Politics
Hollie Ridley, Labour’s youngest and most successful general secretary, will be missed
During the very difficult years of the Corbyn era, Hollie Ridley still managed to pull off impossibly difficult by-election wins as in Peterborough, for which she was publicly thanked by the leader on Sky News. That’s how good a campaigner she is.
It all feels like a long time ago. Fast forward to September 2026 and I joined a very large number of Labour Party folk from all wings of the Party, including former prime minister Sir Keir Starmer, to mark the imminent end of Hollie Ridley’s tenure as general secretary of the Labour Party. You have to conclude that she is almost certainly the most consequential general secretary Labour has had in a generation. The case is built on one simple fact. She built and ran the ground campaign that took Labour from 202 seats in 2019 to 411 in 2024.
Winning is the most important thing a political party does. A party that loses cannot deliver any of its plans. Labour had lost four general elections in a row and had been out of power for 14 years. The 2019 result was its worst in seats since 1935. Five years later it formed a government with one of the largest majorities in its history.
Of course, that victory belongs to many, many people – but Hollie’s role in delivering the party’s ground campaign made everything else that followed possible.
The vote share shows what her ground campaign achieved. Labour’s share of the vote rose from 32.1 per cent in 2019 to 33.7 per cent in 2024, an increase of 1.6 points. Its seat count more than doubled. The party put its money, staff and volunteers into the seats it needed to win. It kept them out of seats it could not win and seats it could not lose. Hollie Ridley, at that time executive director for nations and regions, designed and ran that operation. The part that turned votes into seats was her responsibility – and it was a resounding success.
A small number of general secretaries have changed what the party could do. Morgan Phillips built a professional staff in the 1940s and oversaw the 1945 victory. Larry Whitty rebuilt the organisation for Neil Kinnock after the defeat of 1983. Tom Sawyer ran the party through the rewriting of Clause IV in 1995 and the 1997 victory. The much missed Margaret McDonagh, the first woman in the post, ran the organisation behind the 1997 campaign and then the 2001 victory as general secretary. David Evans repaired the party’s finances and its disciplinary processes after 2019 and made it fit to fight an election.
The closest comparison is McDonagh. Both ran the organisation behind a winning campaign and then took the top job with Labour in government. The difference is the starting point. In 1997 Labour started from 271 seats. In 2024 it started from 202. The gain of 209 seats was the largest Labour has made at a single election since 1945. That is why I put Hollie at the top of the list.
As general secretary she ran the party through two years in government, two difficult sets of May elections and a change of leader. When Keir Starmer announced in June that he would resign, she did not wait for the new leader to replace her. In July she told staff she would leave after conference so that the NEC could choose a general secretary to work with the new leader. She told the prospective leadership candidates the same and offered her support to whoever won. Few people in her position handle a change at the top with such professionalism and dedication to the party – but that sums up how Ridley operates.
She did all of this – in my personal experience – with kindness. In my dealings with her as a Labour candidate she was kind and compassionate and politically savvy. Anna Turley, the party chair, said in July that party staff hold her in the highest regard. Keir Starmer called her “one of the most formidable campaigners the Labour Party has ever produced”. Both are right.
She grew up in Dagenham, the daughter of a family support worker and a lorry driver. She joined the party as a trainee organiser in 2011, in a post part-funded by the GMB and a private donor. She has said the party took a chance on her. She then made a point of creating the same chances for others, in particular working-class women. She delivered the first two rounds of the party’s Jo Cox Women in Leadership programme, which trains Labour women for senior roles.
The NEC will choose her successor this autumn. It seems that Joe Fortune (lovely bloke) and Claire Reynolds (formidable and brilliant) are the leading contenders. Whoever is chosen will take over an organisation that won a general election two years ago and has the people and systems to do it again. Hollie Ridley built that organisation and those of us associated with the party should be eternally grateful.
As she said at her leaving do, Labour rarely gets majorities like this, and there is still plenty of time left for the new PM, and talented and resilient politicians like Lucy Powell, Jonathan Reynolds and John Healey, to ensure that majority is not wasted. And as for Hollie Ridley, she deserves the very best of luck in whatever she does next.
Politics
Presley Gerber, Cindy Crawford And Rande Gerber’s Son, Dies Aged 27
Supermodel Cindy Crawford and her husband, entrepreneur Rande Gerber, have confirmed that their eldest child, Presley Gerber, has died at the age of 27.
CBS News reported that the couple’s son died at a rehab facility on Sunday. According to Deadline, an investigation into Presley’s cause of death is ongoing.
In a statement first issued to CBS News by his family’s publicist, they said : “The family is asking for privacy during this very difficult and painful time.”
Like his famous mum, Presley was best known for his work in the modelling industry, making his runway debut in a Moschino show at the age of just 16.
He went on to sign with IMG models, working with labels including Burberry and Dolce & Gabbana, as well as appearing in a 2018 Pepsi advert with his mother, recreating her own campaign for the brand released more than 25 years earlier.

Throughout his time in the public eye, Presley spoke candidly about his struggles with his mental health and addiction.
“Having struggled with mental health, depression and some other things that come along with that, I think that whether I help one person or a hundred people get out of that place that I was in at one point in my life, that’s all I need to do,” he told the podcast Studio 22 back in 2023.
He continued: “It is an issue. It is such a big part of my life. It’s a 24/7 job, and there’s so much to it.
“That’s really what I want to do: help people, whether you’re depressed, you’re struggling with something that is having a negative effect on your body. I mean it could be anything, and there’s no judgment.”
Presley added at the time: “I’ve seen a lot of stuff and I’ve learned a lot of things. What I hope I can do is have made the mistakes for some other people, so they don’t have to make the same mistakes that I made.”
Meanwhile, just last month, his sister Kaia Gerber addressed Presley’s issues with substance abuse in an interview with Vogue, claiming that “when something like that happens in a family, it kind of levels everyone”.
Politics
Why Zack Polanski has gambled on Holborn and St Pancras
Keir Starmer’s resignation as an MP, delivered mere hours before his successor first appeared at the despatch box as prime minister, sets up the sixth by-election of 2026 and the seventh of this parliament.
The coming contest in Holborn and St Pancras follows a series of by-elections of varying significance, including Nigel Farage’s recent brush with self-styled “intergalactic space warrior” and satirical candidate Count Binface. The stakes were undoubtedly higher in Makerfield, which returned Andy Burnham to parliament after years in the relative wilderness. Burnham’s Makerfield victory set in train the sequence of events that led to Starmer’s twin resignations – first as prime minister, then as an MP – and therefore this latest by-election.
Future chroniclers of Starmer’s downfall will also consider the February 2026 contest in Gorton and Denton. Here, the decision by the Labour National Executive Committee (NEC) to block Burnham’s candidacy provided a crucial boost to the Green campaign. Hannah Spencer was elected as the MP for Gorton and Denton, becoming her party’s first parliamentarian to represent a constituency in the north of England. The Green rout in Gorton and Denton set the scene for the May 2026 elections and the Labour leadership crisis that followed.
Taken together, recent by-election results – from Runcorn and Helsby in May 2025 (Reform gain) to Makerfield and Clacton – form a pretty complete narrative of the development of British politics. At the same time, the signals sent by these contests have proved strikingly consistent. Voters used each by-election as a means of registering dissatisfaction with the status quo.
The lessons of these contests remain after Starmer’s resignation, but the landscape has changed. Burnham’s succession has translated into polling gains for Labour; Politico’s poll-of-polls metric has Labour tied with Reform UK, while a series of recent surveys have placed the party in the lead.
This “Burnham bounce” is now set for its first real test in Holborn and St Pancras – provided by Zack Polanski.
Starmer’s resignation immediately prompted speculation that Polanski could stand to succeed him. The Green leader chose not to contest Gorton and Denton, instead signalling an interest in standing in a future London seat should one become available. Starmer’s resignation created that opening, and so Polanski has confirmed his intentions. Speaking to the Camden New Journal, Polanski said he was “excited by the prospect of representing this place in parliament.” Only local members stand between the Green leader and his party’s candidacy in Holborn and St Pancras.
Polanski’s declaration changes the shape of the race.
Firstly, his candidacy will ensure a more competitive contest. In Makerfield, we saw how Burnham’s status and strategy transformed the campaign, dispelling initial concerns that the constituency was prime Reform territory.
Labour’s victory in Holborn and St Pancras in 2024 was comfortable but complicated. Andrew Feinstein, the activist and former member of the South African National Assembly, ran in the then-Labour leader’s constituency on a pro-Palestine, anti-austerity platform, placing second with 7,312 votes (18.9%). The Green Party candidate, David Stansell, came third on 4,030 votes (10.4%). Overall, Starmer dropped 17 points on his 2019 result. These totals point to the existence of a meaningful base of support in the constituency to the left of Labour, which could be energised by a high-stakes campaign fronted by Polanski.
Holborn and St Pancras will be the third by-election in a row contested by a leader of a national party or a de facto leadership candidate. Polanski’s status – leader of the Greens since September 2025 – will ensure stronger cut-through and motivate his supporters. His challenge is to construct a progressive coalition in the constituency, consolidating the left-of-Labour vote.
Polanski’s prominence also strengthens the Green pitch. His central message will be that, while voters may like Burnham or at least prefer him to Starmer, his election would maintain pressure on the government to pursue a progressive agenda. According to this framing, the choice in Holborn and St Pancras is not simply Green versus Labour, or even Polanski versus Burnham – but between placing a prominent progressive voice in parliament or increasing Labour’s substantial majority by one.
Labour will plan to continue the momentum of the Makerfield insurgency. The campaign could point to Burnham’s progressive pedigree and even the criticisms he made of Starmer during his long leadership campaign. Labour will want to secure an endorsement for Burnham’s approach to government, treating the campaign as a de facto vote of confidence.
The Holborn and St Pancras by-election will ultimately be shaped by the tension between Labour’s strengthened national position under Burnham and Polanski’s capacity to consolidate and mobilise the constituency’s progressive base.
Above all, Polanski’s challenge means that the outcome will be of immense national significance, whichever party prevails.
For the Green leader, the contest offers a chance to arrest his party’s recent decline and atone for his own missteps. For the prime minister – whose path to power was shaped by the rise of a credible challenger on Starmer’s left – it presents an opportunity to seize on recent polling gains and inflict a significant setback on the Greens, triggering deeper disillusionment within their ranks.
Victory for Labour would also represent a second by-election triumph for Burnham since June: one in a Reform-facing constituency and the other in Green target territory.
A significant loss for Polanski would surely weaken his hold on the Green Party and risk exposing internal tensions. It would undoubtedly reinforce the prevailing narrative that his standing has waned in recent months, and further complicate claims that the Greens are a genuine rival to Labour’s historic dominance of progressive politics.
But the greatest risk for Polanski would have been not standing at all. That decision would have been treated as unequivocal evidence of both his and his party’s relative decline in recent months.
In Holborn and St Pancras, Polanski has placed himself at the centre of British politics again. He stands ready to reap the rewards or suffer the consequences.
Politics
Chi Onwurah MP: ‘My bill will ban tech companies from turning you into an algorithm’
In today’s tech driven world, it is almost impossible to be offline. According to Ofcom, the average UK adult now spends around a quarter of their waking life on the internet and last year one third of all retail sales were online. But this time spent online has allowed tech companies to undertake a stealth-twinning of individuals meaning you can be exploited, groomed, targeted and mis-sold – by a digital version of yourself.
Tech platforms including X, Facebook and Amazon have a model of you, based on hundreds or thousands or millions of data points they hold on you: what you purchase, content you engage with, streaming preferences. These inputs are collated to create “digital twins” which are then used to predict your behaviour, to target advertising and, in some cases, to groom extreme behaviours in ways outside of your control.
The ability to model human likeness and personalities represents a fundamental shift in power from us as individuals to large American and Chinese tech companies. If the state had been holding huge files on everything we had done online, we would rightly be outraged and the fact that this is being done by a small number of big, foreign companies, only makes it more outrageous. Andy Burnham.
Some may be asking what the need to tackle this now – I know Meta has collected data on me since I joined Facebook in 2005. But back then the content they fed you was based on your expressed preferences, friends you had chosen or people you followed. That is not the case now.
As part of my committee’s inquiry into social media and algorithms, we heard from witnesses how content data is being curated, not just stored. Through this curation, posts are being fed back to you to drive your engagement, generally to drive revenue but in some cases, to groom particularly vulnerable people to extract certain behaviours.
The impact on children is of particular concern, given their potential exposure to this technology literally from the cradle – an AI camera pointed at them in a cot, a ‘smart toy’ on their pillow, smart phones in their hands. Imagine someone was following your child with a clipboard and made a note of everything they did. That is how these digital twins are being created – what they ate for dinner, how they sat, what they watched on TV or books they read before bed.
My committee also heard awful examples of the potential for algorithmic grooming. A fourteen-year-old girl was engaging with content online about weight and weight issues; the algorithm drove weight-loss and ultimately self-harm content at that child.
With AI we are now at an inflection point in automated personality capture and must establish the principle that you have a right to your personality and likeness in the AI age.
That is why I will be introducing a bill that would make creating a digital twin to simulate human appearance and cognitive performance illegal without the express consent of the individual. This builds on legislation in the United States, Europe and China to protect personhood and reflects concerns over copyright and deepfakes.
No one has the right to impersonate you for gain; impersonating human likeness to reap revenues or achieve social and political goals should not be legal. This bill will establish the principle that there is only one me, for everyone.
Politics
Middlesbrough’s summer of anarchy – spiked
Middlesbrough has just been through the most horrendous three weeks in living memory. On 22 August, seven people were killed – including two police officers – in a high-speed police chase on the A66. Days later, a woman and her niece were killed in what police believe was a deliberate arson attack on a home. Amid these tragedies, we have witnessed an outbreak of violence, including weapons attacks and car rammings.
At the end of August, police announced that the situation in Middlesbrough was an ‘emergency’. This led to 200 extra police being drafted in from across the country, to kick in doors and make mass arrests for things related to organised crime and the drugs trade.
But was it really an emergency? To me, an emergency is something that is both sudden and requires urgent attention. The horrors in Middlesbrough did indeed need urgent attention – but none of this came about suddenly. Spiralling addiction and the violence of the drugs trade have existed, and been tolerated, for years.
I am adamant that more police overtime and more determination could have put a stop to this. Then, the crisis exploded, and suddenly there were far more officers, far more visible action and far more determination. That leaves a pretty obvious question: if this level of enforcement was possible in a crisis, why was more of it not happening before?
For years, we have heard that police resources are stretched. I heard it myself repeatedly when I was Middlesbrough’s mayor between 2019 and 2023. But if Cleveland Police really were desperately short of money, then it might have been sensible to cull some of this tiny force’s annual £250,000 equality, diversity and inclusion spending. That would pay for a lot of officers’ overtime.
For a criminal-justice system to deter crime, there has to be a good chance of being caught – quickly. Most important of all is the speed. The risk of punishment years down the line does not deter the kind of crime impacting Middlesbrough. In Middlesbrough, underclass criminals live week to week. Their addict customers, who also commit a lot of crime, live hour to hour. The risk of possible arrest later and going to court in three years does not deter their behaviour. Only immediate consequences can do that.
What has gone wrong in Middlesbrough, and is increasingly going wrong elsewhere, is that the worst offenders know British justice plays out over the long term, if at all. It’s slow and bumbling.
The political reaction mirrors the sclerotic police response. Once the crisis was impossible to ignore, there were passionate statements, expressions of concern and demands for more money. But it all came too late.
Perhaps the most depressing event of a bleak three weeks was when schools closed or shut early for the funeral of one of the young men who died in the A66 crash, amid fear of further unrest. GP surgeries were affected. Even food banks were closed.
Normal life retreated because everybody was worried about what might happen around the funerals of people associated with a violent criminal world. It looked like the criminals were in charge. In a sane world, the authorities would not be reorganising normal life around the possibility of criminal disorder. The criminals would be reorganising their lives around fear of the authorities.
And don’t listen to the ideological reflex of those who insist ‘poverty’ is the explanation for all this disorder. Of course Middlesbrough has a serious deprivation problem. But the vast majority of deprived people do not commit crimes.
Decent working-class people are preyed upon by the criminal underclass and forced to live beside them. Once dangerous criminals are in prison and cannot cause more mayhem, I’m all for empathy, rehabilitation and nurturing them to help them build a better life. But it has to be done that way round.
Middlesbrough is not doomed. Like everywhere in Britain, it has opportunities and challenges ahead of it. But capitalising on those opportunities just got even harder because of the terrible PR that has rattled around the country and beyond.
Unless something significant changes, normal people will continue to see that the law is not on their side. And the criminals will know that they still have little to fear.
Politics
The Tourist Tax is Beyond Stupid
Even though I’ve been in and around politics for more than 40 years now, the stupidity and ideological idiocy of some politicians still never ceases to amaze me.
Across the political spectrum, everyone agrees that the hospitality sector is on its knees, with huge numbers of restaurants, hotels, pubs and B&Bs closing down due mainly to increased costs, but with ever increasing regulation playing its stultifying role too.
The only thing government and local authorities can do to help is to ease regulatory burdens and costs, and reduce taxes.
Labour, of course, plans to do the exact opposite. After hitting these businesses with NI rises and various other burdens, they now plan to go one better and give local mayors and councils powers to levy a tourist tax, arguing that the money raised will be reinvested in local economies. Of course it won’t. It won’t be hypothecated, so will just be used to plug gaps elsewhere in local budgets. Local businesses, who already pay sky high business rates, will be fleeced to mask the incompetence of local politicians.
Never having started or run a business – true in 99 per cent of cases – Labour’s national politicians are blind to the effect this will have. I’ve seen people argue that a £5 or £10 per night levy won’t make any difference to the number of people booking a hotel. The elitism and lack of awareness involved in this argument is spectacular. People from the north of England on an average to middling wage already struggle with the cost of a weekend in London, where they’re likely to be paying in excess of £200 per night for a hotel. Think of a family of four going on holiday for a week in Bournemouth. At a stroke, their family has just got £35 more expensive. That won’t sound much if you’re on £50k a year, but if you’re on a lower than average wage, that may mean the difference between going on a week’s holiday and not doing so. Or it means you still go but you don’t spend as much on the local economy. Whichever way you look at it, the local economy will lose out.
The very name Tourist Tax makes people think that only foreign tourists will pay it. But it will affect all overnight stays. Seventy per cent of overnight stays in the UK are by UK citizens. Many of them are by businesspeople, travelling salespeople and the like. Their expenses claim just got more expensive, thereby increasing their employer’s overheads and reducing their profitability.
Ah, they say, but many European countries and cities charge an overnight stay tax. This is true, but most European countries charge a much lower VAT rate for hotel stays than the norm. In Belgium it is 6% compared to 21%. France is 10% VAT compared to the normal rate of 20%. In Germany the figures ate 9% and 19%. Out of the 27 EU countries, 25 charge a reduced rate. Only Denmark and the Netherlands are similar to Britain and charge the same.
Labour mayors say they will not charge more than 5%, but apparently under the suggested rules, councils in theory can charge what they like. This is a recipe for chaos.
And then in the same week, it is being suggested that the proposed Mansion Tax should be expanded to apply to properties worth £1.5 million or more. Wicked. It’s the modern-day equivalent of the window tax, which was introduced in 1696 and then abolished in 1851. It gave rise to the phrase ‘daylight robbery’. The Mansion Tax is a tax on aspiration and home improvement, all in the name of ‘taxing the rich’. If you live in the South East, you’re not considered rich if your house if worth £1.5 million. It’s perfectly normal. If you’re a Labour MP in a marginal seat in London or the surrounding counties, the introduction of this tax will lose you your seat. It’s unfair, unjustified and tantamount to lunacy.
Has it ever occurred to these people that the solution is not to put up taxes, it is to cut spending, which is getting out of control.
It was revealed today that the DWP will be almost doubling PIP payments to disabled people from £19 billion this year to £45 billion in 2030. This is totally unsustainable, but no politician can ever argue that payments to disabled people should be cut. By 2030 the number of people being awarded PIP will be 5 million – a 25 per cent increased in four years! Mad. Anyway, this is a subject for another day.
Politics
Johannes Radebe Gets Candid About Strictly Come Dancing FOMO
Strictly Come Dancing fave Johannes Radebe has opened up about transitioning from being one of the show’s resident professionals to its new host.
Later this week, Johannes will take over as one of Strictly’s three new presenters, alongside TV personality Emma Willis and comedian Josh Widdicombe.
Ahead of the new season, all three of them took part in a Q&A with members of the press, including HuffPost UK, where the South African performer was asked if it was a difficult decision to step away from being a pro in favour of hosting.
He revealed that he did feel a twinge of envy when the new crop of pros’ training got underway, admitting: “Darling, it hit me three weeks ago when the professionals went into the rehearsals for the season.
“And I’m experiencing FOMO as I’m speaking to you, yes – especially now that the celebs have all been announced, I’m like, ‘oh my goodness’.”

He then admitted that, in particular, he would have “loved to dance” with EastEnders star Lacey Turner, who is part of the cast of Strictly 2026.
“She has said she’s wanted to do the show for a long time, and it just so happens that when I’m not doing it, she is,” he lamented, before joking: “I’ll be able to rest my bunions and my back, but I’ll definitely miss that part of the show.”
“I’m honestly excited, as you can imagine,” he added. “It doesn’t feel like I’m going anywhere, I’m still part of the family.”

BBC/Ray Burmiston/Artwork – BBC Creative
This year’s Strictly has seen several members of the show’s resident dance troupe bidding farewell. As well as Johannes taking over as co-host, Karen Hauer (who had been the show’s longest-serving pro), Gorka Márquez, Nadiya Bychkova, Luba Mushtuk and Michelle Tsiakkas all parted ways with Strictly in the lead-up to this year’s season.
A number of new faces are being welcomed into the ballroom, including Ukrainian Latin champion Aleksandra Isaeva, four-time Italian Latin champion Cristian Priori, South African youth Latin champion Lethabo Monametsi, two-time Canadian Latin champion Mark Karmalita and British national ballroom dancing champion and eight-time world dance champion Maddie Ingoldsby.
Strictly Come Dancing returns to our screens on Saturday 19 September.
Politics
Critics Mock Trump After He Revives His 2 Weirdest Grievances
President Donald Trump revived two of his strangest grievances on Thursday ― electric power and sharks ― as he recounted a conversation with the owner of a boat company.
“I said, ‘Let me ask you a question: If you get a little leak and the water starts coming in your boat and you’re in electric, do you get electrocuted or not?’” Trump said. “He said, ‘You know, nobody’s ever asked me that question.’”
That led Trump to pose a how’d-you-rather situation.
“So, if I’m in an electric boat and I see I’m going down and the water’s pouring in, so I know I’m gonna be electrocuted, but five yards away there are sharks, do I take the electrocution or do I go swimming with the sharks?” Trump asked. “And you know what my answer was? I’ll take the electrocution. OK? I’ll take the electro.”
As Trump noted, he enjoyed “driving the press crazy” by frequently telling versions of the same story in 2023 and 2024, when he was running for president.
It also seems he still hasn’t learned much about boats, given that the risk of electrocution isn’t limited to electric-powered vessels. Many gas-powered watercraft have batteries for onboard appliances, which can lead to injuries and even death from electric shock drowning. As the Boat Owners Association of the United States noted, electrocution is commonly caused by “faulty wiring and equipment on boats or docks.”
If nothing else, Trump’s tale fits two common themes of his: He hates nearly everything involving renewable energy ― from electric cars to wind turbines ― and really, really, really does not like sharks.
In 2011, then-porn star Stormy Daniels told In Touch Weekly that he was “obsessed” with the sea creatures, and not in a good way.
“Terrified of sharks,” she said. “He was like, ‘I donate to all these charities and I would never donate to any charity that helps sharks. I hope all the sharks die.’”

Greg Skomal/Massachusetts Division of Marine Fisheries via AP
Daniels claimed to have had an affair with Trump, which the former president has denied. But he did inadvertently back her claim about sharks.
“I’m not a big fan of sharks,” he admitted in 2020. “I have people calling me up, ‘Sir, we have a fund to save the shark, it’s called Save The Shark.’ I say, ‘No, thank you, I have other things I can contribute to.’”
Trump even got in a dig at sharks on Thursday as he described speed restrictions for boats that he plans to reverse via executive action.
“They didn’t want to hurt something in the water,” he said. “They didn’t want to hurt sharks. It’s unbelievable.”
Critics also found Trump’s comments unbelievable:
Politics
Here’s What ‘Influenza’ Originally Meant
Most style guides recommend against putting an apostrophe in front of “flu”, even though it’s a shortened word. Now, the University of Oxford’s guide says, the contraction is accepted “in its own right”.
After all, the word has been clipped from its original form (influenza) since the mid-1900s, decades after its origin. It’s gone by “the flu” since at least 1839 (spelled “the Flue” at first), a century or so after it entered the English lexicon, says Merriam-Webster.
But its first definition had less to do with sniffles and tissues than you might think.
According to an etymology of the word published in Emerging Infectious Diseases, “influenza” originally had to do with the stars.
What did “influenza” originally mean?
It comes from the Latin influentia, meaning “to flow into” or to influence.
“In medieval times, [an] intangible fluid given off by stars was believed to affect humans,” the journal entry reads.
“The Italian influenza referred to any disease outbreak thought to be influenced by stars.”
That meant that various diseases originally went by the name – it didn’t just refer to the chills-and-sore-muscles situation we call the flu nowadays.
In fact, the English word probably came from the phrase “influenza di catarro” (influenza of catarrh), which Italians used to describe a Europe-wide spread of the condition in 1743. (As it happens, accounts of what seems to be the flu were first clearly recorded in Italy and France in 1173).
Epidemics were often referred to as influenza in Medieval Italy, because it was thought that they were “influenced” by the stars.
Catarrh is the build-up of mucus and phlegm in the sinus, nose, and throat, so perhaps it’s no wonder it came to mean what we now call flu for English speakers.
In Italy, meanwhile, the word now refers to both influence and the flu.
Politics
My Transgender Life: What It’s Like To Be Trans Masc
I was not born into a body so much as positioned within one.
I was assigned female at birth. Assigned. The word has always fascinated me. Assigned as if gender were a slot on a bureaucratic spreadsheet, an administrative designation attached to skin before a child has spoken a single word about who they are. Assigned as if identity were a fixed destination rather than a lifelong process of becoming.
When I was five years old, I ran into the house and announced, “I want to be a boy.” Back then, my family called me Blue.
Blue rode a Huffy BMX bike through the neighborhood, chased birds across vacant lots, played football shirtless with the boys, and smeared toothpaste across my face while pretending to shave like my father.
I watched men move through the world and felt an undeniable pull toward them. It wasn’t because I wanted to imitate them. It was because I believed I was one of them.
Looking back, I realise the problem was not what I said. The problem was that I said it decades before most Americans had the language to hear it.

That was the early 1970s. Gender identity was not part of public conversation, school curriculum, pediatric care, or family life. No teacher ever discussed it. No counsellor pulled me aside. No book in the school library reflected anything remotely close to my experience. There were no role models and no roadmap.
My father fought my masculinity whenever he could. Dresses appeared. Expectations appeared. Rules appeared. Every attempt to force me into girlhood pushed me further away from myself. I remember being wrestled into dresses for family gatherings only to throw myself into the yard and roll through dog excrement rather than wear them. It sounds absurd now. It was not absurd then. It was resistance before I had language for resistance.
I searched elsewhere for recognition. Music became one refuge. David Bowie, Boy George, Tracy Chapman, and Annie Lennox challenged assumptions about gender long before I had words for my own experience. Films offered glimpses of lives that seemed to exist just beyond the boundaries of what I had been told was possible.
Sports became my camouflage. Football, swimming, and running helped me mask the breasts, waist, and broad hips that intensified my dysphoria and reminded me daily of a body I never experienced as my own. Athletics kept my body lean and offered relief from a struggle I could not yet name; movement allowed me to outrun the confusion waiting for me everywhere else.
As I moved through college and into adulthood, the gap between who I knew myself to be and who the world expected me to be widened. I became adept at performing a version of myself that others could understand while carrying a growing sense of dislocation.
By my 20s, that dislocation became unbearable.
I attempted suicide twice.
It wasn’t because I lacked strength or ambition. I was building a career, earning advanced degrees, teaching students, and creating what looked from the outside like a successful life. However, success and survival are not the same thing. Outwardly, I was thriving. Internally, I was disappearing.

Then, during the 1990s, something began to shift. Language that had once existed only at the margins slowly entered public conversation. For the first time, the word “transgender” entered into public discourse and health care.
The word positioned and grounded experiences I had carried my entire life. What I had once understood only as confusion began to take shape as recognition. The word did not solve everything, but it gave me a framework for understanding myself. At 40 years old, after years of reflection, therapy, and struggle, I began medically transitioning. The day after receiving tenure, I started testosterone.
Shortly afterward came the first signs of liberation: a double mastectomy, hysterectomy, and oophorectomy. Six months later, I underwent a metoidioplasty and pelvic release. At 51, I underwent phalloplasty and scrotoplasty. I will inject testosterone every week for the rest of my life. The cumulative billed value of my transition-related healthcare exceeds $5.5 million.
I recognise that access to healthcare is a privilege. I paid co-pays and deductibles while insurance absorbed costs that would have been impossible for many people to shoulder. Every time I think about those numbers, I think about the countless transgender people denied the same opportunities that allowed me to survive.
But the greatest costs were never financial.
Transition cost me more than 90% of my family. Relationships that had defined entire chapters of my life disappeared. Phone calls stopped. Invitations stopped. Some relatives chose distance. Others chose silence. The losses accumulated slowly, then all at once. I grieve them still. Yet if the choice was between preserving those relationships and preserving my life, I would make the same decision again.
Over time, I came to understand that transition was never simply about altering a body. We are not operating on people so much as operating on histories. Surgery, language, community, and self-recognition become ways of rewriting narratives imposed upon us long before we could speak for ourselves. Surgery is about sculpting gender from within, not because we were broken, but because we knew how to wield a chisel. My body carries those histories. Some scars are faint. Others zigzag across flesh, thickened by time. They carry more history than any policy document ever could.

Several years after beginning my transition, I decided to amend my Louisiana birth certificate from female to male. The process became one of the most humiliating experiences of my life. Louisiana required me to appear before a court-approved physician whose role was to verify my transition. In his office, I was instructed to remove my clothing so he could inspect my body and confirm that I had undergone a mastectomy and metoidioplasty. Afterward came notarised letters from physicians, therapists, and surgeons, operative reports, legal filings, photographs, identification records, attorney fees, and court costs. Standing there, I understood that the state was not asking me to identify myself. It was auditing me.
My body became evidence. My scars became exhibits. My surgeries became supporting documentation. My therapist’s letters, physician affidavits, operative reports, photographs, and court filings became part of a bureaucratic ledger through which strangers evaluated whether I qualified for recognition.
Looking back, I realise Louisiana was never the beginning of the audit. It was simply the moment I recognised it. The audits had followed me for decades. Family members audited my masculinity. Schools audited my behaviour. Medical professionals audited my certainty. Insurance companies audited my eligibility for care. Courts audited my legitimacy. At every turn, institutions demanded proof that I was who I said I was. Diagnoses, evaluations, signatures, approvals, surgeries, and legal documents all became part of a system that repeatedly asked the same question: prove yourself.
In 2005, I became the first openly trans*+ academic in teacher education. Around the same time, I began noticing something else. There was almost no positive discussion of queer or transgender lives in teacher preparation programs. The absence I had experienced as a child was still present. It had simply become institutionalised. That realisation eventually led me to write my forthcoming book, We Refuse to Disappear: Resistance Amid Anti-Trans Policy.
While researching it, I watched anti-trans legislation move from a political fringe project to a national movement. During the final years of the Obama administration, anti-trans bills remained relatively uncommon. Under President Trump, they steadily increased. Under President Biden, they exploded. Then, in 2025 alone, lawmakers introduced more than 1,000 anti-trans bills nationwide, with 126 becoming law. As of 2026, hundreds more are already (predictably) moving through state legislatures. What began as isolated legislative efforts has become a sustained campaign to regulate healthcare, athletics, names, pronouns, curriculum, bathrooms, and public existence itself.

I think often about Bidzii and Juno (pseudonyms), two young people whose family I encountered during my research. Bidzii, a transgender girl, lost access to gender-affirming medical care after Texas Senate Bill 14 prohibited such treatment for minors. Juno, her intersex sibling, watched Senate Bill 12 reshape what could be discussed, taught, or acknowledged in school.
Every evening, their family gathered around the kitchen table and studied maps of New Mexico. They compared rental prices, searched for healthcare providers, and researched school districts. They were not planning a vacation. They were planning survival.
At school, one teacher quietly refused to abandon them. When Bidzii submitted a worksheet asking what happens when your body begins changing and then is forced to stop, the teacher refused to erase the question. When students raised developmental questions that exceeded what state law comfortably allowed, the teacher refused to treat those questions as violations. When fear narrowed the classroom, the teacher refused to surrender curiosity. When the family needed support beyond what the school could legally provide, the teacher connected them to a community wellness circle outside district control.
These acts did not make headlines. They preserved humanity.
When I look at Bidzii and Juno, I do not simply see two young people caught in the crosshairs of legislation. I see a generation inheriting possibilities my generation fought to create. The language they have access to did not appear on its own.
We must honour the generations who came before us – the trans elders who forged the path we now walk with their bodies, their scars, their silence, and their courage. They paid dearly for the possibilities my generation inherited. Some underwent surgeries when procedures were still developing and carried the complications that followed. Some protested in small marches, wrote from the shadows, or survived through lives of stealth. Some were murdered, their deaths unreported and their names faded into obscurity. Some lost families. Some lost careers. Without them, there would have been no path for us to follow.
We became the next experiment. Not because we wanted to be, but because of those very few went undetected before us. We learned publicly, survived publicly, and challenged institutions that often had no framework for understanding us. The surgeries, scars, amended documents, and medical records became pathways future generations could follow.
Today, Bidzii and Juno face a familiar pattern. Their healthcare is questioned. Their identities are questioned. Their schools, teachers, and families are questioned. Different generation. Same demand for proof.
The audit never really ended.

Today, my driver’s license carries an X marker. So does my passport. Those documents reflect who I am far more honestly than the ones I carried for decades, yet they also create new vulnerabilities. In the current political climate, travelling internationally with those documents means accepting the possibility of additional scrutiny simply for existing outside a binary some governments find easier to administer than understand.
As a result, I remain here, but not passively. I remain as a teacher, a scholar, an advocate, and someone who refuses to disappear. The same systems that once audited my body now seek to regulate the lives of a new generation of young people. The difference is that I am no longer standing alone. I stand alongside educators, families, healthcare providers, librarians, journalists, faith leaders, and students themselves.
Coalitions are the realisation of refusals.
A teacher refuses to erase a student. A librarian refuses to remove a book. A counsellor refuses to abandon a child in crisis. A physician refuses to withdraw care. Parents refuse to stop fighting. Journalists refuse to let misinformation go unchallenged. Faith leaders refuse to close their doors. Students refuse disappearance itself. Together, those refusals become something larger than any individual act. They become protection. They become community. They become the conditions through which future generations can determine themselves.
I know this because I was once Blue. I know this because I survived. And I know this because every child deserves the right to become.
Trans people are often portrayed as controversies, threats, or political problems to be solved. We are none of those things. We are human beings. We are children who grow up. We are neighbours, teachers, parents, artists, nurses, scholars, and friends. And despite every attempt to erase us, we continue to exist.
We are like gazelles crossing an open plain, vulnerable because we are visible yet moving forward anyway. We leap. We run. We build. We love. We remain. That is not weakness. That is trans joy. That is persistence.

Note: Trans*+ combines the historical inclusion signifier (*) with a superscript plus (+) to represent expansive, evolving, nonfixed, and unbounded gender identities that resist/ed essentialized and binary gender dichotomies.
sj Miller, Ph.D., is an award-winning scholar-activist, Learning Specialist 3 at Los Alamos National Laboratory, and part-time faculty at the University of Washington-Bothell. Their work centers gender identity justice, the pedagogy of refusal, and inclusive educational frameworks. Miller has authored eight books, over 50 peer-reviewed articles, and over 30 book chapters. Miller serves as senior associate editor of The International Journal of LGBT Youth and co-editor of the series Social Justice Across Contexts in Education. Miller has received numerous awards in the fight for gender identity justice including the 2019 Distinguished Contributions to Gender Equity Award from the American Education Research Association. Miller’s forthcoming book, “We Refuse to Disappear: Resistance Amid Anti-Trans Education Policy” with Harvard Ed Press is due out later this month. For more on sj see; www.sjmiller.info.
Note: This essay was updated to clarify some details of the author’s experience.
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Politics
Stephanie Grisham Says Trump Media Ban Is Sign He’s ‘Melting Down’
US President Donald Trump’s former White House Press Secretary Stephanie Grisham tore into her old boss Friday night after he banned news outlets CNN, MS NOW and Politico from the White House in a move she said “didn’t surprise” her at all.
Grisham told CNN’s Brianna Keilar that during his first term, Trump “tasked” her with “getting the press corps off the White House grounds.”
“He had me looking at places that they could go that were off the White House grounds because he wanted everybody kicked out, not just the few that you guys are dealing with right now. I’m sure it’ll get bigger,” she said.
See Grisham’s comments below:
Grisham said would “push it off and stall him” when Trump made the request, but she predicted he would pursue the goal again when he came back into power.
“That’s something that I knew was going to happen, watching him and the way he’s just tearing down East Wings and doing whatever he wants,” she said. “He clearly feels very, very empowered right now. So it didn’t surprise me at all.”
The president announced his ban on Truth Social, accusing the three media outlets of being “FAKE NEWS!”
“They purposely write negative news. And they do that because they want to try and diminish the Republicans and a Republican administration,” he said at a press conference Friday.
Grisham said she had hoped there would be someone in the White House telling him not to pursue the media ban.
“But it seems like he has really surrounded himself with sycophants and doesn’t have the guardrails that we kind of had in Trump 1.0,” she said.
“And so I think everybody’s laughing and thinking it’s a great idea, but you know, as always, he’s missed it, the point,” she said before railing against his administration’s handling of the economy.
“People don’t care that the White House isn’t, or that the press can’t be on the White House grounds, because they’re suffering, and he’s not doing anything, but these silly projects and these silly little vanity, you know, issues that he’s doing,” Grisham continued. “And so once again, it’s just not good. It doesn’t look good. He’s so out of touch, and he’s melting down.
Listen to Commons People, the podcast that makes politics easy. Every week, Kevin Schofield and Kate Nicholson unpack the week’s biggest stories to keep you informed. Join us for straightforward analysis of what’s going on at Westminster.
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