Lachlan Bruce: Labour’s police shake-up repeats Scotland’s mistakes

Lachlan Bruce is a Conservative councillor and a policy and public affairs manager at a British health charity.

The Home Secretary’s plan to “radically reduce” the number of police forces in England and Wales is being presented as bold and modern. We are told that 43 forces are inefficient, bureaucratic and ill-equipped to face modern threats, and that consolidation will save money while improving capability.

We have heard all this before.

In Scotland, the SNP forced through the merger of eight regional forces into a single national body: Police Scotland. It was sold as a reform that would cut duplication, strengthen serious and organised crime capability, and free up resources for frontline policing.

More than a decade on, the reality is stark. Centralisation has weakened local policing, not strengthened it. Communities feel less visible police presence, not more. Decision-making has moved further away from the streets and towns officers serve. Local commanders have less autonomy and communities have less influence. The promise that scale would deliver better neighbourhood policing has proved hollow and false.

What Scotland gained in administrative uniformity, it lost in local responsiveness.

Response times have risen. Public confidence has fallen. Officers themselves speak openly about morale and overstretch; many are leaving in their droves. Rural communities feel forgotten by a system geared around priorities in the big cities and metropolitan pressures. When everything is “national”, local problems struggle to compete.

Under the old model, chief constables were rooted in place and answerable to local police authorities. Today, decisions are taken in a national headquarters hundreds of miles from the communities affected. When policing goes wrong, it is far harder for local people to know who is responsible, let alone influence change.

A single force inevitably standardises practice. But Scotland is not uniform and neither are England or Wales. What works in Glasgow or London does not always work in Skye or Ynys Môn. What suits a city centre on a Saturday night is not what a rural village needs on a weekday afternoon. Centralised systems struggle with local nuance.

The clearest verdict on Scotland’s experiment in centralised policing does not come from ministers or management consultants it comes from the public. Fewer than half of adults in Scotland now believe the police in their local area are doing an “excellent” or “good” job. Just 45 per cent hold that view in 2023–24.

A decade earlier, before eight regional forces were swept into a single national body, that figure stood at 61 per cent.

That decline is not confined to satisfaction ratings. It reflects a system that has not delivered better policing.

The force has faced high-profile operational failings, from the M9 crash in which multiple reports of a crashed vehicle went unlogged, resulting in two deaths, to thousands of arrest warrants for serious crimes standing unexecuted. Instances of evidence mishandling in murder investigations and significant overtime pressures highlight a force struggling with core duties. Independent reviews have also flagged procedural shortcomings in how complaints and investigations are handled.

Whatever the theory behind centralisation, the lived experience is plain: people feel less well served by the police today than they did before the merger. That is not modernisation. It is decline.

Large-scale structural reform absorbs time, money and leadership bandwidth. Years are spent on uniforms, logos, IT systems, command chains and governance, while the everyday work of policing is put under strain. Communities do not experience “transformation”; they experience disruption.

Labour now proposes to repeat this experiment across England and Wales.

Labour ministers argue that smaller forces cannot handle terrorism, serious organised crime or major incidents. Yet those capabilities are already delivered through collaboration, regional units and national agencies. You do not need to abolish local forces to share intelligence, pool specialist skills or co-ordinate nationally. That work already happens.

What does depend on local structures is neighbourhood policing: the trust built by familiar faces, local knowledge and visible presence. British policing rests on consent – on familiarity, trust and presence. That tradition is fragile. It depends on people recognising their officers, not seeing them as remote agents of a distant system. Centralisation erodes that bond. That is precisely what is most at risk from sweeping structural reform.

The Home Secretary says she will create new “Local Policing Areas” in every town and city. But Scotland shows the flaw in this thinking. You can draw as many boxes on an organisational chart as you like; if power, budgets and priorities are set centrally, those “local” units become branding exercises, not real centres of authority.

Real neighbourhood policing is not created by White Papers. It depends on genuine local control, stable teams, and accountability to the communities they serve.

There is a deeper problem here. Labour’s instinct is always to centralise: fewer institutions, bigger systems, more control from the centre. We see it in health, in economic policy, and now in policing. The promise is always efficiency. The outcome is usually distance between decision-makers and the people affected by those decisions.

Scotland’s experience should be a warning, not a template.

Police reform should be driven by evidence of what improves safety, confidence and community trust, not by a Treasury-led hunt for savings or a managerial belief that “bigger is better”. The Police Federation is right: any change must strengthen frontline and neighbourhood policing, not weaken it.

England and Wales do not need a centralised policing model. They need more officers on the streets, stronger local accountability, a focus on the things that really impact the public and forces empowered to serve the communities that know them best.

Conservatives should offer a different vision: one rooted in local accountability, visible neighbourhood policing and respect for policing by consent. The answer to modern crime is not to abolish local forces, but to strengthen them backing collaboration where it works, investing in frontline officers, and giving communities real influence over the policing they receive. Reform should bring the police closer to the public, not place them further away.

We tried Labour’s idea north of the border. It did not deliver. Repeating it would be an expensive mistake.