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Reuters and CNN launch paywalls on same day

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Reuters and CNN launch paywalls on same day

Reuters and CNN have both announced on the same day that they will introduce a metered paywall on their websites.

Both news outlets are rolling out a digital subscription model that will see users able to read an as-yet undisclosed number of articles per month before being asked to subscribe.

CNN, currently the biggest news website in the US by visits and the third most popular in the world, said it will charge its most-regular users in the US $3.99 (£3) per month to access the full site.

The subscription will include exclusive features and documentaries, a daily curation of content, and fewer online adverts.

According to the outlet, some content will remain fully accessible including the homepage, breaking news live stories, standalone video pages and sponsored articles.

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Meanwhile Reuters, currently the 30th biggest news website in the world, said full access globally to its website and newly relaunched app will cost $1 (75p) per week, or $4 per month.

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Reuters president Paul Bascobert said: “This new subscription plan ensures Reuters can expand the reach of its award-winning coverage at an affordable price, while allowing us to further invest in our reporting and products for subscribers.”

Reuters will begin rolling out the digital subscription in Canada in early October before it goes to multiple countries in Europe and the US and, ultimately, all around the world.

Reuters promised that the pricing plan is “simple and transparent” with “no introductory offers or surprise price increases” and said users can “easily cancel”.

Reuters first publicly mooted the addition of an online paywall for its website in 2021 but the idea was ditched due to a dispute with financial data provider Refinitiv, a former Thomson Reuters division acquired by LSEG in 2021, over whether introducing subscriptions would breach their news supply agreement.

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Reuters then raised the idea again in January 2023 after agreeing with LSEG a “path forward for Reuters to launch consumer-facing subscription products supporting both parties’ engagement with global professionals”.

Reuters owner Thomson Reuters said in August it expected to grow revenues by about 7% in 2024. The Reuters News division saw revenues grow by 13% in the first six months of the year to $415m. In Q2 its growth was put down to “growth in the agency business and by a contractual price increase from our news agreement with the data and analytics business of LSEG”.

Meanwhile at CNN revenues are challenged by its reliance on linear TV, in particular carriage fees from the cable industry.

Chief executive Mark Thompson, who joined last year and previously led the launch of the successful digital subscriptions strategy at The New York Times, said this summer that he intended to “future-proof” CNN, including by building a digital subscriptions business bringing in more than a billion dollars in revenue.

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Alex MacCallum, CNN’s executive vice president of digital products and services, told staff in a memo on Tuesday that the initial offering will be expanded with “new products and businesses” to come.

“Over time, we will invest in ways to better meet our users’ needs and expand our aperture to engage and serve new audiences,” she said.

CNN’s previous attempt at a subscription-based business, its subscription service CNN+, closed after one month in April 2022. It was reported to have reached 150,000 paying subscribers.

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It’s Time to Tighten Enforcement of Iran Oil Sanctions

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It’s Time to Tighten Enforcement of Iran Oil Sanctions

The unprecedented significant ballistic missile attacks by Iran against Israel Tuesday represent a “significant escalation,” as National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan said in the moments after the attack.

Even though the attack was defeated with all missiles shot down, no deaths, and little damage to strategic facilities, there must be a direct response to Iran’s attack. The Ayatollah has long proclaimed, “the perpetual subject of Iran is the elimination of Israel from the region.” Today’s attacks show that Iran is not just supporting terrorist proxy groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas, but now directly, attacking Israel.

We don’t know how Israel will respond as a sovereign nation under attack. We do know that Israel will not allow such an unprecedented attack to go unanswered. Israel has a bevy of military options, such as targeting Iran’s nuclear infrastructure as well as Iranian oil facilities and refineries on Khark Island. But how Israel chooses to respond may be influenced by what the U.S. does to show that it will impose a price on Iran for this attack. One serious U.S. response would be to choke off Iran’s ability to fund future attack through tighter enforcement of oil sanctions on Iran.

Oil sales are critical for Iran, with exports representing up to 70% of the government’s revenues. Iran has been reaping windfall profits from near-record oil production this year, with production doubling from less than 2 million barrels per day in 2019 to nearly 4 million barrels per day now, and with oil exports increasing from practically zero to nearly 2 million barrels per day. This represents a $100 billion increase in revenues for use by the Ayatollah to attack Israel and jeopardize U.S. national security. Iran has been able to export near-record amounts of oil despite technically remaining under U.S. sanctions—as the Biden Administration has failed to enforce the Iranian oil sanctions with the same effect as its predecessors.

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It can be done: Iranian oil sanctions have been demonstrated to work well before. During the Trump Administration, under the leadership of Abraham Accords architect Jared Kushner and Iran Special Envoy Brian Hook, a heightened focus on U.S. government enforcement reduced the volume of Iranian oil exports by 95%, from 2.5 million barrels a day in 2018 to a low of 70,000 barrels a day in 2020, reducing Iranian oil revenues by $50 billion.

Clearly, the lack of tight enforcement of oil sanctions reflects a lack of political will, not a lack of technical enforcement ability. The Biden Administration could easily tighten the screws once again by returning to the pre-2021 approach, of having teams from across the federal government tracking every illicit Iranian oil transfer and working with European allies to seize countless Iran oil tankers, with even senior State Department officials directly, personally emailing ship captains.

The Biden Administration has long feared that enforcing Iranian oil sanctions more stringently will drive up global oil prices. But this fear does not represent the reality of global oil market dynamics. First, Iran represents a tiny fraction of Middle East oil production—only around 12.5% of regional production and nearly four times smaller than Saudi Arabia’s. Second, oil prices actually went down from 2018 to 2019 with supply increasing, as U.S. enforcement of Iranian oil sanctions tightened, partially because the Gulf countries, which similarly believe Iran is a threat to regional peace, offset the loss of Iranian oil by increasing their own production. With record “spare capacity” sitting on the sidelines, including Saudi pumping a third less oil than it did during the Trump era, Iranian oil production can easily be replaced once again.

For too long, too many policymakers have favored appeasement of Iran, tolerating Iran’s murderous terrorism. But the reality is that while Iran has rarely won a war, it tends to win at the diplomatic negotiating table. Constructive backchanneling with Iran has failed, and it is past time to cut the spigots of windfall oil revenues funding Iran’s military attacks on Israel. The US must move to re-enforce Iranian oil sanctions more stringently once again.

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How to avoid a flood of claims from renters’ bill

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Banker all-nighters create productivity paradox

Greg Simms (“Striving for a new balance for renters and landlords”, Letters, September 27) explains how the UK’s proposed renters’ rights bill now going through parliament may flood the court system with claims.

However, this could be avoided if the bill is amended to give the parties to tenancies a right to have the matter resolved by a privately appointed expert who would normally be a solicitor or surveyor or both.

When in legal practise, I had a hand in setting up a scheme to facilitate a similar right in commercial tenancies. As far as I know the scheme, called Pact, is still available. “Professional Arbitration on Court Terms” is an initiative jointly set up by the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors and the Law Society. It provides a form of alternative dispute resolution for lease renewal disputes. This facility could be applied to residential tenancies.

Even if landlords undertook to pay the fees in most cases, it would be cheaper than suffering delay, avoid draining court time and spare a mounting expense for the taxpayer.

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Steven Fogel
London NW11, UK

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Kenya’s deputy president in the eye of the storm

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Kenya's deputy president in the eye of the storm
EPA Kenya's deputy president Rigathi GachaguaEPA

Kenya’s embattled Deputy President, Rigathi Gachagua, calls himself the “truthful man”, attributing his remarkable rise to the fact that he speaks truth to power.

But as he faces impeachment proceedings, he says these troubles are also a result of his outspoken nature.

Before he was elected MP in 2017, little was known about the man who would, in five short years, rise to become Kenya’s second-in-command.

Not many people outside Gachagua’s central Kenya constituency had heard of him or his style of politics.

Gachagua captured the limelight in the run-up to the 2022 elections, when he vehemently opposed President Uhuru Kenyatta’s choice of preferred successor.

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Kenyatta was campaigning heavily for former Prime Minister Raila Odinga.

But Gachagua allied himself with William Ruto, Kenyatta’s then deputy, who was angling for the presidency that his boss did not want to bequeath to him.

At political rallies and in media circles, Gachagua railed against Kenyatta, often in words that other politicians would find cringeworthy.

“Don’t kill me the way your father killed JM Kariuki,” he said at a rally in July 2022, referring to an MP who was killed in 1975 during the administration of Jomo Kenyatta, the nation’s first president and the father of Uhuru Kenyatta.

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To this day, no one has been found guilty of Kariuki’s death.

Before he became Kenya’s deputy president, police raided Gachagua’s home and arrested him in relation to a corruption and money-laundering case. The charges were dropped after he and Ruto took power following the 2022 election.

He had helped Ruto win by marshalling support in Mount Kenya – the biggest voting bloc in the country. Both Gachagua and Kenyatta come from there. Kenyatta had tried to rally Mount Kenya’s voters to throw their weight behind Odinga, but he failed.

Getty Images Deputy president of Kenya Rigathi Gachagua holds a certificate during the swearing in ceremony at the Kasarani StadiumGetty Images

Rigathi Gachagua was sworn in as the deputy president just over two years ago

Long before Kenyatta became president in 2013, Gachagua had worked closely with him, including as his personal assistant for five years.

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But after teaming up with Ruto, Gachagua went from being Kenyatta’s “confidant” to one of his harshest critics.

However, since falling out with his current boss, Gachagua has apologised to Kenyatta, saying it was “foolish” of him to have “fought my own brother”.

This humility is in sharp contrast to his rhetoric as Ruto’s running-mate – analyst Javas Bigamo had even described Gachagua as a “feared political bulldog that Ruto needed to be able to counter President Kenyatta in the central region”.

Gachagua was praised as an excellent mobiliser, who had the ear of ordinary people on the ground.

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Yet he was probably not the person many expected to take the deputy position, given that Gachagua had only being a politician for five years and was up against more seasoned candidates.

Ruto explained he had chosen Gachagua because “he is one of those leaders who are passionate about ordinary people”.

Politics expert Bobby Mkangi previously told the BBC that Gachagua’s ability to negotiate his way to the top “considering other names that were fronted and were known nationally” was “quite something”.

But just two years after ascending to power, that ability seems to have fizzled out – leaving Gachagua butting heads with the president and in a position where many legislators are pushing for his removal.

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He stands accused of corruption, money-laundering, gross misconduct, insubordination and bullying public officers and six other acts of wrongdoing.

As the motion was being tabled in parliament on Tuesday, the MP introducing the motion, Mwengi Mutuse, said that 291 out of 349 MPs had signed the document pushing for Gachagua’s removal.

The signatures of two-thirds – or 233 – of all MPs are required to impeach him.

Mkangi now says the deputy president has been “unable to consolidate the support of his base and the politicians around him”.

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Getty Images Rigathi Gachagua speaks to supporters who thronged his party campaign rally at Salgaa Trading Centre Getty Images

Gachagua was accused of being brash when campaigning to become Kenya’s deputy president in 2022

Gachagua has always been accused of being brash and aggressive – it was one of the reasons some argued against his selection to the running mate position prior to the 2022 election. But in recent months, this criticism has increased.

He denies this assessment of his character, along with assertions that he alienates his fellow politicians.

He says all he does is “speak the truth”, which he insists has made him unpopular within certain political factions.

“I will not compromise my principles,” he said over the weekend as calls for his impeachment came to a crescendo.

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Gachagua has often identified himself as a child of the Mau Mau freedom fighters, who battled British colonial rule.

He was born in 1965 to parents who he has said were well known for their involvement in the struggle for freedom. His father built and serviced guns and his mother was a courier of ammunition and food for the fighters, Gachagua said.

His lineage has painted him as a champion of people in central Kenya, many of whom are descendants of independence struggle icons, but still continue to fight for economic freedom.

A popular catchphrase associated with the deputy president is “don’t touch the mountain”, a reference to his support base in the Mount Kenya region. However, he has also been accused of promoting tribalism rather than being a unifying figure.

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But Gachagua has defended himself, insisting that speaking for the central Kenya region is not the same as antagonising other communities.

Before joining politics, Gachagua had had a long career.

After completing university, he began working as a public administrator in government, and as a district officer in different locations across the country.

The district administrators of that time, during Daniel arap Moi’s presidency, were known for their high-handedness. It is an accusation that has stuck with him, including in present circumstances.

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He worked as Kenyatta’s personal assistant between 2001 and 2006 – at a time when Kenyatta was a minister, presidential candidate and later the leader of the opposition.

Gachagua is a wealthy politician, having built a fortune in business over the years. He is married to a pastor, Dorcas, and they have two adult sons.

In 2017, he vied for the Mathira constituency seat, winning the position that had earlier been held by his elder brother, Nderitu Gachagua.

It is at this time that Gachagua’s fiery character and political abilities started attracting attention.

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Yet his public utterances, before and since he became deputy president, have at times been seen as blunders or straight-up disgraceful comments.

He said last year that government was like a shareholding company, with those that voted for the current administration being more deserving of government appointments and contracts.

Senator Danson Mungatana last week said Gachagua’s words have “marginalised sections of Kenyans, created and continue to heighten ethnic tensions”.

Gachagua has often defended himself, but recently he acknowledged that in the end, it may be the very same thing that catapulted him to the top that will lead to his downfall: his way with words.

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Letter: Perhaps what the UK needs is a reboot?

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Banker all-nighters create productivity paradox

From Raj Parkash, London W4, UK

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‘Middle East erupts’ and OBE for Queen’s funeral horse

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'Middle East erupts' and OBE for Queen's funeral horse
The Times front page for 2 October

Iran’s missile bombardment of Israel, after the attacks on its Hezbollah ally in Lebanon, dominates nearly all of Wednesday’s front pages. “Middle East erupts” is the headline in the Times which has photos of a hail of rockets over the city of Ashkelon, and two men “on a rampage” in Tel Aviv, where six people were killed in a gun and knife attack.
Metro front page for 2 October

“Iran’s new blitz at Israel” is how Metro describes the missile attack, which follows a similar bombardment in April. Images of fighting inside Lebanon illustrate the story including Beirut under Israeli air attack and an Israeli tank opening fire.
The Daily Mirror front page for 2 October

“Revenge from above” is how the Daily Mirror describes Iran’s attack. A sub-headline speaks of “fears of all-out war”.
The Guardian front page for 2 October

The Guardian moves past the Iranian attack to report an Israeli vow to retaliate in turn. The conflict appears to be “spiralling out of control”, according to the paper.
The Daily Mail front page for 2 October

Israel’s “Iron Dome” anti-missile defences held firm, the Daily Mail notes, and now the country “vows vengeance”.
The Express front page for 2 October

The US has threatened Iran with a “severe response” to its attack on Israel, the Daily Express reports, saying “the world watched in horror” as the missiles were launched.
Financial Times front page for 2 October

Iran’s “missile barrage against Israel” also leads the Financial Times, where another headline talks of a “Lebanon exodus” as a million people seek shelter from the fighting. The paper devotes space on the front page to a story about Jay-Z and other celebrities leaving accounting firm BDO after theft claims. BDO denies the allegations, it says.
Daily Telegraph front page for 2 October

The Daily Telegraph brings home the drama in Israel to its readers with a first-person report by a journalist headlined “A rocket missed me by a minute”. “We were lucky, very lucky,” Paul Nuki writes after his experience on an Israeli motorway.
I paper front page for 2 October

Alongside its story about “fears of new war” in the Middle East, the I paper has a feature about a woman entering her “granny pants era” and feeling “empowered” over a photo of a pair of orange knickers on a washing line.
The Sun front page for 2 October

“Hell fire” is how the Sun sums up Tuesday’s missile attack. Under the headline “Thick Knowles”, the paper also reports that DIY SOS presenter Nick Knowles allegedly cast a slur on “North-East women”. The paper says he made offensive remarks in a “sleazy” chat with a young charity worker, which left her “feeling embarrassed and mortified”. Knowles, it adds, “said he had encountered hundreds of people in the course of his work and cannot be expected to remember what he has said to everyone he has met”. The paper says the BBC “declined to comment” but said it was “against all inappropriate behaviour” and had “robust processes if issues are raised”.
The Daily Star front page for 2 October

War in the Middle East is nowhere in sight on the front page of the Daily Star which splashes instead on an OBE for a horse that took part in the Queen’s funeral. Lord Firebrand the “funeral horsey” also got two sugar cubes.
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Farmers’ climate insights deserve more attention

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Another well-researched article about global agriculture (“The global power of Big Agriculture”, The Big Read, August 22). Yet when it comes to the actual farming and farmers there is a woeful lack of understanding and knowledge.

Yes, the well-funded lobbies (just as in Brussels) are all-powerful. But they are the commodity suppliers and traders and international actors with shareholders to satisfy. Farmers are subject to uncertain weather, volatile prices, byzantine regulatory systems and greedy interfering national governments.

As with coverage of climate, FT journalists seem to be only half informed. Farmers themselves are mainly poorly represented. Farming is an absolute necessity for life and the net zero-related emissions quoted for agriculture are always wildly wrong and remain scientifically unproven.

Geordie Burnett Stuart
Peterhead, Aberdeenshire, UK

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