Politics

Approving the new Chinese Embassy is not a show of weakness, but an acceptance of reality

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(Mark Phillips / Alamy)


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The government’s decision to grant planning permission for China’s proposed new embassy at Royal Mint Court, near the Tower of London, will no doubt prompt strong reactions.

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Some will present it as evidence of weakness by the UK. But that misses the point, and risks turning a planning decision into a proxy referendum on Britain’s entire China policy.

China is a superpower, and it is also a major trading partner. That is not a judgement of its values or conduct, but a statement of fact about the world as it is. The world order is indeed changing before our eyes. The ‘tectonic plates’ of what we have lazily assumed would be the balance between ‘us and them’ have shifted. The UK’s task is to pursue a relationship with China and others that is anchored in developing and real national interests. That requires a serious diplomatic posture, not performative gestures. Diplomacy does not equal total endorsement, and engagement is not appeasement. It is one of the tools a responsible country uses to protect its interests, support its citizens, and deal with unavoidable realities.

The question is not whether China should have a diplomatic presence here. It already does, in several locations. The question is whether consolidating that presence into a single site is itself a danger to national security or causes disruption to the surrounding area. Multiple diplomatic premises dotted across the capital create multiple perimeters, patterns of movement and locations where policing and counter-intelligence resources are, of course, applied. A single, high-profile site is easier to secure and monitor, not least because it concentrates attention. And the new location also enhances the links for trade and investment with the City of London, as well as the UK as a whole.

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None of this is to dismiss the concerns raised during the planning process. Large embassies are designed to protect sensitive communications and personnel. It is also true that the public will not be given every detail of any state’s security posture. The correct response is neither complacency nor alarmism, but firm assurance that ministers and the security agencies have the access, information and authority required to manage the risks.

Of course, the government must provide safeguards. These should include robust security requirements, clear access and perimeter arrangements, credible traffic and public order planning, and a line of accountability across departments and agencies. If assurances are  breached, ministers should be prepared to act as has always been the case with foreign representations.

But there must be a wider public interest too. A stable, functional diplomatic relationship is not merely symbolic. It is operational. Effective channels matter for trade and for crisis management, including the  protection of British citizens and businesses. If this decision allows refurbishments of the UK’s own embassy in Beijing to proceed, that is also a concrete benefit.

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Last week, Peter Wilson, a Mandarin-speaking diplomat, presented his credentials personally to President Xi as the 14th UK Ambassador to China. We hope his term will be a very fruitful one. British diplomats like our new ambassador are better able to do their job, and to support UK nationals, when our mission overseas can operate effectively and securely.

Engagement must sit within a broader strategy. The UK should continue to work closely with allies, strengthen resilience at home and reduce unnecessary dependencies. We should co-operate with China where we can work together, compete where appropriate and confront where required. That is not a contradiction. It is the only credible approach to a country of China’s scale and influence. And our Chinese colleagues fully understand this.

Britain’s prosperity depends on secure supply chains, from rare earths to battery materials, and China is a key supplier and processor in these and many other areas. Political and economic reality therefore demands pragmatic engagement.

The government has made its decision. Britain’s way forward is not isolation, nor is it indulgence. It is hard-headed engagement, with British security and the best national interests kept firmly at the centre of policy.

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Lord Kirkhope is a Conservative peer and vice-chair of the China APPG

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