Politics
Gavin Robinson MP: ‘Defence investment is critical to the Union’
In every generation, the United Kingdom has had to relearn a simple truth: peace is protected by strength, and strength requires investment.
Today, that truth is impossible to ignore. War has returned to Europe, authoritarian states are testing the resolve of democracies, our adversaries are investing in missiles, drones, cyber warfare, and the means to threaten the maritime routes on which our economy depends. In this new era, defence cannot be treated as a discretionary extra; it is the first duty of government.
But for those of us who believe in the Union, defence spending carries an even deeper significance. It is one of the clearest, most practical expressions of what the United Kingdom is and what it can do. The Armed Forces defend every part of our country. The defence industrial base draws on skills from every part of our country. And the benefits of serious, sustained defence investment should be felt in every part of our country.
That is why the Defence Investment Plan matters so much. It must not be a document of warm words, delayed decisions and distant aspirations. It must be a serious plan for capability, resilience and industrial renewal – and it must recognise the role that Northern Ireland can and should play in strengthening the United Kingdom’s defence.

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Nowhere is that more evident than in my constituency of East Belfast.
For more than 160 years, the shipyard at Queen’s Island has been part of the industrial story of these islands. Harland & Wolff is known across the world, but in Belfast it is not simply a name from history. It is a highly capable workforce, a base of engineering skill, and a strategic asset for the whole United Kingdom.
Following Navantia UK’s acquisition of Harland & Wolff in January 2025 and the £157 million in investment since, this shipyard is now one of the most capable and modern anywhere in Europe. The Belfast yard now has the scale, the workforce potential and the industrial heritage to contribute meaningfully to the UK’s shipbuilding and defence needs.
I have long argued that defence investment should not be concentrated in only one or two regions. If the United Kingdom is serious about resilience, then it must build resilience across the United Kingdom. That means investment in Belfast as well as Barrow, Rosyth, Govan, Portsmouth and Plymouth. It means recognising that Northern Ireland is not peripheral to UK defence – it is integral to it.
There is a Union case for defence investment, an economic case and a security case.
The Union case is straightforward. People in Northern Ireland serve with distinction in our Armed Forces. Families here understand service and sacrifice. Our businesses contribute to national capability. Yet too often, Northern Ireland is treated as an afterthought in UK-wide strategies. That must change.
After all, the Union is strengthened not only by constitutional argument, but by shared endeavour. When people see that the United Kingdom is investing in their community, valuing their skills and trusting them with work of national importance, the Union becomes tangible. It becomes a job, an apprenticeship, a future.
The economic case is equally clear. Defence contracts support highly skilled, well-paid employment. They sustain apprenticeships, engineering pathways and supply chains. They give young people a reason to build their future at home.
The military case is perhaps the most urgent. The UK is a maritime nation. We rely on secure sea lanes for trade and energy. We need the capacity to build, maintain, repair and support vessels at pace. We need yards with the ability to scale up. We need industrial partners who can deliver. And we need a government that understands that defence procurement is not simply about buying equipment, but about sustaining the capability to defend our country when needed.
The war in Ukraine has shown that industrial capacity is itself a form of deterrence. A nation that cannot build is a nation whose security is fragile.
That is why the defence investment plan must take a long-term view. Stop-start procurement is bad for the taxpayer, bad for workers and bad for national security. Industry needs certainty, workers need confidence, and young people considering an apprenticeship need to know that there will be a career at the end of it.
For Navantia UK and its Harland & Wolff yard in East Belfast and other companies operating in Northern Ireland, that certainty is essential. The yard has a future if it is given the chance to compete, deliver and grow. It can be part of a stronger UK shipbuilding sector. It can help ensure that sovereign capability is not merely a slogan but a reality. And it can show in practical terms how Northern Ireland contributes to the defence of the nation.
So, my message to the Government is clear. Northern Ireland stands ready to play its part. Harland & Wolff stands ready to play its part. Now the Government must play its part too.
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