Politics
EDS failings in the NHS highlighted in parliamentary debate
An impassioned parliamentary debate has shone a spotlight on a group of “not rare”, just “rarely diagnosed”, yet life-threatening chronic, genetic illnesses. However, despite poignant pleas for concrete action, the government has offered little more than warm words to the long ignored patient communities at the centre of the debate.
EDS and CCI debate takes place in parliament
On Thursday 26 March, a cross-party group of MPs turned out to Westminster Hall to call on the government to address the abysmal lack of NHS diagnosis and medical care services for people living with Ehlers-Danlos syndromes (EDS), hypermobility spectrum disorders (HSD), craniocervical and atlantoaxial instabilities (CCI and AAI).
The Ehlers-Danlos syndromes (EDS) are a group of 13 complex genetic tissue disorders. These conditions affect the entire body, often leaving people in daily pain, exhaustion, and isolation. The hypermobility spectrum disorders (HSD) are connective tissue disorders whose features overlap with the most common type of EDS, hypermobile EDS.
CCI and AAI involve excessive mobility at certain junctions in the neck. This can result in restricted blood flow, compression, and damage to nerves in the neck.
For the first time, parliamentarians spanning the political spectrum brought the lack of recognition for this severe and sometimes life-threatening assemblage of conditions into focus. Surprisingly, even Reform’s Lee Anderson took to the floor. Of course, there was a jarring disconnect in an MP who has vociferously punched down on disabled people speaking at a debate on chronic illness. Nevertheless, Anderson made the time to turn up for his constituents – including one whose story he amplified during the debate.
And of course, that striking contradiction isn’t solely the preserve of Reform. Plenty of speakers from other parties will have voted for the government’s benefit cuts. However, for a good hour and half, MPs refreshingly centred the lived realities of their chronically ill and disabled constituents.
The intersections between EDS and CCI
Labour MP Josh Newbury spearheaded the debate. The Crannock Chase MP emphasised how he brought the debate to draw attention to the intersection between EDS and CCI specifically.
He opened it with the story of his 31-year constituent Connor, who lives with both EDS and CCI, explaining that:
Some people living with EDS experience chronic joint dislocations, severe and persistent pain, and significant neurological complications. One of those complications in cases like Connor’s is CCI, whereby the skull no longer sits safely on the spine, placing pressure on the brain stem and spinal cord.
Recounting Connor’s words, Newbury detailed how:
He says that his head is quite literally falling off his body. Chillingly, that is not something that is picked up on a scan but not felt; rather, Connor feels his head shifting around dangerously every day, with all the pain that goes with that. He is also acutely aware that his symptoms continue to worsen.
Newbury hit quickly on this point that the NHS lacks necessary diagnostic equipment – specifically, upright MRI scanners:
in EDS, the instability comes from ligament laxity and is often positional, so that when someone is upright, the head is not adequately supported by the neck. That is often not visible when patients are lying flat in a standard MRI scanner, so their scans might appear normal despite ongoing neurological symptoms.
Yet gallingly, as the Canary’s Steve Topple recently highlighted:
senior practitioners advised the-then health secretary Jeremy Hunt in 2013 that upright MRI scanners were desperately needed in the NHS. He ignored them.
A postcode lottery
Many MPs drove home that care for EDS is also an unreliable postcode lottery. Labour MP Patricia Ferguson underscored research from Edinburgh University revealing that EDS patients in Scotland:
can wait up to 20 years for diagnosis
Fellow Labour MP Jayne Kirkham detailed the paucity in medical services in Cornwall:
One constituent described moving from Kent to Cornwall a few years ago and finding that the services for patients with EDS in Cornwall were “virtually non-existent”. They were initially able to access care at the dysautonomia clinic in Derriford in Devon, but that has since closed with no successor. That has meant that my constituent has spent nearly £1,000 since December on appointments and travel to see private consultants. Many constituents told me that physiotherapy has helped them, but they have experienced long waits and found that there is a shortage of professionals experienced in the condition in the duchy.
Meanwhile, DUP politician Jim Shannon put EDS and CCI diagnosis and care in the context of Northern Ireland’s lack of “detailed prevalence data”.
As it currently stands, the NHS has commissioned just two specialist diagnostic services for EDS in Sheffield and London.
No EDS-focused services for CCI patients
In CCI and AAI, the situation is even worse. Newbury said his constituent Connor has been having seizures and difficulty swallowing and breathing in “recent days”. In the process of making enquiries on his behalf, he relayed that he has:
been told that there is currently no established or commissioned NHS service for investigation, multidisciplinary discussion or surgery for CCI in patients with hypermobile EDS.
Multiple MPs spoke to the fact that the NHS simply doesn’t offer CCI surgery EDS patients need when it becomes quite literally life-threatening. As a result, it has forced patients to make expensive trips abroad for treatment. Many people living with CCI have to fundraise for this because they simply can’t afford the astronomical costs.
And even when patients pay-out for exorbitant air ambulances and private care abroad, Newbury pointed out there’s:
no aftercare, no consistent access to specialist imaging reviews and no co-ordinated rehab; many people are refused any of the care that would normally follow complex neurosurgery.
Psychologisation and harm: a history of misogynistic misdiagnosis
The debate highlighted how this gaping hole in diagnostic and care pathways often leads to clinicians gaslighting patients.
At the sharp end of this, clinicians all too often accuse patients of fabricating their illness, as Newbury brought attention to:
Many people have told me that they have been diagnosed with Munchausen syndrome, so they are not just dismissed but told that their condition is fictitious.
The psychologisation of a chronic, physiological conditions will be familiar to many in the EDS community and beyond. Clinicians have long treated EDS patients in a parallel fashion to myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME) patients – a commonly comorbid disease.
2025 research found that doctors had misdiagnosed 94.4% of EDS patients with psychiatric disorders. The study reviewed misdiagnosis across 429 patients.This included 67% who clinicians had diagnosed with ‘conversion disorder’. Most people will know this psychosomatic condition by its colloquial name steeped in misogynistic history: hysteria. Of course, this is no surprise given that EDS, like ME, occurs in women more often than men.
This shared history of medical harm is all the more reason why the NHS also needs to stop siloing care.
Labour MP Liz Twist highlighted this failure to join up specialisms in the context of the often multiple conditions patients live with:
EDS and HSD do not exist in a vacuum. Many patients find that the condition overlaps with other conditions, such as postural tachycardia syndrome, mast cell activation syndrome, myalgic encephalomyelitis, chronic fatigue syndrome and gut issues. Those overlapping conditions have an exponential impact on patients who are just trying to manage their everyday life. Under the current system, patients are bounced between different and disjointed secondary care specialties that do not communicate or understand the full breadth of the issue, having been forced to leave primary care practitioners who do not have the support they need to manage these complex patients.
Acknowledging much, committing to very little
Ultimately however, it was evident in the responding minister’s replies that the political will to tackle the dire lack of diagnosis and care, still isn’t there. Under-secretary for the Department for Health and Social Care (DHSC) Sharon Hodgson addressed constituents who’d contacted their MPs, stating:
I want those individuals to know that I hear them, and that I recognise the challenges they face and the uncertainty and distress that many describe.
Largely though, she went through the motions of listening, without actually hearing what they called for.
Dismissing the dangers many face and the surgical care some will need that has forced patients to seek care abroad, she said:
NHS England continues to strengthen clinically led pathways for people with hypermobility-related disorders, with an emphasis on non-surgical management, co-ordinated physiotherapy, and pain management and rehabilitation, as is consistent with the best available evidence.
On National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines, she stopped shy of agreeing to commission them, committing only to:
asking the NICE prioritisation board… if it will look at the Wales pathways that she suggested when it considers updating NICE guidance.
Of course, that might be useful if NICE actually had any guidelines on them to update in the first place.
The fact, as Hodgson herself acknowledged, CCI is not even “recognised as a distinct NHS diagnosis” got a:
we will look further into that.
Yet even this wasn’t a commitment to address this, but merely to:
improve pathway consistency by strengthening the existing framework
Whatever that actually means.
Hodgson made no firm promise to make even a strategy, let alone take concrete steps towards joined-up care. Repeatedly, she fell back only on the NHS’s 10-year plan. But critics have consistently branded this a wishlist, without funding and detail to make it reality. And speaking of under-resourced and unserious wishlists, Hodgson made reference to the pitiful research funding commitment in the ME Delivery Plan. The government evidently isn’t planning to put its hands in its pockets for more research funding into EDS or CCI either.
Hope alone isn’t enough, but the government couldn’t even give that
Overall, Newbury and the cross-party MPs present made heartfelt appeals on behalf of their constituents living with these devastating conditions.
MPs recognised their responsibility to ensure EDS and CCI patients across the country were made to feel seen and heard. And in sharing the stories of their constituents, they did just that.
They echoed EDS Support UK’s calls for genuine diagnostic and care pathways. And crucially, as Labour MP John McDonnell made abundantly clear – that means the government actually resourcing all this.
At one point, Newbury noted that “hope” was the “key word” of the debate, because it is:
something that so many people with the conditions do not have at the moment.
As a result, he poignantly argued that:
That is what we absolutely need to give them.
However, Newbury and other MPs realised that patients can’t simply live on that ‘hope’ alone. They need tangible action. But as ever for those living with under-recognised chronic health conditions – the government and NHS appear to be moving at a glacial pace.
Politics
Israel’s Lebanon house demolitions are part of an explicitly genocidal doctrine
The BBC has confirmed Israel is demolishing hundreds of homes in southern Lebanon. Yet the corporation left out some key context: home demolitions are a part of an explicitly genocidal strategy know as the Dahiya doctrine.
BBC Verify used satellite imagery to confirm hundreds of homes had been deliberately destroyed with airstrikes or Israeli occupation force (IOF) demolition teams on the ground.
The BBC report said:
BBC Verify analysis found more than 1,400 buildings had been destroyed since 2 March based on verified visual evidence.
This is just a snapshot of the overall damage caused by Israeli air strikes and demolitions, because of limited access on the ground and available satellite imagery.
The reported acknowledged that the “true scale” is likely to be “much higher”.
The BBC did report some of the context:
Israel’s levelling of these structures comes after Defence Minister Israel Katz’s order on 22 March to “accelerate the destruction of Lebanese homes” near the Israeli border based on the “model in Gaza” as part of its campaign against Hezbollah.
Adding that:
The systematic demolition of these towns and villages may amount to a war crime, international law experts told BBC Verify.
And to their credit (for once) the BBC noted that Israel provided no evidence:
that Hezbollah has embedded military infrastructure within civilian areas in the region.
But there is still a lot missing from their report…
Lebanon: vital context
Here’s a breakdown of how we actually got here – usually missing from legacy media reporting.
Israel violated the US-brokered Lebanon 2024 ‘ceasefire’ over 15,400 times since it was signed. Must be a world record. Yet a short salvo from Hezbollah in early March 2026 was framed as a signal outrage by legacy media. That attack has been cited by the settler-colonial state as a pretext to invade.
Not satisfied with pulling the US and its allies into a runaway war with Iran, Israeli troops have pushed into Lebanon with airstrikes pummelling the capital Beirut.
The Canary reported the early moments of the new war here. You can read about the secretive Israel-US ‘side letter’ pact which gave Israel carte blanche to keep bombing through the ‘ceasefire’ here. And our extensive coverage of Israel’s ceasefire regular breaches here.
But there’s more…
Dayiha scorched earth doctrine
The so-called Dayiha doctrine was born in Lebanon and sharpened over many years. This scorched earth approach to ‘counter-insurgency’ found its fullest expression in Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza. Now it is back where it began: Lebanon’s combative south.
As the Canary reported on 6 March, just days into the new Israel invasion, peace and conflict expert professor Paul Rogers explained the history and character of the doctrine particularly well in the context of Gaza in December 2023. Surveying the early devastation in the enclave, he said the horror spoke to a:
specific Israeli way of war that has evolved since 1948, through to its current Dahiya doctrine, which is said to have originated in the 2006 war in Lebanon.
Rogers said:
In July of that year [2006], facing salvoes of rockets fired from southern Lebanon by Hezbollah militias, the IDF fought an intense air and ground war.
However:
Neither succeeded, and the ground troops took heavy casualties; but the significance of the war lies in the nature of the air attacks. It was directed at centres of Hezbollah power in the Dahiya area, in the southern suburbs of Beirut, but also on the Lebanese economic infrastructure.
It was there in Dahiya that Israel’s genocidal impulses mutated into a new policy of annihilation.
As Rogers explains:
This was the deliberate application of “disproportionate force”, such as the destruction of an entire village, if deemed to be the source of rocket fire.
One graphic description of the result was that “around a thousand Lebanese civilians were killed, a third of them children. Towns and villages were reduced to rubble; bridges, sewage treatment plants, port facilities and electric power plants were crippled or destroyed.”
This “deliberate application” of massive Israeli violence goes far beyond fighting ‘terrorists’ and aims to destroy the very means of life.
As we always make sure to point out, Israel’s ambitions in Lebanon are not and have never been ‘defensive’. In the Zionist fever-dream of a Greater Israel, Lebanon is already theirs. So are large parts of other neighboring countries. The application of the latest version of the Dahiya doctrine to Lebanon is just the last expression of this Western-backed colonialist yearning.
Featured image via the Canary
By Joe Glenton
Politics
Labour facing electoral wipeout in the Welsh Senedd
Polling suggests that Labour are facing a wipeout in the upcoming local elections. As these elections will also see votes in the Scottish and Welsh assemblies, this could see the party of government reduced to a movement which doesn’t exist outside England:
Labour is projected to collapse to just 15% of seats in the Senedd, after hovering around 50% since it was formed.
Plaid Cymru is to achieve its best result ever of 37 seats (39%)
Greens and Reform are to enter the Senedd for the first time, on 4 (4%) and 29 (30%) respectively. pic.twitter.com/asVJwkLuep — cez (@cezthesocialist) April 16, 2026
Labour collapse
Pollsters have been predicting that the party faces oblivion in the Senedd (Welsh parliament) for a while:
— Seats — Poll: @BeaufortLtd, 2-22 Mar (+/- vs 8 Feb) pic.twitter.com/rpFcgNTw6i
— Stats for Lefties
Senedd poll | Plaid lead by 3pts
Plaid: 30% (+1)
Ref: 27% (=)
Lab: 17% (-3)
Grn: 11% (+4)
Con: 9% (-1)
Lib: 6% (+1)
Plaid: 36
Ref: 33
Lab: 15
Grn: 6
Con: 4
Lib: 2

(@LeftieStats) April 1, 2026
— Seats — Poll: @YouGov, 9-18 Mar (+/- vs 12 Jan) pic.twitter.com/OYI93UgBsr — Stats for Lefties
Senedd poll | Plaid Cymru lead by 6pts
Plaid: 33% (-4)
Ref: 27% (+4)
Lab: 13% (+3)
Grn: 12% (-1)
Con: 7% (-3)
Lib: 5% (=)
Plaid: 41
Ref: 33
Lab: 11
Grn: 9
Con: 1
Lib: 1

(@LeftieStats) March 24, 2026
The leading party is Plaid Cymru, which is a nationalist party that wants to achieve Welsh independence. The fact that Plaid are doing well shows many Welsh voters are coming around to the party’s way of thinking.
Instead of offering a positive alternative, Starmer’s party are putting out materials like the following:
Labour has literally governed with Plaid. Meanwhile Reform are Nazis, apparently. Stop them!
But you governed with a party which you’re claiming is…the same? — Aaron Bastani (@AaronBastani) April 15, 2026
We saw an example of Labour’s fading Welsh fortunes in the Caerphilly by-election of October 2025:
Composition of the Senedd after by-election:
Labour no longer has a working majority. pic.twitter.com/bJPrQ2V1dc
— Stats for Lefties
LAB – 29 (-1)
CON – 14 (-)
PLAID – 13 (+1)
IND – 2 (-)
LD – 1 (-)
REF – 1 (-)

(@LeftieStats) October 24, 2025
This is what ex-Labour mayor Jamie Driscoll wrote for the Canary following Labour’s defeat:
Caerphilly is a constituency of South Wales Valleys. The spiritual home of the Labour movement. Labour’s superficially impressive haul of 411 Westminster MPs in July 2024 was an anti-Tory vote. They’ve squandered their opportunity.
Labour have been insincere, insidious, and incompetent. Having won the leadership by lying to Labour members (remember his Ten Pledges?), team Starmer doubled down and told different lies to different sections of the electorate. It’s not just that they are floundering in the polls. The party is structurally ashamed of itself. This time last year my social media feeds still had a handful of tribal Labour loyalists saying “give them time”.
No more.
Disasterclass
Keir Starmer looks set to go down in history as the politician who ended Labour’s viability in Wales. The question is whether his next record will be ending the party’s viability everywhere else.
Featured image via Getty
By Willem Moore
Politics
Trump posts new pic of himself with a giant AI Jesus
Trump got in trouble recently for depicting himself as Jesus Christ. Following a considerable backlash from his Christian supporters, Trump had to delete the image and said it was supposed to be him as a doctor – a claim which made zero sense.
Now, Trump is once again flirting with controversy by posting the following:
Trump posts a picture of Jesus hugging him days after his AI-deity image drew widespread anger https://t.co/othuzjEfKa pic.twitter.com/fuqsw2NX5b
— The Independent (@Independent) April 15, 2026
Trump is 6ft 3in, by the way, so that Jesus must be 6ft 7in at least.
Oh, and although it looks like Jesus is giving Trump a ‘hand’, that’s actually just how the picture was cropped.
And no, we can’t explain the expression on Trump’s face.
Trump has a go at “Radical Left Lunatics”
This was how Trump captioned the post:
Trump shares another image of himself and Jesus. pic.twitter.com/sDLQbAsVyc
— Headquarters (@HQNewsNow) April 15, 2026
Trump is suggesting it’s the “Radical Left Lunatics” who have taken offence. As we reported, however, it was Trump’s Christian base who really took offence to his obviously blasphemous post. And as Forbes added:
The post sparked instant backlash, largely from conservative Christian factions of Trump’s base, including prominent conservative Christian journalist Megan Basham who called it “OUTRAGEOUS blasphemy” and political commentator Cam Higby who said he spends “8 hours a day” defending Trump but “will not defend blasphemy.”
Trump would later claim he was supposed to be a “doctor” in his now-deleted post:
President Trump claims the viral image that was posted on Truth was not a depiction of him as Jesus Christ but was him being depicted as a doctor.
Reporter: Did you post that picture of yourself depicted as Jesus Christ? Trump: I did post it, and I thought it was me as a doctor… pic.twitter.com/4pfSRFPdrp
— Collin Rugg (@CollinRugg) April 13, 2026
This made zero sense, because doctors don’t dress as Jesus Christ:
Come on people. We all know that Trump was dressed as a doctor. pic.twitter.com/HvFNKhMasS
— Ed Krassenstein (@EdKrassen) April 13, 2026
Trump rolls out new scrubs US doctors will be required to wear. pic.twitter.com/3CUhjxlyaV
— Mike Sington (@MikeSington) April 14, 2026
Since then, the following theory has emerged:
oh my god. was trump told to tell the press that the image was "doctored," but misunderstood and told everyone that he was depicted as a "doctor"? https://t.co/IHr3y5myha
— manny (@mannyfidel) April 14, 2026
The religious roundup
In other news, war secretary (and supposed Christian) Pete Hegseth quoted Pulp Fiction because he’s never read an actual Bible:
Pete Hegseth quoted a fake Bible verse from Pulp Fiction during a Pentagon sermon.pic.twitter.com/1o3CJiJYRF
— Clash Report (@clashreport) April 16, 2026
Italy’s Giorgia Meloni, meanwhile, fell out with Trump as a result of him attacking the Pope:
"Trump's statement is unacceptable"
“I wouldn’t feel comfortable in a society in which religious leaders do what political leaders say.”
"I stand with Pope Leo.” pic.twitter.com/B4i2tiRUUh
— 𝐀𝐍𝐓𝐔𝐍𝐄𝐒 (@Antunes1) April 14, 2026
Meloni has just disavowed Trump 
Trump fired back with the classic ‘I know you are but what am I‘ – a classic line from Pete Hegseth’s Bible:
"It's her who's unacceptable" — Trump in a new interview today attacked Italian Prime Minster Giorgia Meloni for criticizing his attacks on the Pope pic.twitter.com/1QDw7Vqkmw
— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) April 14, 2026
As the Guardian reported, Trump has since said:
“If I wasn’t in the White House, Leo wouldn’t be in the Vatican,” Trump claimed, adding: “Leo should get his act together as Pope, use Common Sense, stop catering to the Radical Left, and focus on being a Great Pope, not a Politician. It’s hurting him very badly and, more importantly, it’s hurting the Catholic Church!”
It’s unclear why Trump thinks Leo owes his papacy to Trump; possibly because both men are American?
Does Trump think the Catholics were so impressed with Trump that they had to promote a Yank of their own?
Hmm – that does sound like the sort of thing he’d think, actually.
This is the Pope’s latest message anyway:
Woe to those who manipulate religion and the very name of God for their own military, economic, and political gain, dragging that which is sacred into darkness and filth. #ApostolicJourney #Cameroon https://t.co/bKteFZ3iWE
— Pope Leo XIV (@Pontifex) April 16, 2026
End of days
The Guardian also noted:
In his subsequent comments to reporters, Trump remained highly critical, saying: “I don’t think he’s doing a very good job. He likes crime I guess,” adding: “He’s a very liberal person.”
The reference to ‘liking crime’ shows how much Trump has degenerated.
Going tough on crime and punishment has always been a Republican talking point, but you can’t just level the argument against anyone. Accusing the Pope of loving crime because he opposed America’s illegal war on Iran makes zero sense to anyone besides Trump himself.
At this point, we’re just praying giant AI Jesus shows up to save us all.
Featured image via Truth Social
By Willem Moore
Politics
DWP scheme sending people with ME to coaching organisations for neurodivergence
The Department for Work and Pensions’ (DWP) Access to Work (AtW) scheme has been referring people living with myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME) to organisations classifying the condition as a form of “acquired neurodivergence”.
Of course, ME is already a much-misunderstood syndrome, and it can be extremely difficult for people to get treatment. And, this shocking revelation comes as the DWP try to force disabled people into work, and strip back funding for AtW – making it even harder for disabled people to stay in work.
The implications for people living with ME could be catastrophic.
DWP Access to Work: ME as ‘acquired neurodivergence’?
A person living with ME has approached the Canary to whistleblow over their alarming experience engaging with AtW. Notably, DWP staff administering the scheme had directed them to organisations misrepresenting the condition as a form of neurodivergence.
Now, after investigating further, the Canary has discovered a number of AtW coaching providers specialising in support for neurodivergent employees are promoting their services for people living with ME.
The Canary has identified at least three peddling this:
- Creased Puddle
- Genius Within
- No Drama Llamas
Of course, ME is not a neurodivergent condition. The World Health Organization (WHO) has long recognised it as a neurological disease affecting the nervous system.
Despite this, these organisations have still been actively peddling the idea that ME is a type of “acquired neurodivergence”. This dangerously trivialises the lived reality of employees with ME. It’s also likely impacting the sorts of support the AtW scheme is prepared to offer them.
And this misrepresentation of the extensively debilitating condition is undoubtedly contributing to the punitive ‘back to work’ climate and vilifying culture rife at the DWP as well.
Out with the old psychologising, in with the new psychologising
The above organisations specialise in neurodivergence and seem to have started expanding their services to people with ME around 2020 and 2021. The reasons for this are likely twofold.
Firstly, this coincides with the rising cases of long Covid – many of which will meet the diagnostic criteria for ME. In a 2021 Returning to Work briefing, Creased Puddle’s CEO Caroline Turner said:
Our expertise lies in developing and supporting neurominorities, yet with COVID-19 we are seeing our services extending to other conditions such as Chronic Fatigue, Fybromyalgia and Depression.
Meanwhile, a webpage Genius Within created in September 2020 features a page on ‘Chronic neurological conditions’ where it classifies multiple sclerosis, “chronic fatigue syndrome”, and long Covid as a ‘neurotype’ called ‘acquired neurodivergence’.
The second reason for their emergence into employment support for people with ME could revolve around the 2021 updated National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines.
This finally dismissed the biopsychosocial lobby’s junk science around treatments psychologising ME. Of course, a core part of these psychosocial-wedded clinicians’ evidence base had been the disgraced PACE trial. The DWP had part-funded this – with an obvious agenda of trivialising the condition in order to force chronically ill patients into the low-waged capitalist workforce.
As the lobby’s grip on the condition’s consensus has gradually waned, it has taken new rebranding approaches to continue harmful psychologising treatments. While they can no longer outright label ME as psychological, ‘acquired neurodivergence’ could open up a new avenue to promote psychological interventions.
Acquired neurodivergence: not a new term
That said, the idea that ME is a form of acquired neurodivergence does not appear to be a new phenomenon. A 2017 report that the British Psychological Society (BPS) launched at the All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Psychology categorised ME amid a group of neurological conditions it described as “acquired neurodiversity”*.
The report’s core thrust was largely about adaptations and interventions employers could put into place to support neurodivergent employees.
But the interventions involved some problematic suggestions for employees with ME, including:
- Formal coaching for “executive functions, communication skills, stress management and understanding own abilities.”
- Vocational rehabilitation and Individual Placement and Support (IPS).
In other words, all approaches that psychologise support – and with histories of harm to boot.
Perhaps most significant however is the fact that Genius Within’s founder and CEO Dr Nancy Doyle co-authored the report. And now, her organisation is among the handful pushing this ‘acquired neurodivergence’ paradigm. The support it offers to employees with ME is coaching for:
- Stress
- Time management
- Organisation
- Memory
- Listening and taking notes
- Verbal communication
So it’s evident Doyle’s approach has little changed since the 2017 BPS report. Because clearly employers simply need to coach the chronic multi-systems dysfunctions out of their employees with ME.
DWP: no training for Access to Work staff on ME
Through a Freedom of Information (FOI) request we sought to find out what training the DWP provides to its staff administering the AtW scheme.
The DWP has training guides and condition-specific insight reports for assessors overseeing Personal Independence Payment (PIP). It also separately holds these for Universal Credit’s health element. We have however highlighted some glaring issues with these.
But when it comes to AtW, no such training or guidance for staff appears to exist. The DWP responded to the FOI that:
the information you requested is not held by this Department.
This is concerning enough in itself. However, a recent revelation during a Public Accounts Committee (PAC) inquiry session on AtW highlighted that DWP staff making decisions around the scheme are not medically trained. Responding to a question on this, DWP director general on services and fraud noted only that there are doctors in the department that staff can go to for “advice”. Of course, the implication is that there’s no expectation on AtW staff to do that.
In essence, DWP AtW employees with no training, guidance, or knowledge around the condition are deciding what support people with ME need. And this will undoubtedly be the case across the board for all disabilities and health conditions.
DWP directing people to these organisations deliberately?
The Canary its findings with the ME Association. On reading them, honorary medical adviser to the ME Association Dr Charles Shepherd told the Canary:
The ME Association is aware of a number of people who have some form of neurodivergence as well as having ME/CFS. However, neurodivergent conditions are increasingly being diagnosed – so there are bound to be some people who have both conditions, and there is no research evidence to indicate that the two conditions are linked.
It is not therefore correct to classify ME/CFS as an acquired neurodivergent condition. Incorrect classification of ME/CFS as a neurodivergent disorder could also lead to inappropriate forms of symptom or support management being advised.
Overall, ‘acquired neurodivergence’ seems to be the new ‘psychosomatic’ for ME patients.
Where previously, the DWP benefitted from the trivialisation of ME as a mental health condition, now it can weaponise this idea that its neurological symptoms constitute neurodivergence developed from chronic illness.
The consequences of this are obvious. Because in turn, it means the government’s attack on neurodivergent people not in work will target people with ME too.
Set against its narrative on the so-called post-pandemic rise in neurodivergent people claiming health benefits and it’s clear where this leads. If the foremost scheme improving workplace accessibility for disabled employees is directing people with ME to organisations that treat their condition in neurodivergent terms, it also doesn’t have to provide the more expensive support workers, job aides, and workplace accommodations that people with ME actually need to re-enter and/or stay in employment.
That all likely suits a DWP that’s sneaking through devastating cuts to AtW behind closed doors. But overall, it’s risking coercing people with ME into work without the support they need to protect their wellbeing.
So once again, the department is failing people with ME. However, that will come as little surprise to a patient community it has long gaslighted and pushed to the margins.
Featured image via the Canary
Politics
Army chief wrongly blames military sexual violence and misogyny on Manosphere
A British general has tried to blame the UK military’s widespread sexual violence and deep-rooted misogyny on the so-called Manosphere. General Roly Walker said these issues were being brought into the army from outside.
SAS-trained Walker is the current head of the British Army. He was addressing a defence committee meeting on sexual violence in the ranks. Asked why sexual harassment was as widespread an issue in the army as it was five years ago, he responded:
My personal view is this gets harder before it gets easier, because of the trends in wider society.
The level of misogyny, the level of rancorous behaviour and belief systems, and the tension in wider society is something we have to accept as the environment from which we attract.
He even said he had been forced to deal with such issues in his domestic life:
I’ve got children in their early 20s. I’m well aware of what is going on with things like the manosphere and the sense of deepening rifts within young people, all of which is playing and accelerating through social media.
A lot of that generation are coming through into the Armed Forces.
Self-evidently, this was an attempt to externalise the military’s longtime issues with gender, sexual violence and abuse. But it isn’t going to cut it.
The Manosphere
The MPs and panelists at the committee session talked about the impacts of the Atherton report on bullying, harassment and discrimination (BHD) and sexual violence, which was published half a decade ago. That report found:
64 percent of female veterans and 58 percent of currently-serving women reported experiencing BHD during their careers.
And heard:
truly shocking evidence of the bullying, sexual harassment, sexual assault and rape experienced by servicewomen.
It also warned about issues with:
the military’s handling of sexual assault and harassment, which sometimes exacerbates trauma for victims.
Report author and former MP Sarah Atherton was at the session. She did not agree with Walker:
It’s obviously something that he felt quite awkward to say. It felt quite awkward to listen to. It’s obviously what the MOD are using as an excuse for this behaviour, and what he said actually normalised the problem.
Well done, general… You’ve pissed off the woman who wrote the proverbial book on this issue.
Externalising the problem
The UN defines the Manosphere as:
online communities that have increasingly promoted narrow and aggressive definitions of what it means to be a man – and the false narrative that feminism and gender equality have come at the cost of men’s rights.
Adding that:
These communities promote the idea that emotional control, material wealth, physical appearance and dominance, especially over women, are markers of male worth.
Think Joe Rogan, Andrew Tate and sundry other tawdry bullshit-peddling man-babies… But let’s cut to the chase: the British military’s issue with sexual violence predates our era of dodgy influencers.
Take the example of the inquiry into recruit deaths at Deepcut Barracks in the late ’90s and early 2000s. The inquiry alleged a widespread culture of “bullying, sexual assaults and rape”. The last death was in 2002, when Andrew Tate was an unknown 16 year old. How, then, could this possibly be related to the ghoulish spectacle of modern online misogyny?
What about the case of Danish tour guide Louise Jensen, raped and murdered by three soldiers in Cyprus in 1994? Or the sexual torture of Kenyan women suspected of ‘collaboration’ with the anti-colonial Mau Mau movement by the British colonial forces in the 1950s?
The list goes on…
Built-in violence
The truth is that many forms of violence are built into the military institution and the practice of warfare – and always has been. This includes sexual violence, which has been a feature of wars since time immemorial. The Bible even tries to give rape in war some legitimacy. And Israel’s use of systematic sexual violence as a tactic of occupation and genocide is just one of many modern examples.
This general’s comments betray a deep ignorance of the issue at hand. And it is worrying that such a powerful figure has the lives, health and safety of others in his hands. The truth is we need to examine, reform and perhaps even abolish – in part or in whole – the institutions of war if this issue is ever going to be seriously addressed.
By Joe Glenton
Politics
Earl of Clancarty reviews ‘Hurvin Anderson’ at Tate Britain

2008: ‘Country Club: Chicken Wire’ | Private Collection. © Hurvin Anderson. Image courtesy the artist and Thomas Dane Gallery. Photo: Richard Ivey.
3 min read
The intensity of the work of the contemporary British artist Hurvin Anderson must be experienced first-hand to be fully appreciated
From the start of this retrospective of 40 years’ work, it is clear that Hurvin Anderson’s main interest lies in his own upbringing and heritage, and how the different aspects of that heritage might fit together. What is fascinating is that they don’t: there is no resolution, rather different parts of that heritage sit awkwardly beside each other, or are layered on top of each other, in a kind of dualistic conflict.
Anderson, born in Handsworth, Birmingham, to Jamaican immigrants, grew up in what was both an English and multi-cultural environment. The earliest paintings – influenced by family photos – are largely black and white figurative studies, although he is already thinking about the Caribbean his parents left behind. An early breakthrough work is Ball Watching (1997), itself based on a photo he took of boyhood friends with their backs to us looking out at a lost football floating on the lake in Handsworth Park. But he has already turned the lake into a seemingly warm sea and put ships on the horizon, while the football itself has disappeared.
In another work looking back at this Birmingham childhood Grove Lane (2000), the swimming bath cubicle doors painted in artificial colours don’t erase the grimy grey of the concrete surroundings – just as lovingly rendered by the artist.
On a first visit to Jamaica, his reaction was one not of ‘homecoming’ but of dislocation. As Anderson says: “My struggle with Jamaica: I don’t know it and I know it. I have this romantic vision of it and a lot of my painting is fighting that romance.”
It is exciting to see the artist’s development
Interestingly, then, Anderson describes his painting process (which soaks up many influences from the LP covers of Jamaican artist Ras Daniel Heartman, to John Constable and Anderson’s mentor the British artist Peter Doig) as a search for what his autobiographical work “should be”. That “should” is instructive. For instance, Maracas III (2004), a painting of the popular beach spot in Trinidad (where Anderson had a residency) feels simultaneously like a fragmented memory, and – with its sketchy figures – an idealised projection into the future, like an architectural plan. Counterintuitively, too, our attention is, as with other of the Caribbean pictures, drawn away from the tourists’ beach to the lush island interior.
That interior is there too in the wonderful Limestone Wall (2020), where an abandoned Jamaican hotel (part of the colonial legacy) is gradually being swallowed up by the forest.
It is exciting to see the artist’s development, for instance from the more obvious geometric obstruction of what is felt to be unreachable (or out of bounds) as in Country Club, Chicken Wire (2008) to the subtle use of squaring-up lines which weave in and out of the painting, as in the brilliant Siding (2013) seen in the first room of the exhibition.
The accompanying catalogue has interesting essays, though not quite enough information about the individual works themselves. The illustrations, perhaps inevitably, do not do justice to the intensity of work that has to be experienced first-hand to be fully appreciated.
Earl of Clancarty is a Crossbench peer
Hurvin Anderson
Curated by: Dominique Heyse-Moore and Jasmine Kaur Chohan
Venue: Tate Britain until 23 August
Politics
‘The trans mafia won’t back down’
The post ‘The trans mafia won’t back down’ appeared first on spiked.
Politics
Polanski calls out housing minister praised by UK’s biggest landlord
Housing minister Matthew Pennycook has told parliament that the Starmer government does not support rent controls. The reason was that doing so would “make life more difficult for renters”.
Since then, Pennycook has received the praise of – you guessed it – not renters:
Labour's housing minister's opposition to rent controls welcomed by the country's largest private landlord.
Who's side are Labour on? Renters or landlords. The answer is here. pic.twitter.com/olVzEIVTki — Zack Polanski (@ZackPolanski) April 15, 2026
Land of the landlords
The government does not support the introduction of rent controls, which we believe could make life more difficult for renters.
There is sufficient international evidence from countries such as Sweden and Germany, and from individual cities such as San Francisco, as well as the recent Scottish experience, to attest to the potential detrimental impacts of rent controls on tenants.
There are reasons why rent controls can make things worse. Mostly the issue is they make it harder for landlords to make obscene profits from renters, which forces them to throw their toys out of the pram.
In a nutshell, this is why something as essential as shelter shouldn’t be in the hands of money grubbers.
Pennycook also said:
I have looked at a wealth of evidence, particularly international evidence, of what the impact of first and second-generation rent controls are, as well as more subtle forms of rent control, which can have differential impacts on different groups.
Such controls typically benefit settled and better-off tenants more than those looking for a home or needing to move.
As Polanski noted, Pennycook’s inaction plan has gone down well with landlords:
Pennycook’s opposition to rent controls was welcomed by Kurt Mueller, director of corporate affairs and executive committee member at Grainger, Britain’s largest listed private landlord.
Mueller, highlighting the housing minister’s comments on the LinkedIn social media platform, said: “It’s good to see continued support from the UK Government for common sense with their steadfast commitment against rent controls and the damaging impact they would have for renters and the market generally.”
Not everyone agrees, though.
Living Rent
Living Rent have sought to dispel myths on this topic. They go into further detail on their site, but in a nutshell:
1) Isn’t the only problem supply?
Not really. Firstly, supply isn’t really as big of an issue as it’s made out to be – for instance, there is a higher proportion of empty bedrooms in the UK than at any time since the Great Plague (!). The ratio of rooms to people has never been higher in modern history. We’re not against new builds, especially not new social housing, but the supply question is kind of a red herring.
…
2) All landlords would leave the sector and tenants would have nowhere to live.
Landlords threaten to leave the sector if regulation is increased, but a quick glance across Europe is enough to dismiss this: the most heavily regulated private rented sectors are consistently the biggest. Germany, with the biggest PRS in Europe, is easily one of the most heavily regulated.
…
Lest we forget, we don’t actually need landlords to have houses.
These unnecessary middlemen offer nothing and take everything.
People claim that capitalism eliminates inefficiencies, but these people are waste personified.
Failures
Living Rent also noted:
3) Didn’t they fail when we had them last time?
Landlords insist that the various rent controls which existed in the UK between 1915 and 1988 were disastrous for tenants. They point out that, over those 70 years, we went from almost nine in ten people renting privately to fewer than one in ten. They claim this is proof that rent controls devastate the private rented sector (PRS).
Oh no, not the private rented sector – won’t somebody think of the landlords?
Living rent continued:
This argument, in fact, was a favourite of David Cameron, who told the House of Commons in 2013: “I do not support the idea of mass rent controls because I think we would see a massive decline in the private rented sector, which is what happened the last time we had such rent controls.”
But that change, by absolutely any measure, was an enormous success of public policy. The reduction in the private rented sector can be explained in three obvious – and positive – ways:
- Millions of council homes were built to give people a secure, safe, affordable place to stay outside the PRS.
- Millions of people were able to buy their own homes through real-terms increases in wages and the expansion of mortgage availability.
- Millions of the properties that landlords were renting out were demolished in slum clearances because they were, well, slums.
Without rent controls, it seems, slum-like conditions have once more returned. As writer Bob Lynn notes:
In 21st century Britain, a shocking reality lurks behind closed doors. Families are living in conditions that harken back to the squalor of Victorian slums — damp walls, mould-infested rooms, and overcrowded spaces unfit for human habitation. …
The word ‘slum’ conjures images of Dickensian London, with its overcrowded tenements and disease-ridden streets. Yet, for many low-income families today, this grim picture is not far from their daily reality. In 2022, around 3.8 million people in the UK experienced destitution, unable to afford basic necessities like food, warmth, and shelter. This figure has more than doubled since 2017, pointing to a rapidly worsening crisis.
But yes, the real crime would be if rent didn’t leap up by obscene amounts every year.
Do something
Living Rent finished:
4) All economists agree that rent controls are bad
You’ll often hear comments bandied around claiming that all economists agree rent controls are unambiguously bad. There is a grain of truth to this – a poll from 1992 showed a surprising degree of consensus that rent controls would have negative effects.
But here’s the hitch. Nobody is proposing the type of rent controls that this supposed unanimous opposition is directed at. During the first world war, what are now called ‘first generation rent controls’ were brought in across most countries involved in the conflict – these were blunt caps or freezes on rent, and are rightly criticised for having negative side effects. But now we have 70 years of evidence from across the world about how to implement rent controls without unintended consequences.
Now, as Housing Today have reported:
The Green Party said its members elected in May will “use their voice to pressure the Labour government to give local authorities the power to introduce rent controls to curb overheating rents in their area.” The party has also pledged to “totally” abolish leasehold and introduce rent controls nationally if it gets into government.
Leasehold (and the truth) is another sensitive area for Pennycook, as we reported:
Oh… right. https://t.co/orvrBLe28D pic.twitter.com/lYnHBtjJmV
— cladtrap (@cladtrap) March 27, 2026
Systems
Sometimes well-meaning ideas can have unintended consequences. The solution isn’t to give up on fixing things; the solution, like Polanski argued, is to adapt until you get the right results.
Labour’s solution to most issues is to bury their heads in the sand. The problem is that while they ignore the world and its problems, the world is moving on without them.
Featured image via Parliament
By Willem Moore
Politics
The House Opinion Article | Drax’s retreat is good news for net zero

4 min read
The future of the power station need not be a headache for Ed Miliband.
Drax’s story has long been contentious. The power plant in Yorkshire was once home to one of Europe’s largest coal furnaces, but since 2012 has burned millions of tonnes of wood pellets, mostly shipped from North American forests. It generates around four percent of the UK’s electricity, and because trees regrow, this form of generation is classed as renewable.
Successive Conservative administrations backed the project to the tune of £7bn in subsidies since it began burning wood, funded by UK billpayers. This despite a litany of concerns, ranging from unsustainable sourcing of wood and profiteering to health impacts on the communities near its US pellet mills. In the UK, the company is also under investigation by the Financial Conduct Authority, while ten lawsuits have been filed after cases of occupational asthma.
In that context, Ed Miliband deserves credit for beginning to reset the framework he inherited. His decision last February to cap subsidies for large biomass plants and limit Drax’s run-time from 2027 was welcome.
For years, Drax has pointed to Bioenergy with Carbon Capture and Storage (BECCS) to justify its long-term role. The proposition is straightforward: continue generating power from biomass, but capture and store the emissions, allowing Drax, in theory, to remove carbon from the atmosphere and position itself as essential to net zero.
It’s an appealing idea, but it has always raised difficult questions.
Scientific studies raise serious doubts that a model built on burning imported wood could ever deliver genuine climate benefits, given how long it takes for forests to regrow.
Then there’s the cost. Estimates suggest BECCS at Drax could require up to £43bn in public money over 25 years, a substantial sum to place on a single, unproven approach while billpayers struggle with the rising cost of living.
It’s no surprise that this is an issue of rare political consensus. It has united the Greens and Reform UK. Ed Davey – who signed off the scheme at Drax in the first place in the coalition government – has turned against the company. Even Claire Coutinho, the former Conservative energy secretary, has warned that “we cannot go green by burning trees at huge cost to the public” despite backing Drax whilst in office.
This reflects a broader shift, with the government’s own climate advisors scaling back expectations for BECCS and warning against relying on imported wood.
Crucially, Drax now appears to be responding. As reported in Politico, the company will commit only limited resources to BECCS in the near term and instead focus on renewables, battery storage, and a controversial data centre project.
That has been framed as a headache for Miliband, but in reality, it frees ministers from over-reliance on a costly and uncertain single project. The key question is not how to revive one project, but how to ensure the UK’s net zero plans are not beholden to a single company.
For years, BECCS at Drax has played an outsized role in official net-zero plans, a convenient way to balance the carbon books. But as Alan Whitehead recently argued in his independent Review of Greenhouse Gas Removals, relying too heavily on a single pathway, particularly on imported biomass, carries risks.
A stronger approach is to back a mix of solutions: speeding up proven clean power such as wind and solar, investing in a range of carbon removal options, and ensuring public money goes to schemes that are both credible and good value. Analysis from the Green Alliance suggests that it is achievable.
Drax’s change in direction should be seen in that light. It creates space for a more practical and flexible strategy. Moving away from a one-furnace future towards a broader mix of solutions is not a setback for government, but a step towards a more credible and deliverable plan.
Alex Mackaness is Programme Manager at the Labour Climate and Environment Forum
Politics
Anti-Zionist Jews in Germany call out the hypocrisy of the Buchenwald Memorial
A coalition of anti-Zionist Jewish organisations in Germany have faced repression and backlash after a protest at the Buchenwald Memorial.
In 2025, attendees of a service commemorating 80 years since the liberation of the concentration camp were denied entry for wearing keffiyehs. They petitioned the German courts to overturn the decision, but were unsuccessful. The courts argued:
It is unquestionable that this would endanger the sense of security of many Jews, especially at this site.
Ahead of this year’s memorial event, the group once again petitioned the courts to overturn the ban, but it has been upheld.
Now, the group Kufiyahs at Buchenwald (KAB) have launched a campaign aiming to highlight the issue on an international stage.
Buchenwald memorial
In a press conference on 14 April 2026, Tair B., an organiser with Jüdische Stimme, explained how the German state “banned our vigil from being held … on the basis that the [Buchenwald Memorial] is an apolitical place.”:
We challenged this ban in court, but it was upheld [based on the claim that attendees] were hurting the honour of the victims [of the Holocaust] by drawing connections to current genocides and naming continuities.
We refuse to participate in this game.
Nevertheless, the German state has sought to crack down on their dissent.
German hypocrisy
Activists have since been fined for social media posts related to their banned vigil. Rachael Shapiro, a member of the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network, discussed the penalties, adding:
It is not an arbitrary action. It’s part of the state’s campaign to further criminalize Jüdische Stimme in the context of them being an extremist organization because of the threat that anti-Zionist Jews pose to [the state’s] narrative.
Shapiro described the situation as one of blatant hypocrisy and antisemitism:
The children and grandchildren of Nazis are demanding payment of tens of thousands of Euros from the children and grandchildren of the Jews they slaughtered for opposing the exploitation of the place at which they slaughtered our families in order to maintain their ideological commitment to doing more genocide and punishing us for objecting to it.
Undeterred by state pressure, KAB will continue protesting the decisions of the German state, its courts, and the Buchenwald Memorial itself.
Three goals
Shapiro went on to explain the three goals of their campaign.
First, they are “protesting the ban on the kufiyah and symbols of Palestine solidarity.” Second, the group hopes to expose “the cynical weaponization of the Nazi genocide of European Jews.”
The Buchenwald Memorial and other German Zionist institutions are ferocious advocates of Holocaust exceptionalism … There can be no crime greater or comparable to that of German fascism. Any suggestion to the contrary is criminalized…
[This] allows Germans to dictate and have the final word on what commemoration means, who can perform it, how it can be performed, and where.
Shapiro said: “This absurdity is showcased in the hypocrisy of our intervention” – criminalizing German Jews for commemorating the Nazi Holocaust in the ‘wrong’ way.
The third goal of the protest is to bring the arguments used by “the Zionist management of the Buchenwald site, as well as the German authorities, out into the open” – that is, highlighting the issue internationally.
An international campaign
Shapiro explained the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network wanted to assist the KAB campaigners in
making it very clear to the German state that there is an international watching, and not just in the popular sense, but in the fact that Germany is being brought before the ICJ by Nicaragua for support of Israeli genocide.
The world sees this sick hypocrisy and the racist backwardness of the German state, and it can no longer hide behind its philosemitic circus of ‘memory’ culture.
A spokesperson from the European Legal Support Center further offered their support to the campaign as well.
Over the years, we have observed how administrative, not necessarily legal, protocols, such as neutrality clauses and house rules … are drawn on specifically to exclude Palestine solidarity activists, cancel events and ban symbols.
These administrative acts are often legitimated by prior smear campaigns, declaring that these symbols are insulting or a sign of support for terrorism. Since 2023, we have witnessed an accelerated process of criminalizing Palestinian symbols in the public sphere.
Continuing a tradition of resistance
Both B. and Shapiro remain determined to resist the policing of their political positions and Jewish faith.
B. commented:
As a Jew who grew up in Germany, I’m being expected all the time to be a puppet of the German state and to give my identity … over to state interest … to be used to deepen racism and structures of power that are killing people.
Shapiro said that her dissention was a continuation of Jewish resistance during the Holocaust itself:
My family were survivors and victims of the Nazi genocide. My grandmother was a survivor and escaped Nazi Germany. Her cousins … were part of the Jewish underground resistance to the Nazis. It’s for that reason … that a lot of my organizing work has revolved around uplifting resistance, in all of its forms, to genocide and fascism.
Both see the Buchenwald Memorial as an affront to these histories, whilst claiming to commemorate them. Shapiro continued that the Memorial is:
an especially sour place to watch this sickening weaponization and instrumentalization of our histories, [which are being] used to not just deny the genocide in Palestine, but to criminalize those Palestinians and Palestinian forces who are resisting.
Honouring the dead
This history of resistance is explicitly tied to the Buchenwald Memorial. The memorial’s own website mentions how a commemorative address was written by inmates at the concentration camp, ending with a joint pledge known today at the Oath of Buchenwald:
The destruction of Nazism, down to its roots, is our motto. To build a new world of peace and freedom is our ideal.
Another speaker at the press conference was Peter Eisenstein, honorary president of the European Alliance in Defence of Palestinian Detainees. He said:
To me, Nazi ideology and Zionism are synonymous.
It is a view shared by many German Jews today. But unfortunately, the Buchenwald Memorial refuses to uphold the Oath of its former inmates when the atrocities of the state of Israel is concerned. If the genocide in Gaza makes them too uncomfortable, maybe they are unfit custodians to honour the Buchenwald dead.
Featured image via the Canary
By Em Colquhoun
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