1. It turns out Miley Cyrus almost missed out on the role of Hannah Montana completely

2. Miley Cyrus had a surprising revelation about dating a fellow child star during her Hannah Montana days

Jim Smeal/BEI/Shutterstock

3. Miley Cyrus also had a great story about how Taylor Swift came to write music for the Hannah Montana movie

4. Miley Cyrus was also reunited with another fellow Disney alum in the Hannah Montana special: Selena Gomez

5. The Hannah Montana special also featured an unexpected appearance from Chappell Roan

6. Of course, the Hannah Montana special featured plenty of musical performances, but this rendition of The Best Of Both Worlds is what fans have really been waiting for

7. And in case you’re wondering, yes, Miley Cyrus can still Hoedown Throwdown with the best of ’em

What changes can help to reduce the risk of a heart attack?

Don’t “overlook” tiny-seeming changes

3 min read9 min

They will do so amid a turbulent context for trade, the rules that govern it, and international relations more broadly. President Trump’s tariffs, growing protectionism elsewhere, and the fall-out from wars in Ukraine and the Middle East have injected considerable volatility into the global system. It is a challenging time for those of us who support free trade.

This global instability has generated acute challenges for the rules-based system for trade. In response to President Trump’s tariffs, there has been a growing proliferation of so-called ‘mini deals’ as countries scramble to mitigate the impact on their economies. The UK-US Economic Prosperity Deal (EPD) is one such example. The EPD is a strange beast – it is not legally binding, only covers a handful of sectors, mixes specific commitments with more aspirational ones, has only partially been implemented, and does not appear to be compatible with WTO rules on non-discrimination. When the International Agreements Committee, which I have recently joined as Chair, examined the EPD, we warned that the Government “should be wary of implicitly supporting the dismantling of the system in this way.” And whilst the EPD was clearly borne of pragmatism, it is far from clear that it will offer businesses the stability they crave.

Yet the UK is far from alone in pursuing a realpolitik approach with the US; several others, including the EU, have signed similar “deals”. And in parallel, the growing importance of the services sector and digital economy, historically neglected in traditional Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) but vital for the UK’s economic growth, has contributed to a growth in sector-specific agreements. Taken together, these developments throw debates about WTO reform into sharp relief.

The UK’s approach to trade agreements is also evolving. In the immediate aftermath of Brexit, the focus was on FTAs, but since then there has been a move away from FTAs and towards a broader suite of trade instruments – embedded in the current Government’s Trade Strategy. As trade minister in the last Government, I signed dozens of non-binding Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs). Many of these were symbolic, but there is a growing trend to use these for more substantive commitments.

To make sense of these shifting sands, my Committee has recently launched a new inquiry into the future of rules-based trade and the UK’s use of trade instruments. We encourage anyone with knowledge or experience in this area to come forward and share their views, so that we can undertake our duty of scrutiny effectively and make impactful recommendations to the Government in the report we will produce.

While questions about different types of trade agreement may seem academic, they also have important scrutiny implications for Parliament. One of the biggest problems with the current system for scrutiny of international agreements in the UK is that scrutiny is triggered by the form of a treaty and the process the Government chooses to follow, rather than its substance. This has detrimentally affected scrutiny in the past, including with important non-trade treaties, such as with Rwanda on asylum seekers. The Government has signed up to enhanced scrutiny procedures for FTAs, but if it intends to sign up to more and more substantive trade commitments through other vehicles, that will have implications for Parliament’s ability to scrutinise these commitments. As the only Committee in Parliament which scrutinises treaties as routine, the hope for our Committee is that our new inquiry will complement our wider scrutiny work – and underline the case for reforms to the treaty scrutiny process.      

This article has been sponsored and funded by AstraZeneca.

The publication of the new National Cancer Plan for England marks a pivotal moment for people affected by cancer. At AstraZeneca, the ambition to one day eliminate cancer as a cause of death drives every aspect of our oncology strategy. In the United Kingdom, we bring this to life through our Cancer: Project Zero.

This new National Cancer Plan is a necessary step toward achieving the future envisioned in Cancer: Project Zero.

The plan’s headline target – three in four people with cancer will live well for at least five years with or beyond cancer by 2035 – is ambitious. As is the more immediate goal to recover all cancer waiting times by March 2029. But can this be achieved within this parliament?

What’s powerful about this plan is that it looks to redesign care around people’s lives, through earlier diagnosis, faster treatment, and better support, so that no one’s postcode determines their outcome. This is a compelling vision.

We now need a rigorous focus on delivery and implementation; otherwise, there is a risk that rhetoric does not meet reality.

This requires embracing the enablers that will allow the NHS to meet rising demand while improving outcomes:

• harnessing AI and digital tools to streamline and enhance processes
• sharing data better across the system to track progress and outcomes
• optimising patient pathways to reduce unnecessary appointments and accelerate access to treatment

At AstraZeneca, we are one of many organisations working with the NHS to deploy new ways of working and advances in technology. From partnerships in Manchester to drive earlier and faster diagnosis of lung cancers, to AI triage for multidisciplinary teams in London, we are collaborating with local system leaders to gather the evidence needed to drive change on the frontline.

But how do we ensure that promising innovations move beyond pilot schemes, where many remain trapped, and into routine practice?

To do this, we must foster a culture of no-regret moves. Bold decisions to adopt the innovations we know the system needs at scale and pace, supported by clear national direction and empowered local leadership. Industry, academia, and the NHS all have roles to play, but sustained political attention will be essential to maintain momentum. Parliamentarians have a unique opportunity to champion this transformation and to ensure that the commitments in the National Cancer Plan translate into action where it matters most: in the clinics, hospitals, and cancer centres you represent across the country.

That is why I invite Members of the House of Commons and the House of Lords to join us on the morning of 24 March in the Churchill Room to learn more about Cancer: Project Zero and discuss how we accelerate implementation of the National Cancer Plan. This event will bring together experts, clinicians, and innovators to explore the practical steps needed to deliver the bold ambition we all share. By working together, we can ensure that this plan becomes more than a strategy on paper. We can turn it into a reality that changes lives.

To find out more about Cancer: Project Zero, please click here.

March 2026 | GB-74943

What is a competence hangover?

Who is most likely to get a “competence hangover”?

How can I tell if I have a competence hangover?

When should I leave because of burnout?

Ireland manager: Steve Coogan (centre) as Mick McCarthy |
Image by: Alamy / © Sunrise Films / Courtesy of: Everett Collection 

5 min read4 min

At the turn of the 20th century, the two most successful parties of Irish politics, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, emerged from the Irish Civil War. They were divided not by class but by their different stances on whether to accept the Anglo-Irish Treaty and a limited form of independence from British rule. This binary shaped Irish governance for a century, effectively turning the two parties into rival pillars of the state that alternated power, until their historic coalition a few years ago.

But at the turn of the 21st century, it was events that took place on a small Pacific island which did more to divide Irish public opinion than any domestic political event. Roy Keane’s walkout from the Republic of Ireland squad during their 2002 pre-World Cup training camp in Saipan started off as an argument about standards but quickly became something much bigger. The events that led to his departure are captured in a new film – Saipan – available now to stream online.

Keane, then Ireland and Manchester United captain, and at the peak of his influence as a global star, felt the facilities in Saipan were amateurish to the point of disrespect. Training pitches were at Sunday league levels, the catering akin to school dinners, equipment including footballs missing, and travel arrangements chaotic. In typical Keane style, he did not keep his concerns private. He went public in an explosive interview with the Irish Times, criticising the preparation in blunt, unforgiving terms.

As a portrayal of what happened in Saipan, it is a solid docufilm

Mick McCarthy, the Ireland manager, saw it differently. To him, this was a player who thought he was above everyone else, undermining the team days before a World Cup that they had fought so hard collectively to qualify for. Saipan centres on the rising tensions and subsequent breakdown in the relationship between Keane and McCarthy. McCarthy, played by Steve Coogan, confronts Keane on a number of occasions and as the film progresses the arguments turn deeply personal. It culminates in a confrontation in front of the squad where simultaneously McCarthy sends Keane home and the captain quits.

As a portrayal of what happened in Saipan, it is a solid docufilm. What it oversimplifies are the years of tension between Keane and the out-of-touch Football Association Ireland (FAI). It was the FAI, more than McCarthy, who were responsible for the unprofessional facilities and preparations. And what the film misses completely is what I think became the most interesting aspect of the saga: the reaction in Ireland and among the global diaspora. 

The World Cup in 2002 is the first I can remember following, along with my Irish dad and grandparents in London. Qualifying was a major achievement for Ireland, having knocked out the Netherlands in the group stage.

There was hope and excitement at the qualification, but the fallout from Saipan – and whether you were with Roy or against him – was polarising. It split families, friends, pubs and workplaces for years after. In the days that followed his departure, there were incidents of fans defacing 7UP billboards across Ireland featuring Keane, leading to their removal (ironically, the slogan of the advertising campaign he fronted was “there’s no substitute”). 

One side saw Keane as Ireland’s greatest ever player and the ultimate professional, who was simply holding a poorly run association to account. The other viewed him as selfish, abandoning his country on the biggest stage. The team eventually made the last 16, which only added another layer to the debate: had Keane been a disruptive force, or had his absence forced unity?

In this depiction Coogan brings presence to Mick McCarthy, reflecting both the steadiness of the Yorkshireman and the simmering frustration of a manager under siege. Éanna Hardwicke, who plays Roy Keane, certainly captures the infamous volatility of the captain, but his performance occasionally lapses into a one-dimensional portrayal, conveying everything with intensity.

It took a century for the historic divides between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to subside when they entered a coalition in 2020. The debate over whether Keane was right or wrong to walk away from Saipan may still divide Irish public opinion a century on. There is much to explore in that, including the national conversation it started on the relationship between individual excellence and collective responsibility. This is a decent film, but it would have been greatly enhanced with a portrayal of that societal response at home.

Liam Conlon is Labour MP for Beckenham and Penge

Saipan

Directed by: Glenn Leyburn & Lisa Barros D’Sa

Broadcaster: Available to rent on Amazon Prime & Apple TV

The centre-left Freedom Movement party led by incumbent Slovenian prime minister Robert Golob eked out marginally more votes than its main rival, the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDP), in the Sunday March 22 national election. That’s despite the apparent involvement of an Israeli spy firm attempting to undermine the government through use of secret recordings.

Figures are still shifting as votes are counted and recounted, but it appears Golob managed to secure around 28.5% of the vote, with the rival SDP leader Janez Janša getting around 28%. Golob has been leading a three party coalition since 2022.

Slovenian PM demands European action against Zionist spying

The election in the nation of two million people reached the European mainstream last week, when Golob contacted president of the European Commission (EC) Ursula von der Leyen. The senior EC figure has been dubbed ‘Ursula Fond of Lying‘ due to her contortions to back Zionist atrocities, but Golob tried his luck nonetheless, reporting the underhand manoeuvres of an Israeli surveillance company. He sought to inform the commission of:

…alarming information regarding what appears to constitute a grave instance of foreign information manipulation and interference currently unfolding in the Republic of Slovenia. Recent media reports informed the public of a private Israeli intelligence company Black Cube engaging in “mercenary surveillance” as a part of a coordinated operation to manipulate the Slovenian electoral processes by targeting political figures via illegal surveillance and so-called “smear” operations.

Such interference by a foreign private company poses a clear hybrid threat against the European Union and its Member States, which negatively impacts or potentially threatens our common values, procedures and political processes.

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He concluded:

Black Cube is known for their smear campaigns with one goal: to undermine the trust of the citizens in the democratic processes by releasing falsified corruption allegations at precisely planned times, in this case, just before the general elections. These activities pose a threat to national security and influence democratic elections.

Zionist spy called for engineering epidemics in Gaza

Golob said Black Cube operatives had been in Slovenia four times in the previous six months. Politico has an in-depth report, saying a:

…private jet that landed on a freezing December day was carrying Dan Zorella, CEO of Black Cube; Giora Eiland, former head of Israel’s National Security Council; and two other men, according to the authorities, who allege they were engaged in “covert surveillance and wiretapping.”

The reports describes the recordings made:

The tapes show prominent Slovenian figures apparently discussing corruption, illegal lobbying and the misuse of state funds.

The figures involved do not appear to have been publicly named for legal reasons. As for the Black Cube men, Eiland is a particularly vile figure. He demanded that so-called ‘Israel’ engineer disease outbreaks during the Zionist holocaust in Gaza, saying:

After all, severe epidemics in the southern Gaza Strip will bring victory closer and reduce casualties among IDF soldiers. This is not cruelty for cruelty’s sake, since we do not support suffering on the other side as an end, but as a means…

We must not, simply must not, adopt the American narrative that gives us ‘permission’ to fight only Hamas fighters instead of doing the right thing – fighting against the opposing system in its entirety, because it is precisely the civilian collapse that will bring the end of the war closer.

This amounts to a clear call for the war crimes of collective punishment and biological warfare.

Exports from ‘Palestine Laboratory’ cause harm globally

Golob’s government has shown clear Palestinian sympathies. The country recognised Palestinian statehood in May 2024. The government brought in a bill that banned the import of goods from the Occupied Palestinian Territories (though ‘Israel’ itself is also occupied Palestinian land, of course).

Golob’s coalition banned all arms trading with the criminal Zionist pseudo-state. They also banned the hideous war criminals Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich from entering Slovenia. It is clear there was ample reason for Black Cube to try and undermine those in power. Golob has accused opposition leader Janša of being part of the Zionist plot. He admitted meeting Eiland, though Politico state “he could not recall on which date“.

The scandal represents yet another instance of the global scourge the Zionist land theft project represents, as it undermines democracy across the globe. Politicians in Britain and the United States have been bought off with Zionist cash, with predictably pro-genocide policies emerging as a result.

It also highlights once more the Palestine Laboratory, where the Zionist entity deploys weapons and spying techniques on Palestinian test subjects to murder them and violate their privacy. The Zionist military and surveillance industrial complex then inflicts the results of these vile experiments on populations across the world, making a tidy profit as it goes.

The Slovenian population have resisted this malign influence, and it will require continued votes for pro-Palestinian parties elsewhere to permanently end the corrosive reach of ‘Israeli’ meddling.

Featured image via the Canary