Dr Katerina Steventon, from Beverley, will lead the 10th annual anti-ageing skin care conference.

The event will be held at the Royal College of Physicians in London on June 23 and 24.

Dr Steventon said: “With a focus on the biology of skin ageing, new technologies, efficacy testing, and future trends, this event is one of the only in the beauty industry calendar that provides a unique platform for knowledge exchange and inspiration.

“It is a pleasure to bring together an event dedicated to advancing knowledge and inspiring discussion around Systems Biology and Skin Ageing.”

The conference will feature talks from experts on the skin microbiome, the brain–gut–skin connection, emerging consumer trends, and longevity skincare.

Dr Steventon has assembled a line-up of speakers from leading companies, including L’Oreal, Boots No7 Company, Unilever, and Procter & Gamble.

She added: “This leading international event will explore the science of healthy skin ageing, longevity, and functional skincare innovation.”

Dr Steventon is known for her work in psychodermatology and facial skincare and touch therapy.

Early bird tickets are priced at £1,150.

Visit https://hpcimedia.com/anti-ageing/ for more information.

TikTok users reveal how to switch to better seats on Ryanair flights without paying extra fees using the airline’s manage booking feature

Ryanair passengers have uncovered a simple hack that could significantly improve your in-flight comfort without spending a penny. The secret? Changing seats at the last minute.

It’s among those savvy strategies that seasoned travellers swear by. If your original reservation landed you in a middle seat or cramped spot, this trick could bag you a window, aisle, or a place with more legroom. All without shelling out for an upgrade.

The hack was shared by LivCityTravels in a TikTok clip, and it’s garnered substantial interest across social media. At the time of writing, the 13-second video has racked up over 50,000 likes, 21,000 favourites, and an impressive 12,500 shares.

It says all you need to do is the following:

1. Open the Ryanair app
2. Click on ‘Manage Booking’
3. Click on ‘Add Extras’
4. Click on ‘Add or Change Seats’
5. Rows of unallocated seats will appear, choose one you fancy and it’s yours

The approach capitalises on how Ryanair releases unallocated seats. As travellers check in and pick seats earlier in the day, some positions remain available.

By waiting until the final hours before departure, you can often snag superior spots that weren’t available when you initially booked.

While this tip won’t secure you an entire row or a seat with endless legroom, it can significantly improve your flight experience – and all it takes is a few taps on your mobile.

TikTok users have been quick to share their reactions to the revelation in the comments.

“This works up to three hours before boarding,” one person disclosed. “Also, don’t try this in the first six rows or the last three rows when the flight is half full.”

Another confessed: “I have done this three times and it’s always worked.” A third user pleaded: “Don’t tell anybody!” However, there was a word of warning: “Only works until too many people decide to do it”.

So, the next time you’re getting ready to board, it might be worth giving the app one last look. With a bit of good timing, you could turn a cramped middle seat into a spacious, comfortable journey – without having to part with any extra cash.

LK Bennett currently operates a concession at John Lewis in the Trafford Centre, alongside nine standalone stores and 13 concessions across the UK and Ireland.

The retailer has been acquired by US investment firm Gordon Brothers, which also owns Laura Ashley and Poundland.

However, the deal did not include LK Bennett’s physical stores or concessions.

Administrators have confirmed that the outlets will continue trading for up to three months, with all remaining stores and concessions expected to close by spring 2026, likely around April.

A statement published on the LK Bennett website said: “John Noon and Mark Firmin of Alvarez & Marsal Europe LLP were appointed Joint Administrators of LK Bennett Fashion Limited on 27 January 2026 pursuant to paragraph 22 of Schedule B1 to the Insolvency Act 1986.

“Immediately following their appointment, the LK Bennett brand and related intellectual property were sold to LKB IP Holdings, LLC, a Gordon Brothers-affiliated entity.

“The LK Bennett stores were not included in the transaction and continue to trade under the administration.

“Online sales via the LK Bennett website continue for the foreseeable future.”

The closures could lead to up to 89 redundancies, according to retail trade publication Drapers.

LK Bennett employs around 145 staff across the UK and Ireland, with 89 roles linked to its store and concession estate.

Founded in London in 1990 by Linda Bennett, the brand rose to prominence in the 1990s and early 2000s and became a favourite of the Princess of Wales, contributing to its reputation as a premium British fashion label.

Shoppers in Trafford and across Greater Manchester will still be able to visit the John Lewis concession in the short term, but it is expected to close permanently once the administration trading period ends.

Carrick’s initial victories over title challengers Manchester City and Arsenal were unexpected. The ones against Fulham and Tottenham were anticipated but did not arrive without problems that had to be solved.

Combined with the failings of Chelsea and Liverpool, the end outcome is United are fourth, with a handy, but by no means pivotal, advantage in the hunt for a Champions League return, something few could visualise in the wake of Ruben Amorim’s dismissal following the draw at Leeds on 4 January.

“We know how hard it is to put a run together in this league,” said Carrick, whose side are now unbeaten in nine league games, which spanned three managers, including initial interim Darren Fletcher.

“Sometimes it comes naturally, it flows and everything clicks. You look really dangerous and there’s a spark. Sometimes it’s a little bit stodgy.”

The question being asked of Carrick is whether his side can deliver winning performances against opposition they are expected to beat.

Many felt West Ham were in that category, even though Nuno Espirito Santo’s side were aiming for their fourth win in five league games and they had led Chelsea 2-0 in the one that got away.

Carrick did not manage a victory.

What he did do was take a risk to try and get something from a game that appeared lost.

When Manchester United drew against West Ham at Old Trafford in December, Amorim’s only substitution involving an offensive player was Mason Mount for Joshua Zirkzee, 12 minutes from time.

His last change was one defender, Lisandro Martinez, for another, Luke Shaw. Midfielder Kobbie Mainoo and young forward Shea Lacey remained on the bench.

At London Stadium, Carrick gambled. Not so much with Sesko, who replaced Matheus Cunha, who had been ineffective, a charge that could be levelled at all United’s attacking players on this occasion.

It was through his introduction of Zirkzee for full-back Diogo Dalot eight minutes from time where the risk and reward element came.

Carrick switched to a back three and pushed men forward.

He knew there was a chance of conceding a second. It didn’t happen, thanks to two superb saving tackles from another substitute, Leny Yoro, and a Senne Lammens save.

It meant as the clocked ticked past five minutes of injury-time played of the seven added, Carrick’s side still had a chance. Sesko’s brilliant finish ensured they did not head home empty handed.

“It’s always worth it to try and get something out of the game,” said Carrick of his substitution.

“We all want the perfect kind of performance, to be the best we can be.

“Sometimes it doesn’t quite happen, but it doesn’t mean you give up.

“Obviously we went for it, with three at the back and the rest all attacking basically to try and find that goal. That’s the way we should do it.”

It’s an attitude straight out of the Sir Alex Ferguson playbook. He was always prepared to gamble in order to get a desired outcome and felt it was why he enjoyed so many late successes in his stellar career.

An 87th-minute winner against Arsenal, a 90th-minute winner against Fulham, and now a 95th-minute equaliser against West Ham.

Carrick is pleased with 13 points out of 15 from his first block of games.

As he regroups before the next run of three matches, he will be just as delighted at the spirit and never-say-die attitude that helped to get them.

Emergency services were called to the major road near Osmotherley on Tuesday (February 10) after the lorry set on fire around 3.15pm.

Firefighters used two hose reel jets to douse the flames at the cab, while the trailer of the wagon remained in tact.

Two crews from the North Yorkshire Fire and Rescue Service attended alongside North Yorkshire Police and the Yorkshire Ambulance Service.

The road was closed on both sides of the carriageway, sparking severe delays north and south. Traffic was released on both sides just before 5pm.

The Yorkshire Ambulance Service has confirmed it attended but nobody required any medical assistance. 

A spokesperson said: “An ambulance crew came across an incident on the A19 near Osmotherley around 3.25pm on Tuesday afternoon, but no-one required medical assistance.”

The Derbyshire village decided on a voluntary quarantine in 1665 to stop the deadly disease spreading further

Tucked away in the Derbyshire countryside lies a charming village, rich in history and often referred to by visitors as a true “hidden gem”.

But the quaint cottage-filled village of Eyam hides a much darker past. During the horrifyingly dark days of the Great Plague in the 1600s, when the entire country was in chaos, the villagers of Eyam chose to defy convention.

Across Britain, people were abandoning their homes in a desperate bid to flee from infection. However, when the plague reached Eyam in August 1665, the villagers resolved to do the opposite and stay put.

It’s believed the disease was introduced to the village through a parcel of cloths, transported from London to a local tailor. The tailor’s assistant died a few days after airing the damp cloth, and the disease rapidly spread throughout the village.

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In a collective decision, the villagers opted for voluntary quarantine, believing that fleeing would only spread the plague further across the region. The rules were stringent – no one was to leave or enter the village – a policy that persisted for a gruelling 14 months.

Despite these measures, the village suffered a significant loss of life, with an estimated 260 losing their lives to the terrible illness, decimating a substantial portion of its population.

In fact, it’s reported that one villager tragically had to bury six of her children and her husband within a mere eight-day period.

Visitors can now discover the village’s importance during this dark period at Eyam Museum, which serves as an ideal starting point for exploring the area. Numerous sites across the village share poignant stories connected to the plague and its devastating impact.

A recent visitor described the venue as a “hidden gem”. Another wrote on TripAdvisor: “Really enjoyed our visit to the Eyam Museum. Staff were welcoming and friendly.

“Lots to see within the museum despite it being quite small; a good variation of visual displays about the Plague and also the history of the residents of Eyam. We’d certainly recommend a visit.”

Meanwhile, one person shared: “This museum was really interesting- much better than expected from a small museum! The history is fascinating and very well laid out – they manage to bring it to life by the stories of the individuals and families who both survived and died.”

The village is also home to Eyam Hall and Courtyard, a manor house from the 17th century featuring magnificent gardens alongside a venue to shop and dine at Bloom Bar and Grill.

Following a visit, someone said: “A beautiful venue for a wedding! Such a gorgeous, peaceful village with stunning surroundings and grounds. This made for an incredibly memorable evening.”

Where to eat and drink

Following a visit to the cafe on the premises, another individual said: “We dropped into Bloom looking for a light lunch.

“We settled for a coffee and a Margarita pizza, which definitely exceeded expectations – my friend said it was the best pizza she had ever tasted. Service was attentive, and the ambiance was calm and peaceful.”

If you fancy something stronger, The Miner’s Arms in the heart of the village is cosy pub serving lunch Thursday through to Sunday and evening meals Monday to Saturday.

When Iranian and US officials met for talks in the Omani capital of Muscat on February 6, many journalists and analysts were speculating as to whether diplomacy will fail and whether war will inevitably follow. But that framing misses the deeper reality of this moment. The more important question is why both sides have returned to the negotiating table at all, despite years of hostility, sanctions, proxy conflict and open threats.

The anxiety that has surrounded the talks is understandable. Washington warned its citizens to leave Iran hours before the talks took place, fuelling speculation about military strikes. US officials outlined sweeping demands that go far beyond wanting to curb Iran’s ambition to possess nuclear weapons. And recent history offers no shortage of examples where negotiations have collapsed into violence.

But treating the talks as a countdown to conflict misunderstands diplomacy and the balance of power in the Middle East today. Negotiations are not a single test of resolve, nor a one-off gamble on peace. The talks in Oman were not a final reckoning but an opening move. They reflect a shared recognition in Washington and Tehran that 15 years of coercion, pressure and force have failed to produce decisive outcomes, and that escalation now would be vastly more dangerous than before.

As diplomacy scholar Geoffrey Berridge has long argued, the first stage of any serious diplomatic process is the establishment of common ground on key points. Only once this groundwork is laid can substantive negotiations begin. The talks in Oman should thus be understood as an opening phase rather than a decisive round.

The purpose was to clarify positions, communicate red lines and test whether a workable diplomatic pathway exists. Iranian officials described the atmosphere as constructive, noting that the two sides communicated their concerns and views through their host, Oman’s foreign minister Badr Albusaidi. This is precisely how diplomacy begins, not how it ends, and Iranian and US officials have both subsequently called for talks to continue.

For Tehran, engaging a US delegation in talks is significant. Iran has consistently sought recognition as a legitimate regional player rather than a state to be coerced or isolated. The willingness of Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, to attend the talks personally signals how seriously Iran views this moment and how invested it is in a diplomatic outcome that confers mutual respect.

For Washington, the incentives are equally clear. Over the past 15 years, the US has applied nearly every available tool of pressure against Iran. These have included sanctions, cyber operations, targeted strikes, the killing of senior Iranian figures, the degradation of Iran-aligned groups across the region and direct support for Israel during its brief 2025 war with Iran. Yet none of this has delivered regime change, capitulation or lasting regional stability.

Sanctions have devastated the Iranian economy and Tehran’s regional network has been weakened. Hezbollah has faced mounting pressure and economic strain in Lebanon, Hamas has been severely battered in Gaza and Houthi forces in Yemen have been constrained by international military patrols. Even so, Iran’s core political system remains intact.

Domestic unrest has also failed to produce collapse. Recent protests, met with intense and often violent repression, did not topple a regime that has been deliberately built to survive external pressure since 1979. This highlights a central paradox: Iran may be weaker than at any point in recent decades, but it is not as fragile as many external observers assume.

Washington’s negotiating position

Statements from US officials insisting that talks should encompass Iran’s ballistic missile programme, its regional alliances and its domestic governance represent the high end of any negotiating position.

This is not unusual. In diplomacy, opening demands are often maximalist by design. They are intended to create leverage rather than define an achievable endpoint, something the US president, Donald Trump, is known for. The risk lies in treating these demands as simultaneously attainable.

From Tehran’s perspective, these issues are not equivalent. Iran has consistently signalled that nuclear weapons are the only area it is prepared to engage meaningfully over. This is because its nuclear programme has already been internationalised through treaties, inspections and prior agreements.

Iran’s leadership has also repeatedly pointed to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s religious decree declaring the production and use of nuclear weapons forbidden under Islamic law. Western policymakers are sceptical of the decree’s legal enforceability. But it nonetheless provides Tehran with an ideological framework that allows nuclear restraint to be framed domestically as principled rather than imposed from outside.

In contrast, Iran views the existence of its ballistic missile arsenal as non-negotiable. In a region where Iran faces nuclear-armed adversaries and an overwhelming conventional military imbalance, missile capabilities are central to its deterrence strategy. Likewise, Iran’s regional alliances are not simply tools of influence. They are an extension of this defensive posture that has been shaped by decades of war, sanctions and isolation.

Domestic governance is even more sensitive. No Iranian negotiating team could accept external constraints on how the Islamic Republic governs itself without calling into question the legitimacy of the system they represent. Attempts to fuse diplomacy with demands for internal political reform are therefore perceived not as bargaining positions, but as existential threats.

Bundling nuclear limits, regional retrenchment and internal transformation into a single negotiating framework thus risks overreach. Progress is far more likely through sequencing: addressing the nuclear issue first, building confidence through verification and reciprocity, and only then exploring narrower forms of deescalation elsewhere. Understanding this helps explain why talks can proceed despite sharp rhetoric and military signalling.

Mutual risk, mutual opportunity

Araghchi’s description of the talks in Muscat as a “good beginning” where both sides were able to convey their interests and concerns, as well as his subsequent expression of hope for further negotiations, suggests that diplomacy remains preferable for Iran. The same probably applies for the US.

Military intervention has rarely produced stable outcomes in recent Middle Eastern and North African history. The removal of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, Muammar Gaddafi in Libya and the collapse of state authority in Syria did not bring immediate peace or genuine democracy. They produced power vacuums, proxy wars, mass displacement and chronic instability.

Iran is larger, more institutionalised and more deeply embedded in regional dynamics than any of those cases. A conflict involving the Islamic Republic would be longer, more destructive and far harder to contain.

The real danger is not that diplomacy between Iran and the US will fail, but that it will be dismissed too quickly. Negotiations are incremental, often frustrating and rarely linear. But in this case, they may reflect the only viable strategy available to both sides.

Iran avoids an unwinnable war. The US avoids another Middle Eastern quagmire. And the region gains a fragile but vital opportunity to move away from permanent crisis. In that sense, the talks themselves may already represent the most meaningful progress possible.

Why so wet?

Around 17 January a blocking area of high pressure developed in Scandinavia and it’s still there to this day.

This has prevented areas of low pressure from moving beyond the UK, so they’ve become slow-moving, bringing very wet weather, with south-west winds to the south of the UK and south-easterly winds to the north of the UK. This wind pattern is responsible for the distribution of rain.

It’s worth pointing out that it hasn’t been wet everywhere.

North-west England and west Scotland had a much drier January than normal, and parts of the Highlands have only recorded 1mm of rain so far this month.

The Scandinavian blocking area of high pressure is finally going to budge this week, allowing our weather to turn colder with some hill snow in the north later this week.

Next week our weather patterns will become more typical for the time of year with the Atlantic jet stream returning to the north-west of Scotland, rather than taking an unusual position near Morocco.

There will still be rain around as we’d expect in winter, but some of the wettest weather will return to west Scotland. The rain won’t be as extreme in east Scotland. In the southwest of England, it won’t rain every single day, there will be drier and sunnier days between our weather systems.

Heading towards the end of February, there are hints that an area of high pressure may visit our shores, bringing some more settled weather conditions. It’s a long way off, but it’s the least we deserve given just how wet and dull it’s been over recent weeks.

PORTLAND, Maine (AP) — Republican Sen. Susan Collins announced her reelection bid Tuesday, betting that she can hold onto her coveted Maine seat despite a renewed Democratic effort to oust her in a race that could determine control of the U.S. Senate.

The campaign will test Collins’ political survival skills. The 73-year-old has won five terms by casting herself as a reflection of Maine’s independent spirit, occasionally clashing with President Donald Trump while also largely supporting his agenda.

“I have always worked across the aisle to solve problems. Maine needs experienced, steady leadership that focuses on getting things done,” Collins said in a Tuesday statement.

As she seeks a sixth term, Collins faces outrage over immigration enforcement tactics that could become a political liability for Republican candidates across the country. A recent operation in Maine led to hundreds of arrests but also criticism that people were being rounded up even if they didn’t have criminal records.

Collins has taken credit for stopping the surge of federal agents in Maine after she spoke directly with Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem.

However, Democrats accused Collins of not going far enough, pointing to her refusal to call for Noem’s ouster and her vote in favor of a bipartisan Homeland Security funding bill. The party needs to net four seats to retake the Senate majority, and they are aiming to do that in Maine, North Carolina, Alaska and Ohio.

Gov. Janet Mills and oyster farmer Graham Platner are among Collins’ top Democratic challengers. While many establishment Democrats and influential left-leaning groups have backed Mills, Platner has gained traction with his anti-establishment image and economic equality message. He’s campaigned aggressively while facing revelations of problematic social media posts and having to cover up a tattoo resembling a Nazi symbol.

Mills has accused Collins of governing “without any courage” shortly after the Republican voted in favor of funding the DHS and several other agencies in January. She repeated that charge Tuesday.

“Seniority without a backbone is just tenure, and after decades in Washington, Senator Collins has failed to demonstrate the leadership required in this dangerous moment in history,” she said in a statement.

Platner has demanded that Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which is part of DHS, be dismantled and said he did not believe Collins or the Trump administration’s promise to leave Maine. He said Tuesday in a post on the social platform X that Collins should have kept her promise to serve just two Senate terms.

“That’s just one of a hundred reasons she doesn’t deserve a sixth term,” he wrote.

Platner recently outraised both Mills and Collins, according to the latest federal filings. The first-time candidate collected nearly $4.6 million, while Mills raised $2.7 million. Collins, who had not yet officially launched her campaign during the filing period, had more than $8 million in cash on hand at the end of 2025.

Collins, who has said she didn’t vote for Trump in 2016, voted to convict the president after his 2021 impeachment over his role in the Jan. 6 Capitol riot. After Collins joined a handful of Republican colleagues in backing a failed effort to limit the president’s ability to unilaterally use force in Venezuela, Trump said on social media that they “should never be elected to office again.”

But Collins has also broadly backed Trump’s agenda, including his tax and spending bill, and his nominees.

Notably, Collins voted to confirm Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as Trump’s choice to be secretary of Health and Human Services. Kennedy has since espoused anti-vaccine policy and ousted public health officials at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

She has faced down tough challenges before. Democrat Sara Gideon raised $69 million in 2020, outspending Collins in a bid to help take back the Senate during a presidential election year when the Democrats won the top of the ticket. Collins defeated Gideon by more than 8 points.

Collins has remained in office despite Maine becoming increasingly blue. The proportion of registered Democrats has increased since her last reelection campaign, when “unenrolled” independent voters outnumbered Democrats in 2019 but now trail them in 2026. Republicans have trailed both groups for years.

___

Kruesi reported from Providence, Rhode Island.