is a stigma around the entire topic. And I think that the language what you just pointed out is significant. It’s important that we understand the language, that we employ the language and I mean, it goes way back, you know, going back even to the to the depression or sooner.

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Jacob Reese wrote how the other half lives, et cetera. It seems like that there’s this, this uncanny belief among many working folks, even the middle class that they’re just one break away from being the boss and the millionaire when the clear reality starkly is that they’re actually just one crisis away from having some really serious challenges and, you know, the corporate media really helps further that kind of mythology and they really help bury it by talking about it. And they use it as a meth mechanism of fear, right? That, you know, you better go back to that job you hate, you better go and put up with oppression and being mistreated because you don’t want to be that blight or that issue or that problem, right. We can’t even bring ourselves in the corporate media to talk about it, people who are unhoused as human beings, and that I think is like really what’s at the root of the problem.

Eleanor Goldfield: Absolutely.

Mickey Huff: Eleanor Goldfield, that about will wrap it for the segment here. It’s always great to talk with you, co host to co host about these issues. Do you want to share with our listeners again where, where they can find more of your work?

Your recent article is at truthout.org, but they can also follow you at…

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Eleanor Goldfield: All of my work, including links to this show in case you need a reminder are up at artkillingapathy.com.

Mickey Huff: Right on. Thanks so much, Eleanor Goldfield. For the Project Censored Show, I’m Mickey Huff. To learn more, you can go to projectcensored.org and we’ll see you next time.

If you enjoyed the show, please consider becoming a patron at Patreon.com/ProjectCensored

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Kenya’s deputy president risks impeachment after falling out with William Ruto

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Kenya's deputy president risks impeachment after falling out with William Ruto
Getty Images William Ruto (R) sits next to Rigathi Gachagua in Karen, Nairobi, on 15 May 2022Getty Images

Rigathi Gachagua (L) and William Ruto (R) were elected on a joint ticket just two years ago

Kenya’s Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua has been threatened with impeachment proceedings by lawmakers amid intense speculation that he has had a major fallout with President William Ruto.

The president’s allies in parliament have accused Gachagua of undermining the government, promoting ethnically divisive politics, having a role in fuelling the deadly protests that rocked the country in June, and of being involved in corruption.

The power struggle has led to concerns of instability at the heart of government, at a time when Kenya is in the throes of a deep economic and financial crisis.

Ruto chose Gachagua as his running-mate in the 2022 election, when he defeated former Prime Minister Raila Odinga in a bitterly contested election.

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Gachagua comes from the vote-rich Mount Kenya region, and helped marshal support for Ruto.

But with members of Odinga’s party joining the government after the youth-led protests that forced Ruto to backdown from increasing taxes, the political dynamics have changed – and the deputy president looks increasingly isolated.

Legislators say they are preparing to table a motion in parliament, calling for impeachment proceedings to be instituted against him.

“I have already appended my signature to it,” said majority leader Kimani Ichung’wah.

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Allies of the deputy president have launched several attempts in the High Court to prevent the motion from being tabled, but have failed.

Several legislators told local media that the one-third threshold has been passed, with nearly 250 having already backed the move to table the motion for debate.

“I was surprised that I was number 242 to sign it and there was still a queue [waiting to sign],” said legislator Didmus Barasa.

“It’s a foregone conclusion, the DP [deputy president] asked for it,” added another legislator, Rahim Dawood.

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Gachagua has, however, struck a defiant tone, saying he has the backing of voters in his native central Kenya region.

“Two-hundred people cannot overturn the will of the people,” he said.

For the motion to pass, it would require the support at least two-thirds of members of the National Assembly and Senate, excluding its nominated members.

Backers of the motion are confident that it will sail through, especially as they can now also rely on the votes of Odinga’s party.

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Getty Images Raila Odinga addresses supporters outside the Kenyatta National Hospital in Nairobi, on 26 July 2023, after meeting protesters that were injured in recent anti-government protestsGetty Images

Raila Odinga lost the elections but is once again close to the centre of power

But Gachagua has made it clear that he will not go down without a fight.

“The president can ask MPs to stop. So, if it continues, he’s in it,” he told media outlets broadcasting to people in his political base, Mount Kenya.

Ruto has in the past vowed not to subject Gachagua to “political persecution”, similar to what he says he experienced when he was deputy to his predecessor, Uhuru Kenyatta.

But the rift between Ruto and Gachagua has been apparent in recent months.

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The deputy president has been conspicuously absent from seeing off his boss at the airport when he travels abroad, and receiving him when he returns.

Interior Secretary Kithure Kindiki, a law professor who is trusted by the president, appears to be taking on some of the deputy president’s responsibilities – something that also happened when Ruto and Kenyatta fell out.

Like Gachagua, Kindiki comes from Mount Kenya – the region which forms the largest voting block in Kenya.

Dozens of legislators have rallied behind Kindiki as the region’s preferred “mouthpiece”, intensifying speculation that they are pushing for him to succeed Gachagua.

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That has left the deputy president largely isolated with only a handful of elected politicians backing him.

Getty Images Angry youthful protester help their fellow who was shot down during a demonstration over police killings of people protesting against Kenya's proposed finance bill in Nairobi  on 2 July Getty Images

Kenya’s security forces were accused of using excessive force to quell protests against higher taxes earlier this year

In a further sign that he is in political trouble, the police’s Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) recently recommended charges against two MPs, a staff member and other close allies of the deputy president, after accusing them of “planning, mobilising and financing violent protests” that occurred in June.

Gachagua defended the accused, denouncing the charges as an “act of aggression” and an “evil scheme” to “soil” his name and lay the groundwork for his impeachment.

In parliament last week, Kindiki – under whose ministry the DCI falls – pledged to remain neutral, but made it clear that “high-level individuals” will be prosecuted.

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“We are dealing with the aftermath of the attempted overthrow of the constitution of Kenya by criminal and dangerous people who almost burnt the parliament of Kenya. We have a job to do,” he said.

But many of the young people who were at the forefront of the protests dismiss suggestions that Gachagua’s allies were behind it, and see the bid by lawmakers to oust him as an attempt to deflect attention from bad governance.

They say that if the deputy goes, the president must go too.

Ruto, who is expected to host legislators from his party later this week, will be weighing the political risks of moving against Gachagua, but some lawmakers say they do not want him to wade into the debate – a tough ask.

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For now, Gachagua’s fate rests with legislators, but one man might still extend him a renewed lease of political life – the president.

More Kenya stories from the BBC:

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Walmart’s terrible, horrible, no good, very badly timed JD.com block trade

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Back in 1967 Goldman Sachs’ Gus Levy orchestrated a record smashing $26.5mn block trade in Alcan Aluminum that made his name on Wall Street. But we may now have one of the all-time worst block trades in history.

On August 21, Walmart ditched its entire 144.5mn share stake in JD.com, which had been first initiated through the sale of its Chinese online grocery store to JD.com in 2016, and later increased to over 10 per cent.

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The divestment happened through a huge block trade of JD.com’s US-listed American depositary receipts conducted by Morgan Stanley at $24.95 a share — an 11.5 per cent discount to the market price. This netted about $3.6bn for the US retailer. Alphaville understands that some people involved in the trade were proudly touting that it was the largest-ever single ADR block placement.

However, with the benefit of Alphaville’s favourite resource (perfect hindsight) the timing now looks awesomely, hilariously terrible.

Line chart of $ showing JD.com's ADRs

Having notched up another gain yesterday — thank you Beijing — JD.com’s ADRs closed at $40, up 60 per cent since the August block sale. This means that Walmart in effect has lost out on about $2.2bn.

To be fair to Walmart, JD.com’s ADRs had lost nearly three-quarters of their value from their 2021 peak, and were by August 20 trading at approximately the same level as they were a decade ago. Just getting out and focusing on its own Chinese operations still might make perfect strategic sense. Block trade timing is always hostage to fate, and selling such a big JD.com chunk back in August at a reasonable discount probably rightly felt like a feat for Morgan Stanley at the time.

FTAV is admittedly more familiar with another type of block-trade-gone-awry: when underwriters bid far too aggressively for the deal and are left holding the bag on a big share sale.

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For example, back in 2012 Morgan Stanley inadvertently became one of the biggest players in Danish telecoms company, after being stuck with a $450mn, 7.2 per cent share in TDC. Perhaps the most famous example of a hung block trade is when Goldman Sachs and Deutsche Bank were stuck with a chunk of Vivendi in 2002, pretty much ruining the entire year for their equity departments.

The JD.com block trade is just a matter of terrible timing, rather than banks doing dumb stuff for league table credit. But still, looking just at the money that Walmart left on the table, in dollar terms this might be one of the worst block trades in history?

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World’s first standalone Swissôtel branded residences to open in Dubai by 2027

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World’s first standalone Swissôtel branded residences to open in Dubai by 2027

Global hospitality group Accor has announced a significant new partnership with The Summary Executive Properties, to open the world’s first standalone Swissôtel branded residences. Located on Dubai Islands, Swissôtel Waterfront Residences at Dubai Islands is expected to debut in 2027, offering 105 private homes alongside a mix of apartments and a penthouse

Continue reading World’s first standalone Swissôtel branded residences to open in Dubai by 2027 at Business Traveller.

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Experts raise doubts about medical evidence presented in court

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Experts raise doubts about medical evidence presented in court
Cheshire Police A police mugshot of Lucy LetbyCheshire Police

Senior doctors and scientists have told the BBC they have concerns about how crucial evidence was presented to the jury at Lucy Letby’s trials.

The BBC’s File on 4 has examined how expert witnesses helped to build the case against the former nurse.

The programme raises concerns about how courts grapple with cases of significant medical complexity – with the juries in Letby’s two trials presented with huge amounts of complicated medical evidence relating to each child.

The experts who spoke to the BBC raise questions about the amount of insulin she needed to harm babies in her care, the health condition of one of the babies she was convicted of murdering, and pathology findings presented to the jury.

A public inquiry is under way to establish how Letby was able to murder and injure babies. At its opening Lady Justice Thirlwall was scathing about those who have questioned the verdicts, saying this was causing “enormous additional distress to the parents”.

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Last month some of the families of the babies gave evidence at the inquiry.

Each of the experts interviewed by File on 4 acknowledge how difficult it must be for the families to hear doubts raised about the trials. However, they say they feel so strongly about the evidence they felt compelled to speak out.

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BBC File on 4 examines some of the most contentious statistical, scientific and medical evidence in the Lucy Letby trial. Listen to Lucy Letby: The Killer Questions

Available now on BBC Sounds and on BBC Radio 4 on Tuesday 1 October at 20:00, and Wednesday 2 October at 11:00.

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More than 100 days of complex evidence was heard during Letby’s first trial, which ended in August 2023. She was found guilty of murdering seven babies and trying to kill six others between June 2015 and June 2016 at the Countess of Chester Hospital.

In a second trial held this year, a different jury found Letby guilty of attempted murder – after the first jury failed to reach a verdict. She is serving 15 whole-life sentences and four judges have dismissed her attempt to appeal these convictions.

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Most of the experts File on 4 spoke to were not present at the trials, and they don’t offer an opinion on her guilt. They have studied key medical evidence presented in court. Their concerns – that some of it was misinterpreted – form part of the growing speculation around her convictions.

It comes after Letby’s new lawyer, Mark McDonald, told the BBC he plans to take her case to the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC), which investigates alleged miscarriages of justice.

Insulin evidence

At her first trial Letby was found guilty of attempting to murder two babies – referred to in court as Baby F and Baby L – by adding insulin to intravenous feed bags.

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The prosecution said both babies were doing well until Letby attacked them, and that it was suspicious she later searched for the parents on Facebook.

The prosecution alleged it would have taken only a few drops to poison each baby, but File on 4 has spoken to a team of mechanical and chemical engineers who disagree – and who are speaking about their calculations for the first time.

Prof Geoff Chase, from the University of Canterbury in New Zealand, has been modelling how insulin works in pre-term babies for more than 15 years. He worked with chemical engineer Helen Shannon on a mathematical model that calculated significantly higher quantities of insulin would be needed to harm babies F and L, and to generate insulin levels seen in their test results. In the case of Baby L they calculated it could be as much as 20-80 times more.

There was no evidence in the trial to suggest significant quantities of insulin had gone missing on the ward.

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Speaking to File on 4, another expert expressed concerns about the use of the same blood test results at the trial – something others have questioned in the media.

Dr Adel Ismail – a world-leading expert in the test – told the BBC he believes the immunoassay blood test can produce misleading results.

“In my research, I found the error rate is one in 200,” he said, and added that a second, confirmatory test in such cases was “absolutely vital”. In the case of Baby F and Baby L follow-up tests were not carried out by the lab.

Some experts, however, say the tests are good enough to rely on one set of results. The hospital didn’t order further tests because both babies recovered soon after.

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The X-ray and Baby C’s collapse

Letby was also found guilty of murdering a baby referred to in court as Baby C.

Key to the case was an X-ray taken on 12 June – it was referred to repeatedly during the first trial. In pre-trial reports two prosecution witnesses said it showed the baby had a swollen stomach “most likely due to deliberate” pumping of air into his feeding tube.

However, neonatologist Dr Michael Hall – who has spoken publicly about his concerns before, and has written to the chair of the public inquiry – told the BBC: “There are a number of possible explanations for there being excess gas there.”

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Dr Hall, who was consulted by the defence but never called to give evidence, said it is likely to have been caused by the respiratory support the baby was receiving and said the X-ray suggested there was a bowel obstruction.

Letby was not working on the day the X-ray was taken and had not been on shift since before the baby was born – information the jury heard in her first trial. Letby’s former barrister Ben Myers also highlighted these details in his closing argument.

In his summing up the judge made clear to the jury this X-ray had been taken the day before Baby C collapsed, though he didn’t remind them Letby hadn’t been on shift. At appeal, the prosecution said Letby could have visited the hospital while off shift, but didn’t put forward any evidence that she was there.

The BBC has also spoken to five senior clinicians who reviewed Baby C’s medical notes made public at trial – although only one had access to the baby’s complete medical history. They all noted the baby was high risk and should have been in a higher level unit.

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Prof Colin Morley, a retired professor of neonatology from the University of Cambridge, told File on 4 he was “very confident” Baby C died of natural causes.

At the trial, the X-ray was not the only evidence used to convict Letby on this charge. The prosecution argued text messages showed she was desperate to get into the room where Baby C was being treated, even though she wasn’t his designated nurse. Another nurse said she found Letby standing over the baby’s cot when he collapsed. After he died, Letby again searched for his parents on Facebook.

Liver damage

Baby O was one of triplet brothers born in good condition in June 2016. He was stable, Letby’s first trial was told, until the afternoon of 23 June when he suffered a “remarkable deterioration” and later died.

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The pathologist for the prosecution, who reviewed the case, said he believed Baby O had suffered an “impact injury” to his liver akin to a road traffic collision.

There was other evidence used to convict Letby of Baby O’s murder. She objected to the baby being moved to another area of the unit to be more closely monitored. She was accused of falsifying medical notes, and there was a rash which prosecution experts said was consistent with air being injected into the baby’s veins.

However, a leading senior perinatal pathologist told File on 4 she agrees with the original post-mortem on Baby O – that his liver injury and death were by natural causes.

The pathologist – who asked not to be identified because of the controversial nature of Letby’s case – said she has seen this kind of liver damage at least three times in her career. Each time there were natural causes.

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None of the experts who spoke to File on 4 made any evaluation of Letby’s guilt or otherwise, but added their concerns to growing speculation about how complex medical evidence was presented at her trials.

In August, 24 experts wrote to the government to share their concerns over the way statistics and the science around newborn babies was presented to the jury at the former nurse’s first trial.

The Crown Prosecution Service told the BBC: “Two juries and three appeal court judges have reviewed the evidence against Lucy Letby, and she has been convicted on 15 separate counts following two separate trials.”

It said in May the Court of Appeal dismissed Letby’s leave to appeal on all grounds – rejecting her argument that expert prosecution evidence was flawed.

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This is a distressing case, so if you – or someone you know – need help after reading about it, the details of organisations offering assistance can be found on the BBC Action Line.

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Ukraine faces its darkest hour

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In a command post near the embattled eastern Ukrainian city of Pokrovsk, soldiers of the Separate Presidential Brigade bemoan the dithering in Washington about whether Kyiv can use western missiles to strike targets inside Russia.

If only they were able to fight “with both hands instead of with one hand tied behind our back”, then Ukraine’s plucky troops might stand a chance against a more powerful Russian army, laments an attack drone operator.

Surrounded by video monitors showing the advancing enemy, the battalion’s commander says his objectives have begun to shift.

“Right now, I’m thinking more about how to save my people,” says Mykhailo Temper. “It’s quite hard to imagine we will be able to move the enemy back to the borders of 1991,” he adds, referring to his country’s aim of restoring its full territorial integrity.

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Once buoyed by hopes of liberating their lands, even soldiers at the front now voice a desire for negotiations with Russia to end the war. Yuriy, another commander on the eastern front who gave only his first name, says he fears the prospect of a “forever war”.

“I am for negotiations now,” he adds, expressing his concern that his son — also a soldier — could spend much of his life fighting and that his grandson might one day inherit an endless conflict.

“If the US turns off the spigot, we’re finished,” says another officer, a member of the 72nd Mechanised Brigade, in nearby Kurakhove.

Ukraine is heading into what may be its darkest moment of the war so far. It is losing on the battlefield in the east of the country, with Russian forces advancing relentlessly — albeit at immense cost in men and equipment.

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Members of the Kharkiv regional recruitment office check a civilian’s documentation
Members of the Kharkiv regional recruitment office check a civilian’s documentation. Millions of Ukrainian men have been compelled to register for possible service or face hefty fines © Narciso Contreras/Anadolu/Getty Images

It is struggling to restore its depleted ranks with motivated and well-trained soldiers while an arbitrary military mobilisation system is causing real social tension. It is also facing a bleak winter of severe power and potentially heating outages.

“Society is exhausted,” says Oleksandr Merezhko, chair of the foreign affairs committee of the Ukrainian parliament.

At the same time, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is under growing pressure from western partners to find a path towards a negotiated settlement, even if there is scepticism about Russia’s willingness to enter talks any time soon and concern that Ukraine’s position is too weak to secure a fair deal right now.

“Most players want de-escalation here,” says a senior Ukrainian official in Kyiv.

The Biden administration is aware that its present strategy is not sustainable because “we are losing the war”, says Jeremy Shapiro, head of the Washington office of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “They are thinking of how to move that war to a greater quiescence.”

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Most threatening of all for Kyiv is the possibility that Donald Trump wins next month’s US presidential election and tries to impose an unfavourable peace deal on Ukraine by threatening to withhold further military and financial aid. Trump repeated his claim last week that he could rapidly bring an end to the war.

Ukraine’s staunchest supporters in Europe may wish to keep it in the fight but lack the weapons stockpiles to do so and have no plan for filling any void left by the US.

Kyiv confirmed it was laying the groundwork for future talks in spectacular fashion when its troops seized a swath of Russia’s Kursk region in a surprise cross-border incursion in August. Zelenskyy said the land would serve as a bargaining chip.

And last week, in an attempt to shape the thinking of his allies, Zelenskyy visited the US to market his so-called “victory plan”, a formula for bolstering Ukraine’s position before possible talks with Moscow. Zelenskyy described it as a “strategy of achieving peace through strength”.

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President Volodymyr Zelenskyy meets Donald Trump at Trump Tower in New York
The Ukrainian president meets Donald Trump at Trump Tower in New York last week. The Republican presidential candidate has repeatedly claimed that he could quickly end the war © Shannon Stapleton/Reuters

Stepping into the maelstrom of the US election campaign, he held separate talks with President Joe Biden, vice-president Kamala Harris and her Republican opponent, Trump, to make his case.

At one point, Zelenskyy’s US mission veered towards disaster after he was criticised by Trump for resisting peace talks and censured by senior Republicans for visiting a weapons factory in the crucial swing state of Pennsylvania accompanied only by Democratic politicians. But in the end, he persuaded Trump to grant him an audience and salvaged his visit.

“It was not a triumph. It was not a catastrophe,” the senior Ukrainian official says of Zelenskyy’s US trip. “It would be naive to expect the applause we got two years ago,” the official adds, referring to the president’s address before Congress in December 2022, for which he received multiple standing ovations and declared that Ukraine would “never surrender”.


Yet the Ukrainian leader left Washington empty-handed on two central issues: US permission to use western weapons for long-range strikes on Russian territory; and progress on Ukraine’s bid to join Nato. The Biden administration has resisted both, fearing it could encourage Moscow to escalate the conflict, potentially drawing in the US and other allies.

US officials were unimpressed by Zelenskyy’s “victory plan”, which includes requests for massive amounts of western weaponry.

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An adviser who helped prepare the document says Zelenskyy had no choice but to restate his insistence on Nato membership because anything else would have been perceived as a retreat on the question of western security guarantees, which Ukrainians see as indispensable.

Despite Washington’s misgivings, the ability to strike Russian territory is also central to Zelenskyy’s victory plan, says the adviser. While US officials have argued that Russia has already moved strike aircraft beyond the range of western missiles, Ukrainian officials insist there are plenty of other targets such as command centres, weapons caches, fuel depots and logistics nodes.

Destroying them could disrupt Moscow’s ability to wage war, show Russian leader Vladimir Putin that his objectives of seizing at least four whole provinces of Ukraine are untenable and disprove his conviction that the west will lose interest in supporting Ukraine.

“Russia should not be overestimated,” says Andris Sprūds, Latvia’s defence minister. “It has its vulnerabilities.”

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Although Zelenskyy’s victory plan restated old objectives, its real significance is that it shifts Ukraine’s war aims from total liberation to bending the war in Kyiv’s favour, says the senior Ukrainian official.

“It’s an attempt to change the trajectory of the war and bring Russia to the table. Zelenskyy really believes in it.”

Multiple European diplomats who attended last week’s UN General Assembly in New York say there was a tangible shift in the tone and content of discussions around a potential settlement.

They note more openness from Ukrainian officials to discuss the potential for agreeing a ceasefire even while Russian troops remain on their territory, and more frank discussions among western officials about the urgency for a deal.

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Ukraine’s new foreign minister, Andrii Sybiha, used private meetings with western counterparts on his first trip to the US in the post to discuss potential compromise solutions, the diplomats said, and struck a more pragmatic tone on the possibility of land-for-security negotiations than his predecessor.

“We’re talking more and more openly about how this ends and what Ukraine would have to give up in order to get a permanent peace deal,” says one of the diplomats, who was present in New York. “And that’s a major change from even six months ago, when this kind of talk was taboo.”

Ukrainian public opinion also appears to be more open to peace talks — but not necessarily to the concessions they may require.

Polling by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology for the National Democratic Institute in the summer showed that 57 per cent of respondents thought Ukraine should engage in peace negotiations with Russia, up from 33 per cent a year earlier.

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The survey showed the war was taking an ever heavier toll: 77 per cent of respondents reported the loss of family members, friends or acquaintances, four times as many as two years earlier. Two-thirds said they were finding it difficult or very difficult to live on their wartime income.

Locals pass an installation with a power transformer damaged by a Russian strike in Kyiv
Locals pass an installation with a power transformer damaged by a Russian strike in Kyiv. The Kremlin has already destroyed at least half of Ukraine’s power-generating capacity © Alina Smutko/Reuters

Life is about to get even tougher. Russia has destroyed at least half of Ukraine’s power-generating capacity after it resumed mass drone and missile strikes against power stations and grid infrastructure this spring.

Ukraine faces a “severe” electricity deficit of up to 6GW, equivalent to a third of peak winter demand, according the International Energy Agency. It is increasingly dependent on its three remaining operational nuclear power plants, the IEA noted. Were Russia to attack substations adjacent to these plants — despite all the obvious dangers — it could cause Ukraine’s power system to collapse, and with it heating and water supply. Central heating facilities in large cities such as Kharkiv and Kyiv are also vulnerable.

Another source of tension is mobilisation. Under new legislation, millions of Ukrainian men have been compelled to register for possible service or face hefty fines. At the same time, many Ukrainians know of men who have been randomly stopped at metro or train stations, often late at night, and carted off to mobilisation centres, a brief period of training and then the front line.

55%Share of Ukrainians who remain opposed to any formal cession of territory as part of a peace deal, down from a peak of 87 per cent last year

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“It is perceived as abusive, worse than if you are a criminal, where there is at least due process,” says Hlib Vyshlinksy, director of the Centre for Economic Strategy in Kyiv. “It tears people apart. The real enemy is Russia, but at the same time they fear a corrupt, abusive enrolment office doing the wrong thing.”

If Ukrainians have warmed to the idea of negotiations, a majority — 55 per cent according to a KIIS polling in May — remain opposed to any formal cession of territory as part of a peace deal.

“People want peace but they are also against territorial concessions. It is hard to reconcile them,” says Merezhko, the chair of the foreign affairs committee.

However, the KIIS survey shows the share of respondents opposed to any territorial concessions has dropped sharply from a peak of 87 per cent early last year. It also found that Ukrainians might be open to a compromise whereby, in return for Ukrainian membership of Nato, Russian maintains de facto control over occupied parts of Ukraine, but not recognised sovereignty.

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Other polls suggest Ukrainians are still confident of winning and will be disappointed by anything other than total battlefield victory. The biggest domestic problem for Zelenskyy might come from a nationalist minority opposed to any compromise, some of whom are now armed and trained to fight.

Nato secretary-general Jens Stoltenberg, left, meets Zelenskyy during the UN General Assembly in New York
Nato secretary-general Jens Stoltenberg, left, meets Zelenskyy during the UN General Assembly in New York. Ukraine has continued to push for security guarantees from the alliance © Ukrainian Presidential Press Service/AFP/Getty Images

“If you get into any negotiation, it could be a trigger for social instability,” says a Ukrainian official. “Zelenskyy knows this very well.”

“There will always be a radical segment of Ukrainian society that will call any negotiation capitulation. The far right in Ukraine is growing. The right wing is a danger to democracy,” says Merezhko, who is an MP for Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party.

As the KIIS polling shows, making any deal acceptable that allows Russia to stay in the parts of Ukraine it has seized since its first invasion in 2014 will hinge on obtaining meaningful western security guarantees, which for Kyiv means Nato membership.

“The most important thing for us is security guarantees. Proper ones. Otherwise it won’t end the war; it will just trigger another one,” says a Ukrainian official.

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“Land for [Nato] membership is the only game in town, everyone knows it,” says one senior western official. “Nobody will say it out loud . . . but it’s the only strategy on the table.”


Nato membership remains Ukraine’s key goal, but very few of the alliance’s 32 members think it is possible without a full, lasting ceasefire and a defined line on the map that determines what portion of Ukraine’s territory the alliance’s mutual defence clause applies to. The model floated by some is West Germany’s membership of the alliance, which lasted more than three decades before the fall of the Berlin Wall and reunification with the east.

“The West German model is gaining traction particularly in the White House, which has been the most sceptical about Nato membership,” says Shapiro of the ECFR. “The Russians would hate that, but at least it could be some opening gambit for a compromise.”

But even that would require a vast force deployment by the US and its partners that any US administration, Democratic or Republican, would likely balk at, given Washington’s focus on the threat from China. One question would be whether European powers would be willing to shoulder more of the burden.

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Zelenskyy signs a shell during a tour of an ammunition plant in Scranton, Pennsylvania
Zelenskyy signs a shell during a tour of an ammunition plant in Scranton, Pennsylvania. His visit to the swing state accompanied by Democratic politicians drew criticism from Republicans © Ukrainian Presidential Press Service/AFP/Getty Images

And would Russia accept Ukraine’s entry into the alliance, an alignment with the west it has been trying to thwart militarily for a decade? Many on both sides of the Atlantic say it is unlikely.

“I don’t think Russia would agree to our participation in Nato,” says a senior Ukrainian official.

Anything short of full membership is unlikely to be enough to stop the Kremlin’s military aggression. “Even if we get a Nato invitation, it will mean nothing. It’s a political decision,” adds the senior Ukrainian official.

In what could be his last trip to Europe before standing down as president, Biden will chair a meeting of Ukraine and its allies in Germany on October 12.

A western official briefed on Zelenskyy’s talks in Washington said there were tentative signs that Biden might agree to advance the status of Ukraine’s Nato membership bid before he leaves office in January.

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As he left the US this weekend, Zelenskyy said that October would be “decision time”. The Ukrainian leader will once again plead for permission to hit targets inside Russia with western-supplied munitions, knowing that it is one of the few options for bringing hostilities to an end.

“It’s about constraining Russia’s capabilities” and piling on pressure to get them to open talks, says the senior Ukrainian official. “It’s a real chance if we are thinking about resolving this war.”

Cartography by Cleve Jones

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F1 Q&A: Lando Norris, Max Verstappen, Oscar Piastri, Liam Lawson and Canadian Grand Prix

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F1 Q&A: Lando Norris, Max Verstappen, Oscar Piastri, Liam Lawson and Canadian Grand Prix

I understand drivers swearing in a race when emotions are high, but do Max Verstappen and others not think it’s wrong in a press conference? – Tom

Everyone will have their own opinion on this topic. And it would be wrong to presume where the drivers stand on this – collectively or individually.

However, Verstappen has said what he thinks, and said many of the drivers share his views.

Verstappen feels the punishment he was given for swearing in a news conference was “ridiculous” and the whole situation is “silly”.

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“If you can’t really be yourself to the fullest, then it’s better not to speak,” he said. “But that’s what no one wants because then you become a robot and that’s not how you should be going about it in the sport. You should be able to show emotions in a way. That’s what racing is about. Any sport.”

Verstappen made it clear that his decision to give the shortest possible answers in news conferences after qualifying and the race in Singapore was a direct consequence of being given a community service penalty for using a swear word on the Thursday.

“There is of course no desire to then give long answers there when you get treated like that,” he said, when speaking to journalists in a separate session away from the official press conference room.

This is a complex topic.

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Some will believe that swearing in any circumstance in a news conference is wrong.

Others might feel that dropping in the odd fruity word now and then if the context is right and it feels natural is authentic, and that F1 drivers should be able to behave in that manner.

It’s only what many people would do in normal speech, it could be argued, after all.

For many years, F1 drivers have been accused of lacking personality and being boring.

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So it’s understandable if they find it ironic and confusing that these actions are now being taken. Especially in the context of the successful Netflix Drive to Survive series, in which swearing is normalised, even celebrated, in the case of former Haas team principal Guenther Steiner.

The problem for Verstappen in particular and the drivers in general is that FIA president Mohammed Ben Sulayem has made this another one of his hobby horses – just as with jewellery and underwear and other things in the past.

Ben Sulayem wants less swearing over team radio, never mind less in news conferences.

There are senior figures, inevitably, who behind the scenes have quietly pointed out the issues with some of Ben Sulayem’s own public utterances.

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The interesting question now is how the drivers will respond when they arrive for media day on 17 October at the United States Grand Prix in Austin, Texas.

The drivers collectively will need to come up with a position, because you can be sure it will be one of the first items on the list of questions for most members of the media, especially to Verstappen.

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