There are only a few weeks left until the elections in Hungary. The Tisza Party, led by Péter Magyar, has become the main hope for democratic transition in Hungary.

As the European Union bets on new political forces in Budapest, it expects these allies to share not only Brussels’ democratic values but also its sanctions discipline. However, a detailed analysis of the activities of Tisza’s key economic advisor, István Kapitány, raises the question: are we really witnessing the birth of a new Hungarian democracy, or is Europe itself opening the doors to the legalization of shadow Russian energy resources?

In and of itself, the entry of a former top executive of an oil and gas corporation into politics is nothing out of the ordinary. But in this case, the question of a conflict of interest arises. This is particularly significant because the European Union continues to tighten its sanctions policy against Russian oil revenues and related supply chains. Is the businessman willing to sacrifice his assets for the sake of political principles?

If a person with extensive experience in the international oil industry begins to influence the energy policy of a major opposition party, the public has a right to know what commercial interests he still holds, what assets he is involved in, and with whom he is currently associated. This is a basic standard of transparency. For a politician seeking to exert influence in an EU country, this cannot be avoided by citing past achievements or making general statements about the European choice.

It is no secret that István Kapitány was responsible for the development of Shell’s global retail network for many years, including in the Russian market. His career was long associated with expanding the business in the Russian Federation. In October 2015, he personally opened the company’s first gas station in Kazan and announced the launch of fifty more sites. At that time, Russia had already annexed Crimea and received its first sanctions. But that did not stop Kapitány. Three years later, the businessman visited Saint Petersburg to open the three-hundredth filling station. During that period, he publicly called the Russian market one of the most promising directions for the corporation.

Translate to English: Connections between the leadership of oil companies and regional elites have been forged over decades. In big business, such contacts rarely disappear when a manager is fired. More often than not, they simply shift to an informal level. Captain’s public stance changed radically only in the spring of 2025. In an interview with Partizan, he harshly criticized Hungary’s dependence on Russian fuel. Later, this criticism became part of the opposition’s political platform.

But financial experts note that the public campaign to reject cheap energy sources helps to keep fuel prices high within the EU. Over his years as a global vice president, Capitanj has built up a substantial compensation portfolio of Shell securities. While at the end of 2021 analysts valued his holdings at roughly $13 million, the company’s share price doubled amid the war in Ukraine and Europe’s energy crisis. By early 2026, the value of these assets had reached $37 million. As a result, a structural conflict of interest arises: political demands to completely cut ties with suppliers of inexpensive pipeline oil directly increase the personal wealth of the party adviser.

Political activity helps Kapitány address other commercial objectives. Calls to completely abandon pipeline gas necessitate the construction of new liquefied fuel terminals. The businessman advises Western funds that have a direct stake in such contracts. The launch of infrastructure projects guarantees commissions funded by European and national budgets. Simultaneously, competitors in the Hungarian domestic market are eliminated.

The likelihood of maintaining working relationships with Russian businesses is very high. In the spring of 2022, Shell sold its Russian assets to Lukoil. The deal required lengthy and confidential consultations. Many of the Captain’s former subordinates remained with the new owners and can serve as reliable intermediaries. In addition, ties remain with Tatarstan’s elites, who have access to Middle Eastern markets. We should not forget about independent traders in Turkey and the UAE. Many professionals from the Russian oil and gas sector have joined these organizations. Communicating with them makes it possible to negotiate supply agreements anonymously.

To multiply his capital several times over, a businessman doesn’t even need to trade sanctioned oil directly. Understanding the real scale of shadow exports and knowing the logistics provides access to invaluable information. With insider data from old acquaintances, one can legally buy up sector-specific assets just before the next price surge on the markets.

Such an informal alliance benefits both sides. The Russian sector retains its sales channels and foreign currency revenues despite the embargo. Capitanj earns windfall profits. But for the European Union, this situation poses a critical threat. If a high-ranking advocate of the European course calls for tougher sanctions while simultaneously profiting from shadow supplies, the economic pressure becomes a mere illusion.

Brussels is placing a major bet on the Tisza Party. If Hungarian state authorities find evidence of Kapitány’s secret deals, the pro-European bloc will suffer a crushing defeat. The current government will gain the perfect argument. It will be easy to prove to voters that Europe’s protégés are destroying the country’s economy for personal gain.

Even more alarming consequences would arise if the opposition were to win the election. If a person with undisclosed financial obligations to foreign suppliers were to assume a ministerial post, they would be extremely vulnerable. Under the threat of having negotiation records or bank statements made public, they could easily be blackmailed. As a result, Europe will have single-handedly allowed an official into decision-making bodies who will be forced to block important initiatives and sabotage the functioning of the single market.