Zhanar Sekerbayeva, a co-founder of the Kazakhstan-based feminist organization Feminita, was arrested on February 28. Just a few days later, on March 3, another feminist activist, Aktorgyn Akkenzhebalasy was detained. Both were accused of participating in a peaceful protest in 2024 demanding life imprisonment for former Economy Minister Kuandyk Bishimbayev, who brutally murdered his wife Saltanat Nukenova and was sentenced to a 24-year prison term. Their arrests highlight the ongoing suppression of feminist activism in Kazakhstan, where authorities frequently obstruct efforts to address gender-related issues.
Feminist activism in Kazakhstan faces systemic barriers from both akimats (local governments) and society. March 8, a symbolic day for gender equality movements worldwide, has become a point of contention in Kazakhstan. The first feminist march, organized by KazFem on March 8, 2017, sought to bring attention to issues such as domestic violence, bride kidnapping (alyp kashu), and economic inequality. It marked the beginning of an ongoing struggle for the country’s feminist community.
Many feminist groups in Kazakhstan, including Feminita, 8marchkz, KazFem, FemAstana, and FemPoint, operate without official registration, a status that exacerbates their vulnerability to government suppression. Feminita, for instance, applied for official recognition three times since 2017, only to be denied each time. Then in February 2025, Sekerbayeva was fined for leading an unregistered organization, highlighting the paradoxical crackdown on groups unable to operate legally.
Apart from these legal obstacles, feminist protests are frequently disrupted by local authorities. Akimats often justify protest bans on vague security concerns, despite no documented instances of feminist demonstrations disturbing public order. Additionally, law enforcement officials monitor activists’ social media activity and issue threats of intervention by special police forces (OMON).
While feminist protests face significant restrictions, some government-favored groups advocating selective women’s rights have been granted easier access to public demonstrations. In 2024, Bibinur Sheralieva, head of the social house Rahym and a member of the ruling Amanat Party, was permitted to protest after a single application to the Akimat. In contrast, 8March made 20 unsuccessful attempts to secure a permit. Sheralieva’s demonstration, ostensibly about gender issues, also included messages about credit debt and a disorganized stage performance. At one point, Dilnara Isenova, a participant, went on stage wearing a wolf’s pelt on her shoulder and started dancing. The bizarre performance, which seemed disconnected from the stated purpose of the protest, further raised questions about its true intent.
Feminist activism also encounters opposition from anti-feminist movements. The “Kazakhstan’s Union of Parents,” a group also known for spreading disinformation about vaccination during the COVID-19 pandemic, has actively opposed gender equality initiatives. The organization lobbied against the Law on Combating Domestic Violence in 2019 and later resisted the 2024 law on women’s rights and children’s safety, which criminalized domestic violence. In February 2025, members of the group, led by Bagila Baltabayeva, forced their way into a hotel where Feminita was conducting a human rights training event, accusing the organization of “violating the law.”
Rinat Zaitov, a member of the Mazhilis (the lower house of parliament), expressed a willingness to classify Feminita as an extremist organization, calling it “a disgusting organization that soon led our youth to depravity.” This hostility toward Feminita stems not only from anti-feminist sentiment but also from homophobia. Both of the movement’s organizers, Gulzada Serzhan and Zhanar Sekerbayeva, are openly queer. The movement advocates for women’s rights regardless of age, race, and sexual orientation, with the latter particularly provoking backlash in Kazakhstan’s socially conservative environment.
This broader resistance to Feminita and feminist activism is part of a wider reactionary pushback against feminist initiatives in Kazakhstan, where prevailing societal norms often hinder progress on gender equality. The delay in adopting stronger legal protections for women in Kazakhstan illustrates this resistance — domestic violence was decriminalized in 2017 and only reinstated as a crime in April 2024 after public outrage over Nukenova’s murder. Lawyer Zhanna Urazbakhova, who represented Nukenova’s family, criticized the new law for failing to explicitly define domestic violence and lacking preventive measures.
Notably, authorities have not only suppressed feminist activism but also targeted individual leaders. Dinara Smailova, head of the “Ne Molchi” foundation, which provides legal and psychological support to victims of violence, is currently seeking asylum in Europe after being placed on a wanted list by Kazakhstan’s provincial authorities. Accused of fraud, Smailova and her supporters allege that the case is politically motivated, with police pressuring donors to fabricate claims against her. Human Rights Watch has called for an impartial investigation into the case.
Despite facing systemic repression, Kazakhstan’s feminist movement continues to make an impact. Activist groups employ diverse strategies, from grassroots legal aid to digital advocacy. As of December 2023, Ne Molchi has helped sentence 239 offenders and assisted over 35,000 victims of violence. Feminita conducts training sessions and lectures on women’s rights, while Batyrjamal, an independent media platform, engages in online feminist discourse. Protests, despite government opposition, remain a vital tool for raising awareness and demanding change.
Kazakhstan’s feminist activists persist despite formidable resistance from both the state and anti-feminist groups. Their resilience reflects the ongoing struggle for gender equality in the country. Meaningful change depends not only on their perseverance but also on the support they receive within and beyond Kazakhstan. While the fight for women’s rights is far from over, every act of advocacy strengthens the movement, gradually pushing society toward justice and equality.
