Tara-Jane Sutcliffe: Conservatives should take a lead on democratic integrity and accountability

Tara-Jane Sutcliffe was the Conservative Parliamentary Candidate for Swansea West at the 2024 General Election and serves as a Federation Chair in West Wales.

The Labour Government has now introduced its Representation of the People Bill, proposing sweeping reforms and presenting them as the biggest expansion of democracy in a generation. A tall claim, and one that will come under close scrutiny as the Bill progresses.

Some elements of reform are necessary and right. Safeguarding elections from hostile foreign influence, tightening controls on political donations, and strengthening enforcement against electoral offences reflect the realities of modern democratic vulnerability. Democracies today are threatened not only by conventional means, but by hybrid tactics – covert influence, disinformation, cyber intrusion and financial interference.

The Bill focuses heavily on widening participation: lowering the voting age, simplifying registration, and expanding access to the ballot. Yet democracy is not only about who can vote. Critically, it is about whether those votes are honoured. On this fundamental question, the Bill is silent – and herein lies a timely opportunity for Conservative intervention.

Since the last General Election, several elected representatives have, to much local and national opprobrium, changed party allegiance without returning to constituents for endorsement. Danny Kruger, Robert Jenrick, Suella Braverman and Andrew Rosindell – all elected as Conservatives MPs – now sit for Reform UK. And in Wales, most recently, Senedd member James Evans lost the Conservative whip and subsequently joined Reform. Not unprecedented, all parties have at times both gained and lost from such movements. But the electorate loses most of all.

When an MP crosses the floor without returning to the electorate, the Nolan Principles of public life – not least integrity – are flagrantly flouted. It is, at heart, a breach of trust. When we vote, we choose not merely a person but a particular policy perspective: a party. It is therefore reasonable to expect that the political basis on which a mandate is secured will endure for the full term of office, not merely part. The same principle applies at every level of government. Whether in Parliament or on a local council, the democratic deficit is the same. In a post-trust political era, each such instance risks deepening disengagement and eroding confidence in public life. Any measure capable of restoring public trust should, and must, be taken.

The Government claims this Bill will strengthen democracy. But the absence of any provision addressing mid-term party defection leaves a glaring gap. Setting aside differing views on extending the franchise to younger voters – on which many have reservations – expanding participation while ignoring practices that can undermine the meaning of the vote risks elevating process over legitimacy. It looks therefore less a principled reform than a political calculation.

Having had the honour to stand in local elections and as a parliamentary candidate, I know how seriously voters treat their choice of representative. Campaigning through the 2024 General Election meant defending a Conservative programme on doorsteps, in hustings and in the media – asking voters to place their trust in that platform. That trust is not symbolic; it is the foundation of democratic legitimacy. To seek election under one set of principles and then serve under another, without returning to the electorate, is quite simply unconscionable.

My professional work on governance and my experience as an international election observer have reinforced this perspective. Participating in election observation missions under the auspices of the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, the UK helps uphold democratic standards worldwide – not only assessing whether voting is free and fair, but whether the will of the electorate is faithfully reflected in representation thereafter. The UK rightly promotes these principles abroad; it should reflect them at home.

The remedy is neither radical nor complex. In fact, it is blatantly obvious. Where a representative voluntarily changes party affiliation mid-term, the electorate should be given the opportunity to decide whether to renew that mandate. A recall mechanism triggering a by-election would help ensure that any change in political allegiance remains anchored in electoral legitimacy rather than personal advantage.

By-elections are not without cost, and as Conservatives we are rightfully cautious stewards of public money. But what price democracy? Electoral accountability is not an optional expense; it is the foundation of legitimate government. Moreover, the very existence of such a requirement would likely deter opportunistic defections, meaning by-elections would remain rare rather than routine.

Democracy is more than participation and access. It requires trust, and trust depends not only on who can vote, but on whether their vote continues to carry meaning after polling day. If the Government is serious about its proposed objectives, it should address this omission. Without it, the Bill risks expanding the franchise while leaving the democratic mandate itself exposed.

From a values and principles perspective, this is a moment for Conservative leadership. This should serve as a call to action for those who believe that restoring trust in politics begins with honouring the choice voters make. Championing this reform would demonstrate our commitment to democratic integrity and accountability, and to ensuring that the electorate, not political convenience, remains sovereign. Restoring that principle is not only good for democracy; it is essential to Party renewal.