West Bank (and central Gaza) Palestinians cast votes in local elections

Palestinians went to the polls on 25 April, in local elections across 183 local authorities — mostly in the West Bank, but also the municipality of Deir al-Balah in Gaza.

Palestinians in the West Bank hopeful for change

Several Palestinians we talked with were optimistic and hopeful for change. One voter, Mahmoud, told us that in the village where he lives there had been no elections in 20 years, so he had never voted until now.

He told us:

My village is called Nahalin, in Bethlehem. It used to be small, then it grew into a municipality, so this is the first year we have had elections. The person who I voted for is an expert who has dedicated years of his life to helping our village for free, trying to make things better. Everyone knows he is the right person for this position, and can make a change. The voter turnout was very good, and we believe he can change the issues that affect all of us, such as the rubbish and water problems.

Another one said:

Of course I was among the voters. Elections are really important, and so is voting, so we can change things. We need someone responsible to take charge, as we’ve seen the horrors. We want to fix our country, Palestine, so [we] have to vote and contribute to this.

But the vote has once again highlighted deeper problems in the political system. Competition was limited in many areas, and long-running disputes over leadership and relations with the Israeli occupation continue to shape how these elections are seen.

While voter turnout was at just over 50 percent in the West Bank, where they were casting their ballot for the first time since 2023, the picture in Gaza was very different. Voting only took place in Deir al-Balah, a central area with around 70,000 eligible voters, but as expected turnout was much lower, at just over 20 percent. This was the first time since 2006 that elections had taken place in the Strip, but the process was limited and because the population is still enduring displacement and genocide, it is not surprising that participation was small.

Candidates required to denounce armed resistance and recognise ‘Israel’ before registration, leading to severe lack of political choice for voters

One of the most significant issues was the lack of political choice when it came to candidates in parts of the occupied West Bank. In many municipalities, especially smaller towns and villages, only a single candidate list was registered, meaning those candidates were effectively elected unopposed before voting even took place.

90 year old Palestinian Authority (PA) president, Mahmoud Abbas, is the chairman of Fatah, the PA’s main faction — it continues to lead political life in the occupied West Bank. He is also head of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). Under the Oslo Accords (1993-1995) the PLO agreed to recognise “Israel’s” right to exist and committed to a negotiated political process towards a two state solution, rather than continuing armed struggle.

Yet while Palestine was aiming for the path to peace, the Israeli occupation only exploited Oslo, using it to consolidate its control over the occupied territory.

A new law, introduced by Abbas in 2025, required all candidates to accept the PLO’s programme, in order to register. But recognising “Israel”, and renouncing “armed struggle” is obviously a barrier for many independent candidates, who faced mounting pressure  by the PA to prevent them from running.

West Bank authority’s security collaboration with the IOF

Another issue that continues to shape both politics and public opinion is security coordination between PA security forces in the West Bank and the IOF — and its criminalisation of Palestinian resistance. Collaboration between the Palestinian and occupation’s security services have led many Palestinians to believe this intelligence sharing, movement coordination and arrest of Palestinians only works against them, while benefitting “Israel”. The security coordination is one of the most controversial aspects of the current system, and is often seen as reinforcing the existing leadership while limiting opposition, particularly from groups outside of the PLO.

These issues also played out in Gaza, even though voting there was limited. The elections were organised under the Palestinian Authority’s framework, meaning that the same political conditions applied. Hamas, which rejects both the Oslo agreements and security coordination with Israel, stayed outside the process, which helped contribute to the low turnout and limited participation.

A recent poll states 80 percent of Palestinians wanted Abbas gone

While the process itself ran without major disruption, many Palestinians remain disillusioned, and unconvinced that voting can bring any meaningful change.

Yazeed from Ramallah told the Canary:

Just live your life and don’t be afraid. They’re all liars and swindlers. Once they’re sitting in their seats we’ll know what they’re really like.

Years of delayed national elections have added to that scepticism. Planned general elections in 2021 were postponed indefinitely, reinforcing doubts Palestinians already had about the system. 65 percent of Palestinians expressed their opposition to Abbas’ decision to postpone them, and two-thirds said the postponement came out of fear of the results.

According to participants of a poll, in October 2025, 80 percent of Palestinians wanted Abbas to resign — while Hamas maintained a significant lead over Fatah.

For many Palestinians, the issue is not simply about whether elections take place, but whether they offer a real choice. Right now, they do not. Whatever the results of these elections, they will not indicate public opinion.

Featured image via SBS

By Charlie Jaay

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