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GE2025: Singapore Democratic Alliance to confirm decision on Punggol GRC a day before Nomination Day

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GE2025: Singapore Democratic Alliance to confirm decision on Punggol GRC a day before Nomination Day


Mr Lim was accompanied by around 10 other party members and volunteers, including SDA secretary-general Abu Mohamed and at least one new face, entrepreneur Muhammad Faizal Mohmad.

Asked about members who contested in previous elections but have not been present at recent events – such as Mr Kelvin Ong – Mr Lim said they were still with the party and that “when the time comes … we will come together”.

Pulau Ubin, an island in northeast Singapore, used to be part of East Coast GRC but has been redrawn into Pasir Ris-Changi GRC for the upcoming polls.

SDA has said it will focus on this newly formed constituency, which absorbed districts from the now-defunct Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC – which the opposition party had contested unsuccessfully since 2006.

The rest of the districts in Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC are part of a new four-member Punggol GRC, which has also subsumed Punggol West SMC.

At the last election in 2020, the single seat was won by PAP’s Sun Xueling against WP’s Tan Chen Chen. 

The WP has not confirmed if it will contest in Punggol, though its members – including new face Sufyan Mikhail Putra Mohd Kamil – have been seen walking the ground there.

Mr Lim was asked if SDA would avoid a three-cornered fight in Punggol. 

“We never go into other people’s place … and we are not the one that initiates,” said Mr Lim.

“We have been very consistently – after every election – been present in that constituency Pasir Ris-Punggol, and now it’s Pasir Ris-Changi.”



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NDP still waiting for Nenshi wave: poll shows party farther behind UCP with new leader

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Alberta NDP ending automatic membership in federal party


EDITOR’S NOTE: CBC News commissioned this public opinion research to be conducted immediately following the federal election and leading into the second anniversary of the United Conservative Party’s provincial election win in May 2023. 

As with all polls, this one provides a snapshot in time. 

This analysis is one in a series of articles from this research. More stories will follow.


Naheed Nenshi, the Alberta NDP leader and prolific public speaker, spent 55 minutes delivering a speech to his party’s convention in early May about the state of Alberta politics and where he wants to take his movement and province.

Well, at least most of it was present- and future-focused.

He spent 11 minutes near the top of his address looking back at the Calgary flood — the defining moment of his mayoralty. A dozen years ago.

At one point in that reminiscence, he became self-aware he was dwelling on the past.

“So I know this feels like an old story,” Nenshi said. “Why is he going back to the greatest hits?”

He then tried to bridge his storytelling about Calgary’s flood-time resilience into a metaphor about the UCP government. 

“It’s a flood of economic uncertainty. It’s a flood of attacks on our public services. It’s a flood of policies that divide rather than unite. And today, my friends, we’re going to start stopping that flood.”

But it seems like the hero of 2013 Calgary isn’t stirring hearts in 2025 Alberta, according to new polling from Janet Brown Opinion Research.

Ex-mayor behind in cities

The massive enthusiasm that surrounded his big win last year as the Opposition party’s leader appears to have failed to resonate beyond his base.

He was a star recruit from outside the NDP ranks, selected to deliver victory after former premier Rachel Notley had failed in her second and third bids to return the party to that electoral Jerusalem.

However, NDP fortunes have fallen sharply in Calgary under its first Calgarian leader. They’d narrowly won the popular vote and won the most seats in the province’s largest city in 2023, but now trail the UCP there by 13 percentage points, the poll shows — nearly as far back as they are provincewide.

And in Edmonton, the city they swept (again) and won by 29 points in 2023, it’s nearly a tie.


Nenshi is running in a by-election in Notley’s former riding of Edmonton–Strathcona, and is even mingling among the city’s hockey fans in a newish team sweater. 

But he has a lot of ground to make up in his newly adoptive political home base to even bring the NDP back to its 2023 levels of success, let alone faring better than that next election. 

“Our life’s work is not to be the biggest Opposition Alberta has ever seen,” Nenshi told his party convention. “Our life’s work is to be the best government Alberta’s ever had.”

While the NDP brand often struggled, Notley in her latter years tended to enjoy higher personal support than her UCP rivals Jason Kenney and Danielle Smith.

The progressive party’s current leader holds no such edge, compared to the current premier.

In both Edmonton and Calgary, more poll respondents are likely to say they have a negative impression of Nenshi than a positive one.


Brown said he may have Smith to blame for his fortunes, as impressions of the premier have edged upward over her time in office.

“It’s always difficult to look at a leader in isolation because how well a leader is doing is always related to how well the person on the other end of the teeter-totter is doing,” the pollster told CBC News.

“So Danielle Smith probably owes something to Nenshi for how well she’s doing, and Nenshi probably has to acknowledge that Smith is one of the reasons that he’s not performing as well.”

Brown cites Smith’s “dynamic” communicating skills — say, wasn’t that Nenshi’s reputation too? — but also her ability to dominate the agenda as premier. 

“She just takes up so much of the energy, it’s hard for Nenshi to get into the debate,” Brown said.

Over his nearly one year as leader, Nenshi hasn’t been able to get onto the legislature floor for any formal debate; but with a by-election win on June 23, he’ll have that opportunity when the assembly resumes sitting in October.

But getting in four weeks of question period jousts this fall won’t likely matter much — not with so many other modern ways to make his political message heard, said Keith McLaughlin, a former NDP senior aide and strategist.

To him, Nenshi should change the content and approach of his message, rather than expect the venue to improve things for him.

“Voters want fighters, not feelers,” McLaughlin said in an interview. “They don’t want to go for a bleeding heart.”

While Nenshi’s recollections of the Calgary spirit during the flood were well received by convention-goers, McLaughlin said, the partisans were far more energized by their leader’s more spirited rhetoric about labour strife among education staff and about their rivals’ flirtation with provincial separatism.

David Climenhaga, a provincial NDP supporter and blogger, wrote after the Alberta convention that Nenshi’s been “weirdly passive” when he’s had the opportunity to take on Smith.

“There are lots of social media videos, but I don’t get the feeling Mr. Nenshi’s professorial lectures have homed in on the issues that matter the most to the working Albertans whose votes the provincial NDP requires to push it over the top,” Climenhaga wrote.

However, time and circumstances may have prevented Nenshi from capitalizing on two of the biggest fights his NDP have taken to the United Conservatives.

The opposition was girding for a big fight last fall, when Smith put forth her legislation making major policy changes on transgender youth health care and in schools in late October. But soon afterward, headlines were dominated by Donald Trump’s victory south of the border, and his subsequent threats on Canadian sovereignty.

Months later, controversy erupted over Alberta Health Services’ contracting practices and the ouster of CEO Athana Mentzelopoulos. Nenshi’s NDP swiftly branded it a scandal and demanded another ouster, that of Health Minister Adriana LaGrange.

The Trump bump (of all else off the agenda)

But other events dominated the headlines as those health-management stories broke, too. 

A newly inaugurated President Trump ramped up his tariff threats on Canada, and the rise of Liberal Leader Mark Carney and the federal election became the main story in Alberta and elsewhere, perhaps giving less spotlight to provincial politics, where Nenshi and his MLAs were busy fervently denouncing their rivals and trying to highlight the AHS saga.

Brown also said she believes the recent evaporation of federal NDP support is helping drag down the provincial party. Nenshi’s team has recently started referring to themselves as “Alberta’s New Democrats” instead of using the NDP acronym — a subtle attempt to distance themselves from their federal cousins.

That’s on top of a more formal separation of federal and provincial branches. 

At the same convention where Nenshi shared his flood reminiscences, members voted to end automatic membership in the federal NDP for all provincial card-holders.

They also showed unity behind their leader with an 89.5 per cent vote of support in his leadership review.

The party is leaning on him in these by-elections. Not only is Nenshi’s name on his own candidate lawn signs in Strathcona, but his cross-town colleague running in the vacant Edmonton-Ellerslie has a “Team Nenshi” logo in one corner that’s larger than the party’s logo in another corner.

Woman speaks, two stand nearby and listen. Large election signs tower above them.
NDP MLA Christina Gray, left, introduces party by-election candidates Gurtej Singh Brar, centre, and Naheed Nenshi at a party event. As leader, Nenshi’s name appears on both candidate’s signs. (Bluesky/Gurtejsinghbrar)

Despite his subpar performance in polls to date, there’s far more patience than discontent among New Democrats with Nenshi, McLaughlin said. There’s also awareness that he has time to make up ground before the next Alberta election in fall 2027.

While his NDP remains united, there’s sharp division within Smith’s party on the separation question. And who knows what multiple investigations into the AHS matter will conclude?

At the end of Nenshi’s speech, he spent three more minutes on one last 2013 Calgary flood story — about one family wracked by the disaster, and the shepherd’s pie that strangers made for them. 

He spoke about the deep kindness and generosity of Albertans in the face of adversity, and then spoke of tapping into that spirit to overcome what Smith’s UCP have wrought.

It may have been a new anecdote to many of the non-Calgarians at this Alberta NDP event, but it’s one that by 2014 had already been well-worn in Nenshi’s rhetorical repertoire.

He may choose to refresh the content of his speeches as he continues in his bid to overtake the UCP and Smith.

Or, he could stick with his greatest hits, the pivotal moment of his past political career and for Calgary. 

But if the flood is still his favourite reference point come next election, he’ll be seized by something that happened 14 years ago, when voters will be concerned about the next four years.


The CBC News random survey of 1,200 Albertans was conducted using a hybrid method between May 7 to 21, 2025, by Edmonton-based Trend Research under the direction of Janet Brown Opinion Research. The sample is representative of regional, age and gender factors. The margin of error is +/- 2.8 percentage points, 19 times out of 20. For subsets, the margin of error is larger. The survey used a hybrid methodology that involved contacting survey respondents by telephone and giving them the option of completing the survey at that time, at another more convenient time, or receiving an email link and completing the survey online. Trend Research contacted people using a random list of numbers, consisting of 40 per cent landlines and 60 per cent cellphone numbers. Telephone numbers were dialed up to five times at five different times of day before another telephone number was added to the sample. The response rate among valid numbers (i.e. residential and personal) was 12.8 per cent.





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South Carolina boosts lawmaker pay in 2026 budget

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South Carolina boosts lawmaker pay in 2026 budget

Members of the South Carolina General Assembly are one step closer to a major pay raise after approving their 2026 budget, which includes a provision to more than double their salaries.

Lawmakers currently make $1,000 a month and have not seen a salary increase since 1990. 

If Republican Gov. Henry McMaster (SC) signs the bill, lawmakers will make $2,500 a month, with few limits on how the money can be spent.

“The anticipation is you will spend that on your constituents, doing the job they’ve elected you to do and going to the places they have asked you to go,” Republican House Ways and Means Chairman Bruce Bannister said. “If you do not spend the money on your constituents, that’s on you.”

Legislators will see their raise starting July 1. 

While McMaster possesses a line-item veto, lawmakers do not anticipate him vetoing their salary increase. As a result, lawmakers are expected to return to work in January 2026. 

However, not all lawmakers agree with how they went about legislating their pay raise.

“If there is going to be a pay raise, the people, by way of elections, ought to decide who does and who does not get that raise,” Republican state Sen. Wes Climer told the Associated Press.

REPUBLICANS TURN TO 2025 GOVERNOR BATTLES AS PARTY LOOKS TO RIDE 2024 SUCCESS

In 2014, then-Gov. Nikki Haley (R-SC) vetoed a bill that would have increased lawmakers’ salaries by $1,000. 

The $14.5 billion budget also includes provisions for a teacher pay raise, renovations for state technical schools, and funding to lower the state’s top income tax to 6%.

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After 16 years with no pay hikes, Ontario MPPs could get a big one

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Queen's Park in Toronto on May 12, 2025. CYNTHIA MCLEOD/TORONTO SUN


McGuinty froze the wages of MPPs in 2009 as the world was dealing with the fallout of the global financial meltdown

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MPPs at Queen’s Park are about to get a massive raise, their first in 16 years, but they still won’t make as much as MPs in Ottawa or councillors in many major cities.

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The Ford government is moving ahead with plans to increase MPP salaries from $116,550 per year to $157,350, or 75% of what a federal Member of Parliament makes.

Former premier Dalton McGuinty froze the wages of MPPs in 2009 as the world was dealing with the fallout of the global financial meltdown.

The unemployment rate sat at 8.5% in December 2009, the provincial government had joined in the bailout of General Motors and Chrysler, and the overall economic outlook was bleak. A lot has changed since then — the pay freeze happened when McGuinty was still a popular premier, it was before Rob Ford became mayor of Toronto, bringing his brother, our current premier, into politics.

Lady Gaga was topping Billboard’s Canadian Hot 100 chart with Bad Romance while a new singer named Ke$ha was singing of TikTok, which was not yet an app. Avatar, the movie about blue people and another world from Canadian James Cameron, had people lined up at the box office, and back then you actually had to go to the box office to buy tickets.

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All this to say, the decision to freeze wages was a long time ago, in a very different world.

The move was a politically astute one at the time by McGuinty, and it was always meant to be temporary, but no politician has dared hike the wages since. Perhaps it’s because politicians know that the idea of them getting a salary increase won’t be popular.

At $116,550, an MPP already earns more than the average worker in Ontario. Last year, according to Statistics Canada, the average full-time employee earned roughly $39 an hour per house and worked a bit over 38 hours per week meaning an annual income of about $78,000.

MPPs already earn about 48% more than the average worker, according to StatsCan, so giving them a 35% raise will seem outrageous. StatsCan also shows, though, that average full-time worker is earning 40% more than they did in 2009.

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To be fair to those MPPs, their jobs never end.

If you can find me an MPP or a political staffer who works 38.8 hours per week, I’ll show you someone headed for the unemployment line. MPPs, like most politicians, surrender most of their lives to their jobs, regularly putting in 80 hours a week or more.

We ask them, many of them anyway, to move to a different city, be away from their families and answer our every concern at all hours of the day.

It’s a demanding job and for a long time now, the reward for responding to the demands of the job have been diminishing. Even after the raise to $157,350, MPPs will still make less than councillors in Toronto who earn $170,558, Brampton at $161,152, and Mississauga at $159,684.

My arguments for why this pay raise is a good idea will likely fall on deaf ears to many, especially those who think paying anything to a politician is still too much. We love to complain about the quality of the representatives we have, and we also like to complain about how much we pay them.

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“Give me better wood and I will make you a better cabinet,” Sir John A. Macdonald famously said when he faced complaints about the quality of his cabinet ministers.

Well, better wood costs money and we need to pay MPPs better to attract better talent.

The changes in salary, if passed, would take effect retroactive to the February 2025 election. The government is also proposing to allow MPPs to join the Public Service Pension Plan, the same plan offered to civil servants.

It’s not the gold-plated plan but would offer members serving for several terms a modest pension at retirement. An MPP serving for six years could start collecting at age 55 but at a 20% discount of the rate offered at 65.

Of all the proposals Doug Ford has brought forward, this one has the potential to cause him some real political headaches, but it remains the right thing to do.

blilley@postmedia.com

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