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‘Art history doesn’t belong exclusively to the western world’

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When curator Pablo José Ramírez was asked to take charge of a section at the Frieze London art fair dedicated each year to special presentations, he wanted to shine a light on Indigenous and diaspora artists from the Americas, while acknowledging the unfixed and ambiguous identities these artists often inhabit. He titled it Smoke, inspired by “El Animal de Humo” (“The Smoke Animal”), a short story by Humberto Ak’abal, a Kʼicheʼ Maya poet from Guatemala, which describes a phantasmagoric creature that lives in the forest, part bogeyman, part guardian of the trees.

In Smoke, 11 artists, some of whom have Indigenous American heritage and others of whom are of mestizo (mixed) ancestry, show work in a variety of media, but predominantly clay. In Ramírez’s project, smoke is a metaphor, but it is also a byproduct of the fire needed to turn soft clay into hard ceramic.

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“It’s not a section about Indigenous ceramics or Indigenous artists,” cautions Ramírez. The Guatemala-born curator, who was the inaugural adjunct curator of First Nations and Indigenous art at Tate Modern in London, before relocating to take up a curatorial role at the Hammer Museum, Los Angeles, refuses to let his work be pigeonholed. The artists he has chosen “move between worlds”, he says, between local traditions and the globalised contemporary art sphere. He aspires for the project to be inclusive, acknowledging how emigration disperses cultural knowledge across diasporas.

A series of white ceramic and porcelain shapes, including one inscribed with a human face, are bound into a hanging sculpture by thick white string.
Detail of ‘Racimo 3’ (2022) by Mexican Huastec artist Noé Martínez © Courtesy of the artist and Patron Gallery

Indigenous Mexican artist Noé Martínez says that his sculptural ceramics are a means of communicating with his ancestors, the Huastec people. “They are containers to store the souls of my ancestors, slaves who were extracted in the 16th century,” he says. “The dead never leave, they are always in our daily lives.” As with many Indigenous communities, many of the Huastec people are now in diaspora. While his grandmothers worked with clay, their knowledge has been lost. “I use different materials than my ancestors, but I use them with the same thinking about the world that they had.”

The backgrounds of artists in Smoke are diverse. Christine Howard Sandoval was born in California and is an enrolled member of the Chalon Nation but now lives in Canada. Mexican-American Linda Vallejo, who was born in LA but moved around Europe as a child, was later invited to participate in Native American ceremonies through her involvement with traditional Mexican dance. (Both artists are represented at Frieze by Parrasch Heijnen.)

Painting of an exotic, colourful fish, amid the foliage and stones at the bottom of a fish tank
‘Michael Wants His Privacy’ (2024) by the US-based Chinese artist Yuri Yuan © Courtesy of the artist

Vallejo’s sculptures at Frieze, made from found hunks of wood, paper pulp and other media, include no clay but — through their colours and materiality — allude to fire. As she explains, according to many Indigenous beliefs, “the fire lives within the wood”. Sandoval’s more conceptual works explore an Indigenous relationship to the land: a single Ohlone word (the traditional language of the Chalon people) is embossed on white paper, accompanied by a thick daub of adobe mud.

Not all the artists in Smoke claim Indigenous heritage, however. LA-based Roksana Pirouzmand was born in Iran. On the clay tablets she will present in Smoke, she paints bodies melding with mountainous landscapes, emphasising through her choice of medium the physical connection between a person and the land that claims them. Clay, for Pirouzmand, is a participant in her work: “I see the slow erosion that can occur between unfired clay and water as a performance of material,” she says.

Active, too, are works by the Brazilian artist Ayla Tavares. She places ceramic “totems”, as she calls them, in tanks filled with water. Tavares does not draw specifically on ceramic craft traditions, but instead references natural forms such as corals and anemones, fossils or slow-moving tectonic plates.

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A pink ceramic object featuring a series of overlapping, highly patterned cupolas on top of each other
‘Una forma siempre Húmeda’ (2022), one of the ‘ceramic totems’ created by the Brazilian artist Ayla Tavares © Rafael Estefania, Lucia Berrón Almeida Courtesy of the artist, Galeria Athena and Hatch Gallery
Sculpture of what looks like a tree stump overlaid with a face and tale, made from a dark green material that looks like tarnished copper
‘El Pacal’ (1990) by Mexican-American artist Linda Vallejo contains no clay but is created from fragments of tree, lead and handmade paper © Courtesy the artist

What binds this disparate group of artists is an understanding of land not in the nationalist sense but as terrain, as earth. (The soil on either side of any geopolitical border is, after all, the same.) For Ramírez this is a way of displaying work from distinct places, generations and traditions “with a certain degree of horizontality”, as he puts it. He sees a shift in the way that museums are framing craft-based, Indigenous and non-western artistic practices: “Institutions are finally trying to come to terms with the fact that art history doesn’t belong exclusively to the western world.” 

His approach, as he demonstrates in Smoke, is to highlight connections while still acknowledging specificity, to question simplified models of identity and foster a climate of respect for difference.

Frieze London runs October 9-13, frieze.com

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What if marital rage can improve marital bliss?

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One evening in 2021, my wife abruptly pressed a book into my hands, telling me that I needed to read it. The book was Elena Ferrante’s The Lost Daughter. When I asked her what was so urgent about it, she replied, just a little testily, “Well, you’re writing about anger, aren’t you? If you’re interested in women’s anger, you can’t not read this.” It was the story of a lone woman on holiday, living in the shadow of her decision years before to leave her husband and young daughters in a fit of desire for an unencumbered life. As the novel sucked me into its vortex of female fury, with Leda, its narrator, “screaming with rage” at the burdens of maternal responsibility, my wife’s insistence that “You need to read this” began to weave itself into my reading of the book, creating another front in its violent ambush on my nerves. When I finished the next morning, I found myself asking what it was my wife wanted to tell me. Did she want, after 22 years and raising three boys, me to hear her “screaming with rage”, at them, at the world, but mostly at me: “Do you get it now?”

Is there a more reliable source of rage than marital life? The angry strife of couples is a mainstay of comedy, tragedy and melodrama. Jane Austen’s plots drive towards the declaration of love and the gleefully accepted marriage proposal. But these happy endings are woven into stories peopled by married couples riven by resentment and deep mutual alienation. One has the impression that Emma Woodhouse’s mother preferred to die than spend another day married to Mr Woodhouse.

These contrasting images, the happy glow of the bride and groom and the disaffected frown of the long-term couple, bring out the paradox that the love and companionship we spend so many years yearning for turns out to be the root of so much frustration.

Perhaps this stark contrast has something to tell us about why long-term relationships arouse so much anger. In it we see a young couple radiating love and hope, fully invested in their life partner as best friend, confidant and lover. Almost every new couple, in other words, begins their life together with a sentimental ideal of coupledom as a haven of affection and support. There is little room in this version of the future for the more difficult feelings that arise between couples over time: resentment, disappointment, hate and anger. The effect of this is to turn anger into a kind of emotional foreign body in the marital bloodstream, an alien presence that shouldn’t be there.

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But what if we have this wrong? What my wife’s gift of the novel was communicating, I think, was that the ordinary run of marital and family life provokes levels of anger — around unequal divisions of domestic labour, a dearth of affectionate or sexual attention or of emotional support or financial contribution — that we’re too fearful to acknowledge. Too often, this leads to a build-up of resentment that erupts in explosive rows and bitter stand-offs. What if, instead of assuming a normative state of harmony and mutual ease in marriage, we began from the premise that rage is built into the matrimonial set-up, and might even be necessary to it?

Anger is a feeling: an emotional state rather than a performed action. This distinguishes it from its more dangerous cousin, aggression, which involves the drive to do things in the real world and which can produce violence, conflict and fear.

The root of aggression is, perhaps surprisingly, a fear of dependency. When we resort to screaming rows or coiled, furious silence, we are discharging our anger in reflexive behaviours rather than really feeling and speaking it. In other words, we are tacitly choosing aggression over anger, action over feeling. This impulse is both inevitable and human. When we’re hurt by the person we love most, we’re put in contact not only with feelings of rage and disappointment but, more fundamentally, dependency and helplessness. It is easier to shout at or insult a partner than to acknowledge the fact, which in moments of vulnerability can feel so humiliating, that we need them.

Marriage is the willing entrance of two people into locked-in proximity. It places us in close range of another’s needs, desires and anxieties, all of which arouse and amplify our own. The question seems to be less “Why would marriage make us angry?” than “Why wouldn’t it?” How could intimacy with another person not provoke at least occasional feelings of desperation, isolation and rage?

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The story of a patient of mine (disguised to protect confidentiality) might help us to think about the ways anger can corrode a nine-year marriage, as well as how it might change it for the better. Few people I’ve seen in the consulting room have arrived more cut off from their own vulnerability than Stella. In our first meeting, she told me she’d come on account of her marriage becoming intolerable. Max was “irredeemably useless” as a husband, father and lover, for all his talent as a cardiologist. “He knows all about hearts,” she said archly, “with the mysterious exception of mine.”

Our sessions quickly became brutal yet forensically precise dissections of Max’s manifold incompetencies. He would dress their little girl with her skirt on back to front, drone on at dinner parties about advances in coronary medicine. He could go a week without asking Stella a single question about her life but come the weekend he would clunkily propose “You know . . . a bit of fun upstairs?”

I realise now that in those early weeks I was too ready to ride the wave of Stella’s biting wit, to enjoy these attacks as though they were performances rather than an expression of deep anger. Her unhappiness came home to me a few months into treatment when, pale and downcast, she announced that her husband had left her, telling her that she clearly had no use for him.

Too disorientated to speak, I responded with silence, provoking an avalanche of enraged and no doubt overdue reproach: “That was one big, expensive miss, no Prof? You are the psychoanalyst! Why didn’t you say something instead of just sitting there uselessly?”

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Then it came to me. Stella had been furious with me all along. The man she’d been talking about and eyerolling all those weeks, the man who knew neither how to listen nor how to communicate, who might have a good enough reputation but was no use to her wasn’t only her husband. It was also me.

This is a well-known phenomenon in psychotherapy known as transference, in which the relationship with the therapist replicates previous patterns of relating. To make sense of those patterns, Stella needed not just to describe them to me, but to play them out, to become as angry with and contemptuous of me as she was with her husband and so many other figures in her life.

Hundreds of hours of self-reflection spanning seven years followed. Stella came to see that her character had been formed, above all, by her relationship with her mother, who had given up fulfilling work as a GP to raise her and her sister. Having assumed she would take to child rearing with ease and pleasure, her mother was in some shock at the sheer boredom and nervous exhaustion motherhood induced in her. She had seemed to Stella forever on the verge of unravelling.

Stella’s brutally high-handed irony was rooted in a repudiation of her mother’s neediness and sensitivity. If she cast everyone around her as useless, she could never be made to feel dependent on anyone. She cultivated a rage that helped shore up her invulnerability and confirm that no one, not her husband nor her psychotherapist, could give her anything — love, interest, pleasure, care — she really needed.

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If she now wanted her husband back, and needed an analyst to understand herself, then who was she? In therapy, she began to enter regions of herself she’d long avoided, most of all the abandoned child with a yearning for a mother’s curiosity and attention, and a rage at the failure to provide it. Our work opened her eyes to how depriving her default mode of contempt had become, how much it had deepened the isolation she’d sought to protect against.

If Stella’s marriage was now long beyond repair, she herself wasn’t. A shift occurred in her relationship to herself and others. She no longer viewed Max with exasperation, finding in herself both sadness and compassion for the emotionally fragile man who had simply wanted to love and be loved by her.

She became different with me too. Instead of incinerating her humour, her anger gave it just enough heat. Being angry, she realised, could be a way of feeling rather than annihilating her feelings.

Perhaps here we can discern the contours of a different kind of relationship, one in which strong and difficult feelings might be used to strengthen intimacy rather than corrode it. Stella and Max had both entered the marriage imagining that it would fortify them where they were most vulnerable, that she might become less fearful of her own emotional needs and that he would become more robust, less squeamish of conflict and hostility.

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The opposite happened. And in here lies a lesser-recognised truth. Real intimacy not only renders the other person more familiar to us, but also brings into relief the depth of their difference from us. What neither Stella nor Max could do was recognise and embrace the latter. Stella was enraged that Max wasn’t tougher, Max was dismayed that Stella couldn’t be softer.

What they couldn’t do was give one another the space to feel differently. Intimacy is not just about the pleasure of easy harmony; it’s also about making space for difficult and unsettling feelings to be spoken and heard. This allows anger to be experienced as an essential dimension of love, rather than a hostile force wearing it away.

When my wife handed over the Ferrante book, she was choosing not to scream at me in rage. She was telling me, I think, that she wanted me to know something about her experience of motherhood and marriage that I hadn’t been aware of, even she hadn’t been fully aware of herself. Perhaps that’s why she communicated it through someone else’s words.

I’d like to think that if we stopped thinking of rage as an aberration, our most important relationships might ultimately become more peaceful. Can we learn to stop fearing the anger of those we love most and start expecting it?

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Josh Cohen is the author of “All the Rage: Why Anger Drives the World”, published by Granta on October 10

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Haven’s biggest holiday park has indoor swimming pool, new tube slides and beach bar

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Haven's Devon Cliff is the biggest of its holiday resorts in the UK

IF you’re struggling to choose between which Haven park to stay at, the biggest one is found in Devon right next to the beach.

Devon Cliffs is the largest of the Haven parks, with 38 others across the country.

Haven's Devon Cliff is the biggest of its holiday resorts in the UK

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Haven’s Devon Cliff is the biggest of its holiday resorts in the UKCredit: www.haven.com
Don't worry if there is bad weather as there is a huge indoor pool

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Don’t worry if there is bad weather as there is a huge indoor poolCredit: www.haven.com
There are loads of fun activities including 4x4 cars

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There are loads of fun activities including 4×4 carsCredit: www.haven.com

As the weather worsens, the main indoor attraction is the huge indoor water complex.

Along with a swimming pool, there are also slides and flumes and new this year is their tube slides, where guests sit on inflatable rings.

There is also an indoor soft play for younger kids to enjoy.

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If you don’t mind the outdoors, there is everything from NERF activity camps and 4×4 off roaders to outdoor pools, aerial adventures and nature trails.

Read more on holiday parks

On-site food choices include Burger King, Papa Johns and Millie’s Cookies as well as the new Chopstix which opened this year.

If you fancy going off-site, then it is a short drive away from both the towns of Exmouth and Sidmouth, as well as the beaches.

The holiday park has 1,641 caravans and lodges to choose from too.

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The cheapest caravan stays can be found for just £49 for four nights, working out to around £12 a night.

Or go fancier with their lodges starting from £369 for four nights, or their new gold standard caravans.

It’s easy to get to, with Exmouth Station just a few miles away.

I tried Man United star Harry Maguire’s holiday to Presthaven

It is also one of the highest rated holiday parks in the UK.

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The resort has more more than 4,000 reviews on TripAdvisor, rated four stars.

One person wrote: “One of the best UK holiday parks we have been to.”

Some people said they stayed as long as 10 days as there was so much to do, while others said they had even bought one of the caravans.

The indoor soft play is great for bad weather too

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The indoor soft play is great for bad weather tooCredit: www.haven.com
Also new this year are their gold standard caravans

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Also new this year are their gold standard caravansCredit: www.haven.com

One mum tried out the Haven park that recently welcomed footballer Harry Macguire.

She said: “Like most other Brits, I was surprised to hear that a well-paid footie star stayed at a Haven holiday park.

“But the caravan was definitely celeb-worthy. There was a huge marble kitchen with all the mod cons, as well as a matching bathroom and en-suite.

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“With hipster lighting, floor-to-ceiling windows and a 40-inch TV, it was nothing like the caravans of my childhood.”

What is it like to stay at a Haven park?

The Sun’s Dave Courtnadge recently visited a celeb-loved Haven park.

Haven’s Allhallows, set on the Kent Coast, is popular with celebs including Stacey Soloman.

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Like the former Loose Women star, we had booked a gold caravan with a view over the on-site lake and the Thames Estuary, with Southend on the distant horizon.

The roomy living area had two double sofas with wide doors that opened on to a veranda complete with table and chairs for al fresco dining.

Back indoors, the kitchen was fully kitted out with a large oven, dishwasher, microwave and even a washing machine.

The kids charged into their room to fight over who would have which bed, while we took in our master bedroom, which featured an en suite and a walk-in wardrobe.

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We used the revamped pool every day of our stay and it was lovely to watch the kids improve their swimming technique.

Then on top of all that there are arcades, fairground stalls, a climbing wall, fishing lake and a NERF Training Camp in an inflatable arena.

Here’s everything you need to know about Haven’s new “ultimate family break packages“.

And they have already launched 2025 holidays – here’s how to book.

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Stays are as little as £49 for four nights

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Stays are as little as £49 for four nightsCredit: www.haven.com

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Can liberals be trusted with liberalism?

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“A fight between two bald men over a comb”, was how Jorge Luis Borges described the Falklands war. What a line: somehow cruel and humane all at once. It has survived these four decades because it really is unimprovable in its Wildean economy.

What a shame it is nonsense. In that war, a junta was violently infringing the right of some islanders to self-determination. Or a faded empire was willing to kill over some faraway and ill-begotten territories. Or a little of both. At any rate, it mattered. Wider principles were involved. Defusing the whole subject with an epigram is a mark of high cultivation, but also of evasiveness. In the end — and this isn’t aimed at the late writer so much as at those who thoughtlessly quote him — where do you stand?

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It is a question liberals are skilled at dodging. We have just lived through another major example. There is now some data to support the anecdotal impression that woke-ism at its most censorious peaked a few years ago. I wish those of us in the liberal centre could take a bow. But who led the resistance when it was hardest? Single-issue feminists. Rightwing free speech zealots. Political casuals with a radar for humbug.

Not all liberals deserted. Malcolm Gladwell and others signed a Harper’s Magazine letter about creative freedom when that took some fibre. But don’t let’s pretend this was typical of the wider caste. Newspaper websites have search engines. Our successors will be able to look up what passed for the bien pensant “position” circa 2020. Which was? Woke is exaggerated by conservatives (which doesn’t say where one stands on the issue), a distraction from economic injustice (which doesn’t say where one stands on the issue) or the wrong way of winning people over (a piece of tactical counsel from Barack Obama that didn’t, quite, say where he stood on the issue). 

As with the old line about the Falklands, you could smell the desperation to avoid an argument. It is understandable. But it also ill-equips liberals for the protection of liberalism.

On tour at 83, Richard Dawkins is taking what he calls his “final bow”. Most of us can recite the main tenets of his Enlightenment outlook. Religious claims about the workings of the universe are either wrong or unfalsifiable. Science is not just truer but more majestic. The church acts all nicey-nicey now because it is weak. When it was strong, it sought to permeate everything, so don’t give it the slightest inch ever again. I tend to this view. Billions don’t. What is the liberal line? The one that dogs him as much as criticism from clerics? 

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It dwells on form, not substance. “Dawkins punches down.” But is he wrong? “His arrogance alienates more people than his eloquence converts.” But is he wrong? “He strays into cultural terrain nowadays.” Is he wrong, though? And then the ultimate midwit dinner party cliché, the verbal equivalent of having a Banksy print on your wall: “Atheism has become a religion in itself.” Fine, whatever. Is. Dawkins. Wrong? If so, what about? Where do you stand?

This almost physical horror of confrontation is captured in that weasel phrase, “read the room”. Rooms can be wrong. The eternal mistake is to conflate liberalism, a set of specific beliefs, involving trade-offs and hard choices, with what we might call liberality: an openness of spirit, a generalised niceness. You can only build a society on the first of these things.

I write all this as someone who wants milquetoast liberals in charge almost all the time. But in a crunch moment? When core freedoms are on the line? We’re too flaky. You need cranks and single-issue fanatics. You need people who take abstract ideas to their conclusion. In order to recognise and fight extremism, it helps, I think, to possess at least a trace element of it. (Dawkins would be awesome in a crisis.)

It has become fashionable to tease conservatives, such as the Tory member of parliament Kemi Badenoch, for pounding away at a woke movement that is now fading. Fair enough. But it isn’t fading because of what the sensible centre did. For the most part, their contribution was to stroll up to the pub brawl and tut just as it was petering out.

Where do we stand? At a safe distance.

Email Janan at janan.ganesh@ft.com

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Such a shame’ cry shoppers as Dobbies Garden Centre set to to close in just a matter of months – see the full list

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Such a shame’ cry shoppers as Dobbies Garden Centre set to to close in just a matter of months - see the full list

DOBBIES will shutter one of its sites in Bristol in just a matter of months, devasting shoppers.

Its Little Dobbies store in Clifton is one of the 17 sites the retailer has marked for closure as part of a restructuring plan.

Dobbies will close 17 stores as part of a restricting plan.

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Dobbies will close 17 stores as part of a restricting plan.Credit: Alamy

Dobbies will also work with landlords to seek temporary rent reductions at a further nine sites.

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The business began a financial overhaul back in August, which it warned would lead to shop closures.

Dobbies has many stores across the South West of England, but it has been confirmed that its location in Clifton, Bristol could now close.

The news has devasted shoppers, with one describing the move as “very sad”.

Another local said the decision to shutter the site was “such a shame”.

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While a third said: “A shame that any shops have to close, especially that gardening became more popular during and following lockdown.”

It comes as Bristol locals have had to wave goodbye to a number of retailers in recent years.

House of Fraser shut its site at the Cabot Circus shopping centre back in August, and The Guild department store closed in May.

The full list of Dobbies stores set to close are:

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  • Altrincham
  • Antrim
  • Gloucester
  • Gosforth
  • Harlestone Heath
  • Huntingdon
  • Inverness
  • King’s Lynn
  • Pennine
  • Reading
  • Stratford-upon-Avon
Homebase is set to close ten of its stores, which will soon be taken over by a major supermarket chain

Six Little Dobbies, which are smaller branches selling houseplants located locally rather than out of town, are set to close in these areas:

  • Cheltenham
  • Chiswick
  • Clifton
  • Richmond
  • Stockbridge
  • Westbourne Grove

If the restructuring plan is approved the 17 sites will close by the end of the year.

They will continue to operate as normal until the plan is approved.

The nine sites where its seeking rent reductions from landlords have not been named.

A spokesperson previously told The Sun: “Subject to the restructuring plan being successfully approved, we expect the affected sites to cease trading by the end of the year.

“Thereafter, Dobbies will operate 60 stores and continue to play a key role in the market, working constructively with stakeholders and suppliers, and having an active and committed role in the communities in which it’s based.”

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The garden centre chain, which was bought by investment firm Ares Management last year, fell to a £105.2 million pre-tax loss in the year to March 2023, against a £7 million loss a year earlier, according to its most-recently filed company accounts.

Restructuring plans are often launched by businesses when they find themselves in financial difficulty to help shore up extra costs.

It comes as many retailers are struggling to keep their heads above water.

High inflation coupled with a squeeze on consumers’ finances has meant people have less money to spend in the shops.

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Garden centres and home improvement businesses also boomed during the pandemic when customers were stuck at home.

But customers have been forced to cut back on spending since.

Back in August, Homebase announced that 10 of its stores would close and be transformed into Sainsbury’s supermarkets.

Homebase’s owner, Hilco Capital, is preparing to sell the company.

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The retailer has closed 106 stores since it was taken over by Hilco Capital in 2018.

Why are retailers closing shops?

EMPTY shops have become an eyesore on many British high streets and are often symbolic of a town centre’s decline.

The Sun’s business editor Ashley Armstrong explains why so many retailers are shutting their doors.

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In many cases, retailers are shutting stores because they are no longer the money-makers they once were because of the rise of online shopping.

Falling store sales and rising staff costs have made it even more expensive for shops to stay open. In some cases, retailers are shutting a store and reopening a new shop at the other end of a high street to reflect how a town has changed.

The problem is that when a big shop closes, footfall falls across the local high street, which puts more shops at risk of closing.

Retail parks are increasingly popular with shoppers, who want to be able to get easy, free parking at a time when local councils have hiked parking charges in towns.

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Many retailers including Next and Marks & Spencer have been shutting stores on the high street and taking bigger stores in better-performing retail parks instead.

Boss Stuart Machin recently said that when it relocated a tired store in Chesterfield to a new big store in a retail park half a mile away, its sales in the area rose by 103 per cent.

In some cases, stores have been shut when a retailer goes bust, as in the case of Wilko, Debenhams Topshop, Dorothy Perkins and Paperchase to name a few.

What’s increasingly common is when a chain goes bust a rival retailer or private equity firm snaps up the intellectual property rights so they can own the brand and sell it online.

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They may go on to open a handful of stores if there is customer demand, but there are rarely ever as many stores or in the same places.

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On the slopes of the world’s biggest indoor ski resort

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Although it is 30C outside, you can already feel the cold as you approach the L+Snow resort. In part this is psychological, because the early arrivals by the main entrance are fully dressed in ski gear. But in part it is real: the sheer force of the industrial-grade refrigeration system has generated a slight breeze.

Located about 90 minutes outside China’s biggest city, Shanghai’s L+Snow resort opened last month, anointed by the Guinness Book of Records as the largest indoor ski centre in the world. It edged out the previous biggest, in the northern Chinese province of Harbin, which is in turn closely followed by one in Guangdong, and another in Sichuan.

In Shanghai, the advent of 90,000 sq metres where temperatures are maintained at minus 3C to minus 5C has a commercial appeal even before skiing enters the equation. The city has just experienced one of its hottest summers on record, with temperatures hitting or surpassing 37 degrees for 12 consecutive days. Like the indoor Ski Dubai centre, which opened in 2005, L+Snow is an exercise in contrasts; the electricity alone costs about Rmb80,000-100,000 per day ($11,000-$14,000). A representative for the new centre said the total costs of the project were not public, though Chinese media reports suggest a budget of about Rmb7bn ($1bn).

An aerial view of a huge resort complex
The exterior of L+Snow, which opened last month; the adjoining building has a rooftop water park © AFP via Getty Images
A group of people snowboarding or skiing in a large indoor  ski facility
There are three main slopes, the longest of which is 460m © Hector Retamal/AFP via Getty Images

But across China, which hosted the Winter Olympics in Beijing in 2022, the aim is not merely to defy the seasons. President Xi Jinping has set a target of creating 300mn skiers by 2030 and spearheaded a wave of winter sports investment. Hundreds of new ski resorts have been established across the country, compared with fewer than a dozen in the 1990s. It is not only the indoor variety that have raised environmental concerns; the National Alpine Skiing Centre in Yanqing used in the Olympics was controversial for its use of artificial snow, though that complaint has been raised at multiple different games.

In China, the sport counts itself among a long list of consumer and leisure activities associated with a youthful urban middle class. Lu Yue, a 22-year-old student from Shanghai and one of the early arrivals queueing outside, says he has visited the centre several times, though it’s only been open a week. The sport has become “very popular” in the past three years, he adds. He is joined by a friend wearing a Balenciaga T-shirt and plans to spend the winter season in Xinjiang.

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“Our parents can’t ski,” Lu says, “but they’ll pay for us to come.”


Inside, it’s clear this is as much a winter fantasy as a sports facility. Before the slopes, there is a kind of town square, the houses more mock-Disney than mock-Tudor, an architectural style that crops up across mainland China and blurs together European influences in a way that is almost, but not quite, American. There’s a church with a cross on the top, several Narnia-style lamp posts, various mounted clocks and a small smattering of what initially seem to be Christmas trees but on closer inspection are revealed to simply be pine trees, decorated only by light dustings of snow. If it is never night in a casino, it is never summer here.

A woman takes a picture of two children beside someone in a snowman costume
Performers meet the public in the Disney-style ‘town square’ © Fang Zhe/Xinhua News Agency/eyevine
People in colourful costumes dance on a stage
A troupe of costumed dancers © Xinhua/Shutterstock

There are three main slopes, the hardest of which, designated a black, is 340m long. The other two, including a 460m-long blue slope, curve around a turreted, cod-medieval building, an as yet unopened hotel that will allow guests in 17 rooms to ski directly on to the slopes in what a representative claims as a first for any indoor ski centre. A train track winds up the side of the piste, though the train (pulled by a pretend steam engine that is actually electric) is not running on the day I visit.

Map of Shanghai showing L+Snow, the Shanghai Pudong International Airport and Fengxian District

Skiers can also climb to the top in a chairlift — the queues for which never last more than a minute during my time on the pistes — and, unusually for an indoor slope, a gondola, which shields its passengers from the machine-generated snowflakes that occasionally fall from the ceiling. Despite local media reports of a severed finger shortly after the resort opened, I see few, if any, crashes. There’s a clear focus on safety: helmets are compulsory, and when a failed training manoeuvre results in my pole being slightly bent, its fate is meticulously documented in a handwritten logbook before it can be replaced.

There’s also a surprising lack of snow-ploughing novices. “Quite a lot of them can ski,” says one of two largely inactive rescue staff stationed at the top of the chairlift. In contrast to the Disney aesthetic, the clientele instead embodies the kind of high-fashion chic that dominates Shanghai’s many shopping malls.

One group of 20, taking a photograph nearby, are part of a skiing club that has 1,000 members. “Before, everyone loved going to bars,” said Azhu, 34, who was inspired to start skiing after watching a video on Douyin, the Chinese version of TikTok, in 2022. Social activities in China are shifting towards sports and what he called “skills”. This winter, he expects to head to an outdoor resort but, in contrast to its status elsewhere, he doesn’t necessarily see skiing as an expensive sport.

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A ski slope winds around a hotel in a late-medieval style
The 17-room hotel, which sits between the slopes, and, to the right, the miniature train © Zhang Hengwei/China News Service/VCG via Getty Images
Skiers in chairlifts pass over rooftops
Unusually for an indoor ski slope, guests can choose between a chairlift . . .  © Reuters Connect
People queue to get onto a gondola
. . . or a gondola © Fang Zhe/Xinhua News Agency/eyevine

At L+Snow, a ski pass costs Rmb410 ($58) for the day. As well as Rossignol skis, boots and helmet, the price includes hire of a jacket and trousers, both of which are sufficiently warm but which only have one, unzipped, pocket between them. Gloves are not available, though they can be bought nearby from one of several stores.

The slopes seem far from full, perhaps to be expected on a weekday September morning shortly after the end of the summer holidays. At the town square, there is scarcely anyone to watch a troop of dancers, whose costumes, like the architecture, give a sense of the entire Disney catalogue being melted down into a single cauldron. At lunchtime, the restaurants on the fourth and fifth floors, which serve a reasonable half-chicken and potatoes as well as tea of a quality rarely associated with skiing, are close to empty.

Mihai Chidean, a Danish businessman who has dropped in on a work trip to China, says the resort is a “great idea” but at times lacks that “little touch”. He has briefly been stranded after his ski pass fell out of his zip-free jacket pocket, because, in an example of bureaucratic processes that can be difficult to decipher, he needed to hand it in to return his rented skiwear and leave.

A man and a woman in ski suits enter an indoor arena
Two snowboarders get ready for a run © Fang Zhe/Xinhua News Agency/eyevine
Two people pass a relief of a Viking ship on and ice wall
The chairlift passes what seems to be the bow of a Viking longboat © Zhang Hengwei/China News Service

He is, though, struck by the scale. “I hope there’s going to be many more people here,” he says. In China, “you see that everything is oversized, because one day there’s going to be a holiday, and then you’ll have a hundred-thousand people in front of the place,” he adds. “I think [it’s] one of those projects where there’s no budget.”

After just a few minutes standing in the light snowfall of the town square, the power of the refrigeration becomes apparent. Li Bingrui, who is in charge of the site, says that many “energy-saving measures” have been taken. The roof is covered in solar panels and the heat generated from the cooling system is redeployed into workers’ dormitories, he says.

A view of the slopes from a chairlift
Looking down on one of the pistes, the hotel and the train track © Fang Zhe/Xinhua News Agency/eyevine

In summer, its effects are not to be taken lightly. Some of the guests are wearing goggles, though this may be more for stylistic than practical reasons. The slopes are just about survivable without gloves, assuming there’s no direct contact with the snow. It takes me, an almost-intermediate skier, just over one minute to descend from top to bottom. An advanced skier able to turn more often might be able to drag slightly more seconds out of it.

The resort’s quietness, from its restaurants to its Frozen-esque town square, may simply be a function of its recent opening, even in spite of a blitz of domestic media. But it nonetheless reflects the wider mood of Lin Gang, the development zone in which it is based and the site of various other large-scale projects, including a huge artificial lake on which construction is not yet complete.

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As I leave, it proves impossible to actually exit the gates, though not in this case because of any unreturned clothing. Instead, I have simply stayed too long; the day pass only covers four hours. The overtime incurs an additional charge of Rmb160 ($23), even if the overall cost of creating the experience remains uncertain, and almost impossible to comprehend, like a winter’s day in the dead of summer.

Thomas Hale is the FT’s Shanghai correspondent. Additional reporting by Wang Xueqiao 

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In just one month about 150mn Americans will vote for Democratic vice-president Kamala Harris or Republican Donald Trump to be US president. Both say the election is the most important in the country’s history.

But the winner of the popular vote does not necessarily win the White House. The US’s unique Electoral College system means that slates of electors from the states decide the winner. But most states vote reliably Democratic or Republican. Only a few are prone to switching — the so-called swing states.

Waffle chart showing electoral college votes in the US. Kamala Harris Democrat: 191 solid dem; 35 lean dem. Donald Trump Republican: 125 solid rep; 94 lean rep. 93 tossup.

This year, there are seven swing states — and each features a razor-edge race inside 1.5 points, according to Financial Times poll tracking. Together they account for just 93 of the Electoral College’s 538 votes and 18 per cent of the population. But they are the target of all Trump’s and Harris’s campaign money and energy.

Within that subset of states is another important sliver of voters: the undecideds. An Ipsos poll released this week said that this group accounts for only 3 per cent of likely voters in the battleground states — a tiny number reflecting America’s deep polarisation. Winning a majority of these people who haven’t yet made up their minds could decide the election, giving them huge potential power.

Swing states presidential election poll trackers. Source:  FT research, FiveThirtyEight. Latest poll Sep 29-30. Biden vs Trump polls shown before Jul 21, Harris vs Trump polls shown after

Who are these undecided voters? Some are male union voters who once gravitated to left-wing Bernie Sanders but now lean to Trump; or suburban conservatives turned off by the Maga rhetoric. Others are Latinos wavering on Harris because of the US’s high cost of living, or young voters who were put off by President Joe Biden’s age but are now in play for Harris. Many are women — of all political stripes, but especially conservatives — motivated by restrictions imposed on abortion in recent years, a central campaign issue for Harris.

But the two campaigns are also trying to win another broader segment of the public: people disengaged from the political process. This century, turnout in US presidential elections among eligible voters has averaged between 54 per cent in 2000 and 67 per cent in 2020, leaving a big pool to draw from. Both sides are firing up their turnout machines in the swing states, though Trump’s campaign is winning a registration race in most battlegrounds.

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Map showing the number of electoral college votes in the "blue wall" tossup states in the US election

Pennsylvania

The most critical state in the so-called blue wall, a reference to the states that Democrats — the blue party — won in presidential elections from 1992 to 2012 and again in 2020. Trump cracked the wall in 2016. Each now has a popular Democratic governor.

Pennsylvania (19 electoral votes) stretches from Philadelphia near the eastern seaboard to the industrial city of Pittsburgh in the west. It is the most populous battleground, most frequently polled, and the biggest prize of the whole election.

Harris and Trump have visited Pennsylvania frequently and spent far more on ads there than anywhere else: $187mn and $146mn, respectively. Trump was injured in July in an assassination attempt near Butler, in the rural west.

Harris’s success will depend on turning out Democratic voters in the largest cities and making gains in wealthier suburbs while limiting her losses to Trump in rural, conservative areas. Republicans have been winning the voter-registration battle in recent weeks.

Both campaigns have courted blue-collar voters in a state where manufacturing and energy production are big employers. Harris and Trump sided with the steelworkers’ union in opposing the takeover of Pittsburgh-based US Steel by a Japanese company. Harris has disavowed her previous opposition to fracking, the drilling technique crucial to Pennsylvania’s huge shale gas industry. But Trump has pummelled her on the issue.

Michigan

Michigan (15 electoral votes), home to Detroit and the hub of the US car industry, went to Biden by less than 3 points in 2020. Democrats performed strongly there in the 2022 midterm elections, when governor Gretchen Whitmer was re-elected and voters overwhelmingly backed a measure to protect abortion rights.

But Michigan has also emerged as a hub of resistance to the Biden administration’s stance on Israel’s war in Gaza, where the huge Palestinian death toll has angered Michigan’s relatively numerous Arab-American voters and progressives in college towns such as Ann Arbor. Harris might need to make up for defections from her party.

Blue-collar workers are also a focus of both campaigns in Michigan. While Harris touts her support for a new electric vehicle industry and the federal support for manufacturing, Trump has attacked Democrats for jeopardising Michigan jobs to fight climate change. Affluent suburbs surrounding Detroit and Grand Rapids will be pivotal.

Wisconsin

Wisconsin (10 electoral votes) is an especially heated blue wall battleground with high political engagement and fierce ideological divisions: in 2020, it had highest voter turnout of any swing state.

The Republican party chose Milwaukee, the state’s largest city, for its convention to nominate Trump, and Harris flew into Milwaukee during the Democratic convention in Chicago to hold her own rally. The electorate in Wisconsin is disproportionately white compared with other battleground states, but a strong tradition of union organising could benefit Harris. She will also need to secure strong support in the capital, Madison, among state employees and University of Wisconsin students.

Maps showing a decades-long Democratic shift in the suburbs of Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Both campaigns will also focus on the traditionally Republican Milwaukee suburbs of Waukesha county, where Biden in 2020 improved on Hillary Clinton’s vote in 2016, and in crucial Demoratic-leaning cities near the border with Minnesota.

One factor in Wisconsin’s farmland areas will be attitudes to Trump’s planned tariffs. The state’s farmers were hit hard by Republican trade policies during his term in the White House.

Map showing the number of electoral college votes in the southern tossup states in the US election

Georgia

Biden was the first Democrat to win Georgia (16 electoral votes) since Bill Clinton in 1992. His party followed up by winning two pivotal Senate races in 2021, giving Democrats control of the chamber.

Democrats have gained from growing support in Atlanta’s once-Republican suburbs and strong get-out-the-vote operations in the city itself, as well as Savannah and Augusta. Democratic US Senator Raphael Warnock, the pastor at the Atlanta church where civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr used to preach, has become a pivotal motivator for the Democratic base.

Maps showing that in Atlanta, majority-black areas swung slightly towards Trump, but a combination of increased turnout and their enduring strong pro-Democrat lean meant they still added more new votes for the Democrats than the Republicans

But the rest of Georgia remains overwhelmingly conservative. Trump has also made inroads with Georgia’s Black population, especially on the economy. He has a tense relationship with Republican governor Brian Kemp, who refused to help him overturn the 2020 election result, although Kemp has now endorsed Trump.

North Carolina

Barack Obama won the presidential vote in North Carolina (16 electoral votes) in 2008, but no Democrat has since.

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Polls show that Harris is running as strongly in North Carolina as in Georgia, propelled by her strength in the so-called Research Triangle university cities of Raleigh, Durham and Chapel Hill as well Charlotte and Greensboro, the other big metropolitan areas.

The Republican campaign has been rocked by a scandal involving Mark Robinson, who Trump has praised and endorsed in the run to be North Carolina’s governor. On a pornographic message board Robinson referred to himself as a “black NAZI!” and supported reinstating slavery, along with many other graphic comments, according to a CNN report.

Map showing cumulative rainfall along the path of Hurricane Helene between September 26 to 28

Beyond that, a big wild card in the battle for North Carolina is whether the devastation in the western part of the state due to Hurricane Helene will affect voting patterns or turnout.

Map showing the number of electoral college votes in the south-western tossup states in the US election

Arizona

If either Harris or Trump sweep the “blue wall” and the south-eastern battlegrounds, the election will be over by the time the focus turns west. But if the result is split east of the Mississippi River, two states with fast-growing populations and a big share of Hispanic voters could settle the race.

Biden brought once reliably conservative Arizona (11 electoral votes) into the Democratic fold in 2020.

But as the only battleground state bordering Mexico, Arizona is on the frontline of a fight over immigration — among the election’s biggest issues. Trump has consistently attacked Harris for presiding over a surge of immigration, and promised mass deportations of undocumented people if he wins.

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Maps showing that in Arizona, majority-Latino areas swung slightly towards Trump, but a combination of a sharp rise in turnout and their pre-existing pro-Democrat lean meant they still added more new votes for the Democrats than the Republicans

Harris, who visited a border town in Arizona late last month, has criticised Trump for blocking a bipartisan compromise in Congress this year that would have toughened immigration policy, just so he could campaign on the issue.

Democrats have succeeded in recent years in capturing votes from mainstream Republicans disenchanted with Trump. But Republicans have been gaining ground among Latinos. The fate of Maricopa county, which includes Phoenix and its suburbs, is likely to be crucial to the state’s result.

Democrats also hope that a measure on the ballot in November to include the right to an abortion in the state constitution will drive turnout for Harris. Currently, state law allows abortions up to 15 weeks of pregnancy.

Nevada

Nevada (six electoral votes), home to gambling meccas Las Vegas and Reno, has voted for Democrats in every presidential election since 2004.

But it is vulnerable for Harris, partly because of the gains Trump is making among Hispanic voters, and because the state’s economy has been particularly tough on middle- and lower-income households.

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Inflation in the region has outpaced the nationwide rate in recent years, while the unemployment rate of 5.4 per cent is the highest of any US state, undermining Harris’s economic pitch.

Democrats’ successes in Nevada stem from a successful turnout operation around Las Vegas mobilised by the Culinary Workers Union. If it works again, it could help Harris offset some other weaknesses in Nevada. But with just a month left before election day, the result in Nevada — and the presidential race itself — is as uncertain as a Caesars Palace crapshoot.

Additional data visualisation by Jana Tauschinski

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