Munich: The World Uyghur Congress (WUC) has released its weekly brief, highlighting concerns over the global reach of Chinese surveillance technology and repression of Uyghurs worldwide, as policymakers and activists intensify criticism of China’s policies.

On April 1, 2026, Oliver Stirbock raised questions in the Hesse State Parliament about the use of surveillance systems from Hikvision and Dahua by local authorities. He called for clarity on guidelines addressing human rights risks linked to these technologies, which have already faced restrictions in countries like the United States. WUC welcomed the move, reiterating longstanding concerns that such tools are tied to the mass surveillance of Uyghurs in China.

Meanwhile, April 5 marked 36 years since the Baren Uprising, a pivotal moment of Uyghur resistance against Chinese rule. In 1990, around 200 Uyghurs protested in Akto County against coercive population control policies, including forced abortions.

The protest was met with a brutal military response, reportedly involving thousands of troops and resulting in widespread killings. No independent probe into the incident has ever been conducted. Commemorative demonstrations were held in Munich and Berlin, with activists demanding justice and remembrance for those killed.

At the international level, WUC Executive Committee Chair Rushan Abbas participated in the Global Counterterrorism Forum cybersecurity conference in Guatemala on April 7.

She highlighted how surveillance practices associated with the Chinese Communist Party extend beyond China’s borders, warning of a growing digital authoritarian model. Alongside Abdulhakim Idris, she also engaged students at Galileo University on what they described as technology-enabled repression.
Adding to global unease, China recently implemented a sweeping 18-point framework to secure its industrial and supply chains. Effective March 31, the policy enhances state authority over key sectors, allowing countermeasures against foreign entities deemed threatening to China’s economic stability. Measures may include restrictions, penalties, and export controls.

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Debt mutual funds witnessed record big outflows of nearly Rs 3 lakh crore in March, according to the monthly data released by the Association of Mutual Funds in India (AMFI). These funds received an inflow of Rs 42,106 crore in February.

In March last year, these funds had recorded an outflow of Rs 2.02 lakh crore. Across the 16 sub-categories, all segments witnessed outflows in March.

Also Read | Mutual fund SIP stoppage ratio jumps to over 100% in March, even as contributions hit record Rs 32,000 crore

Nehal Meshram, Senior Analyst, Morningstar Investment Research India said debt-funds saw a net outflow in March, marking a steep reversal from the relatively healthier flows seen in January and February. The pressure was concentrated in short-term and treasury-oriented categories, which suggests quarter-end institutional and corporate liquidity adjustments were a key driver.

Nehal further mentioned that the sharp reversal in debt fund flows in March was driven largely by heavy redemptions from short-term and liquidity-oriented categories.

Liquid funds saw the highest outflow at Rs 1.34 lakh crore. Overnight funds recorded outflows of Rs 40,227 crore, followed by money market funds at Rs 29,206 crore.
Kartik Jain, MD & CEO, Shriram AMC, said debt categories, which saw inflows in February, witnessed significant outflows in March, particularly in liquid and money market funds, suggesting quarter-end treasury movements and profit booking by institutional investors.
The AMFI data showed that low-duration funds saw an outflow of Rs 25,227 crore. Corporate bond funds and gilt funds saw an outflow of Rs 15,292 crore and Rs 3,078 crore, respectively.
Commenting on the outflows from corporate bond funds and gilt funds, Nehal said corporate bond funds recorded outflows, indicating some pressure even in relatively high-quality accrual-oriented strategies, whereas gilt funds continued to see outflows, suggesting investor appetite for duration-led strategies remained limited.

Gilt funds have been witnessing continuous outflows for the last eight funds. Long-duration funds and dynamic bond funds have been witnessing outflows for six straight months each. Credit risk funds are observing outflows for the last 36 months.

The assets under management (AUM) of debt funds declined by 15% in March to Rs 16.51 lakh crore from Rs 19.43 lakh crore in February.

Also Read | Gold ETF inflows drop 57% to Rs 2,265 crore; silver ETFs see second straight month of outflows

From a broader quarterly perspective, the March pullback was large enough to drag overall debt fund flows into negative territory for Q1 2026, with short-term categories accounting for most of the weakness. Overall, the March data appears to reflect seasonal quarter-end liquidity adjustments more than any broad-based deterioration in sentiment toward fixed income, Nehal said.

Ankur Punj, MD & Business Head, Equirus Wealth said March typically witnesses a surge in outflows due to higher redemptions, particularly from debt mutual funds, as companies redeem money from liquid funds to meet year-end commitments.

However, this is just a temporary blip and industry is likely to witness a surge in inflows in the coming months backed by India’s strong macroeconomic fundamentals and valuations of domestic equities looking favourable, Punj further said.

(Disclaimer: Recommendations, suggestions, views and opinions given by the experts are their own. These do not represent the views of The Economic Times)

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Sunil Singhania backed Abakkus Flexi Cap Fund increased its stake in HDFC Bank, RIL and 28 other stocks in March, according to the monthly portfolio disclosed by Abakkus Mutual Fund.

The monthly data showed that the flexi cap fund added nearly 2 lakh shares of HDFC Bank in its portfolio taking the total share count to 20 lakh in March compared to 18 lakh in February. It also added 75,000 shares of Reliance Industries and had 10 lakh shares in its portfolio of RIL in March.

Also Read | Gold ETF inflows drop 57% to Rs 2,265 crore; silver ETFs see second straight month of outflows

Apart from these two stocks, the fund raised its stake in 28 other stocks in March. Among these 28 stocks, the fund added a maximum number of shares of Tata Steel as it added 9 lakh shares in its portfolio. This was followed by net addition of 5 lakh shares of Bank of Baroda.

There were 45 lakh shares of Urban Company in the portfolio in March as around 4 lakh shares were added to the portfolio from the previous share count of 41 lakh in February. The fund added 2.50 lakh shares each of The Federal Bank and Emmvee Photovoltaic Power .

Some other stocks where the stake was increased included Aether Industries, Bajaj Auto, ICICI Bank, ICICI Prudential AMC, Inox India, Oracle Financial Services Software, State Bank of India, and Vedanta.
Mahindra & Mahindra was added to the portfolio as a new entrant in March and the flexi cap fund had 2.35 lakh shares of M&M.
A complete exit was made from Bharat Petroleum Corporation in March by selling 16.01 lakh shares from the portfolio in March.
The exposure in 13 stocks remained unchanged in March which includes stocks such as Ajanta Pharma, DLF, Deepak Fertilizers and Petrochemicals Corporation, Edelweiss Financial Services, Fractal Analytics, L&T, NTPC, and Supriya Lifesciences.

As of March 31, 2026 the flexi cap fund had 44 stocks in its portfolio, the same as the one in February. The portfolio of this flexi cap fund is spread across 22 sectors.

The primary investment objective of the scheme is to generate capital appreciation & provide long-term growth opportunities through equity and equity related instruments by investing in a diversified portfolio of large cap, mid cap and small cap securities and the secondary objective is to generate consistent returns by investing in debt and money market securities.

Launched on December 29,2025 the fund had an AUM of Rs 3,089 crore as of March 31, 2026. It is benchmarked against the BSE 500 Index (TRI) and is managed by Sanjay Doshi (Equity) and Abhishek K S (Fixed Income).

Also Read | Mutual fund SIP stoppage ratio jumps to over 100% in March, even as contributions hit record Rs 32,000 crore

The fund holds 43.29% in large caps, 18.47% in mid caps, 29.93% in small caps and 8.31% in cash and cash equivalents.

Sanjay Doshi, Head of Investments and Research, in the monthly release by the fund house said Abakkus Flexi Cap Fund aims to benefit from growth opportunities across market capitalizations and sectors while maintaining mindful valuation discipline. The portfolio has a balance of leaders and emerging winners and hence maintains a high active share through conviction driven positioning.

As of March 2026, the portfolio reflects our positive outlook across breadth, with a higher allocation to small cap space where medium term risk reward appears favourable, despite near-term market volatility. We remain positive on Industrials, Financial services, Consumer discretionary and Healthcare, Doshi further said.

(Disclaimer: Recommendations, suggestions, views and opinions given by the experts are their own. These do not represent the views of The Economic Times)

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BUDAPEST, Hungary — Hungarians head to the polls Sunday in a parliamentary election that could end Viktor Orban’s 16-year grip on power, with the opposition Tisza Party holding a clear lead in the latest polls over the longtime prime minister’s Fidesz party amid widespread discontent over corruption, ties to Russia and stalled European Union funds.

The April 12 vote for the 199-seat National Assembly is being watched closely across Europe and beyond as a potential turning point for Hungary’s illiberal democracy and the broader cohesion of the European Union. A victory for challenger Péter Magyar and his center-right Tisza Party could unlock billions in frozen EU money, shift Budapest’s stance on the war in Ukraine and signal a pro-European pivot after years of confrontation with Brussels.

Recent independent polls show Tisza ahead by 10 to 13 percentage points. A Nepszava-published survey on Friday had Tisza at 52 percent and Fidesz at 39 percent among decided voters, while other pollsters like Publicus and Iránytű Institute reported similar double-digit leads. Pro-government pollsters showed a tighter race, but even they acknowledged momentum for the opposition.

Tisza, a relatively new force founded by Magyar — a former Orban ally who broke ranks in 2024 — has capitalized on anti-corruption messaging, promises of judicial reform and a return to mainstream European integration. Magyar, a charismatic lawyer and former diplomat, has drawn massive crowds to rallies, including a recent anti-government concert in Budapest that attracted thousands.

Orban, seeking a fifth term, has framed the election as a battle for national sovereignty against “Brussels bureaucrats” and liberal forces. At rallies, he has warned that an opposition win would bring mass migration, gender ideology and economic decline. His campaign has leaned heavily on state media dominance and targeted social media efforts, including coordinated Telegram posts spreading fear about life without Fidesz, according to research by data analytics firm Vox Harbor.

High stakes for Hungary and Europe

The election carries outsized international weight. Hungary under Orban has repeatedly blocked or delayed EU decisions on Ukraine aid, sanctions against Russia and joint borrowing packages. A Tisza-led government could ease those vetoes, strengthening Europe’s unified support for Kyiv and potentially unlocking more than €20 billion in withheld EU recovery funds tied to rule-of-law concerns.

Washington, Moscow, Kyiv and Brussels are monitoring closely. U.S. Vice President JD Vance visited Budapest this week in a show of support for Orban, highlighting transatlantic divisions. Reports of Orban’s private communications with Russian President Vladimir Putin, including an alleged “I am at your service” remark, have fueled criticism from European allies.

For ordinary Hungarians, the vote revolves around cost-of-living pressures, perceived cronyism and the future of democratic institutions. Orban’s Fidesz has built a system critics describe as “state capture,” with loyalists controlling key media outlets, courts and economic levers. Magyar promises to dismantle what he calls the “Orbán system” of oligarchic rule while maintaining conservative values.

Electoral system favors incumbents

Hungary’s mixed electoral system — combining single-member districts with proportional party lists — has historically boosted Fidesz. In 2022, Orban’s alliance won a supermajority with just over 50 percent of the vote thanks to gerrymandering and the way wasted votes from districts flow into national allocations. Diaspora votes from ethnic Hungarians in neighboring countries also lean heavily toward Fidesz.

Analysts say Tisza may need a six- to 10-point popular vote lead to secure even a simple majority of 100 seats, let alone the 133 needed for a constitutional supermajority. Some projections, including from polling firm Median, suggest Tisza could still achieve a two-thirds majority if momentum holds, allowing it to amend the constitution and reverse key Orban-era laws.

Undecided voters, estimated at 15 to 25 percent in some surveys, could prove decisive. Fidesz is pouring resources into mobilizing its rural and older base, while Tisza targets urban youth, swing districts and disaffected former Fidesz supporters.

Campaign dynamics and controversies

The final week has seen intense campaigning. Orban toured the country, emphasizing family policies, border security and economic stability under Fidesz. He accused the opposition of being Soros-funded puppets bent on opening borders.

Magyar countered with rallies focused on battery plant safety concerns, judicial independence and ending crony contracts. He has positioned Tisza as a “respect and freedom” alternative that rejects both Orban’s isolationism and left-wing extremes. Smaller parties like Our Homeland Movement and the Democratic Coalition are polling in the single digits and may struggle to clear the 5 percent threshold for parliament seats.

Allegations of coordinated disinformation have surfaced, with pro-Orban Telegram channels pushing narratives of chaos if Fidesz loses. Opposition figures have complained about unequal media access and state resources tilting the field, though international observers have not yet issued formal assessments.

Football has even entered the fray. Orban’s longtime fusion of politics and the sport — including stadium investments — has come under scrutiny as a symbol of resource allocation priorities, with some analysts suggesting it could contribute to voter fatigue.

What a change would mean

A Tisza victory would mark the first time since 2010 that Orban is out of power, potentially triggering a rapid realignment. Magyar has pledged to restore independent institutions, negotiate with the EU on funds and adopt a more constructive approach to Ukraine aid without abandoning Hungary’s energy interests tied to Russia.

For the EU, it could reduce internal friction and bolster collective decision-making. For Ukraine, it might mean fewer vetoes on military support packages. Domestically, analysts caution that even a strong opposition win would face hurdles: entrenched loyalists in the bureaucracy, constitutional changes requiring time and possible legal challenges from the outgoing government.

Fidesz insiders express confidence in their ground game and the electoral map’s advantages, predicting a comeback similar to past tight races. Orban has governed through crises before, from migration waves to the COVID-19 pandemic and inflation spikes.

Voter sentiment and turnout expectations

Turnout will be critical. High participation historically favors the opposition, while lower turnout benefits Fidesz’s disciplined base. Polling stations open at 6 a.m. local time Sunday and close at 7 p.m., with results expected late that night or early Monday.

In Budapest and major cities, excitement is palpable. Anti-government events have drawn large crowds, while rural areas remain more cautious. Economic anxieties — including high utility costs and wage stagnation — appear to be driving many toward change, though fears of instability persist among Orban loyalists.

As the campaign enters its final hours, both sides are urging supporters to vote. Magyar has called it “the most important election since 1989,” framing it as a choice between continued isolation and a European future. Orban has labeled it a defense of Hungarian sovereignty against external forces.

Whatever the outcome, the 2026 Hungarian parliamentary election is poised to reshape the country’s trajectory after more than a decade and a half of one-party dominance. International observers, including from the OSCE, are on the ground to monitor proceedings.

For now, the momentum appears to favor Magyar’s rising Tisza movement, but Hungary’s tilted electoral landscape means nothing is guaranteed until votes are counted.