For years, Greece’s international reputation rested on an image of its recognisable coastlines and ancient ruins – a place people associated with escapism and holidays. Today, it is carving out a new image as a place of opportunity.

The numbers tell one part of the story. According to the Bank of Greece, the country welcomed 40.7 million inbound travellers in 2024 and generated €21.59 billion in travel receipts. Those figures confirm Greece’s position as one of Europe’s tourism powerhouses. Yet today, that is just one part of Greece’s story.

A decade ago, professionals largely followed jobs. Today, many jobs follow professionals. Technology has untethered millions of workers from a fixed location, creating a new class of internationally mobile talent with genuine freedom over where they base themselves. For these individuals, Greece has become an increasingly attractive proposition.

Its appeal is not difficult to understand. It combines a high quality of life with strong international connectivity, access to the Schengen Area, a favourable climate and a cost base that remains competitive compared with many Western European cities. For someone able to work from anywhere, those factors carry real weight.

The introduction of Greece’s Digital Nomad Visa in 2021 was an early recognition of this trend. More importantly, it signalled that policymakers understood a larger reality: attracting talent is becoming just as important as attracting tourists.

Recent decisions also demonstrate how seriously Greece takes its tourism sector. In response to concerns that the European Union’s new Entry/Exit System could create lengthy queues and disruption for travellers, Greek authorities moved to simplify arrival procedures for British visitors, one of the country’s most important tourism markets. The move reflected a broader willingness to prioritise visitor experience and maintain Greece’s competitiveness in an increasingly crowded international travel market.

Meanwhile, digital nomads are often dismissed as little more than holidaymakers with laptops. In reality, they can be something much more valuable. They rent apartments, support local businesses, build professional networks, and, in many cases, stay far longer than traditional visitors. Some eventually establish companies. Others invest in property. Many become repeat residents. In that sense, digital nomads sit at the intersection of tourism and investment. They are often the bridge between the two.

The same logic can be seen in Greece’s approach to investment migration. The country’s restructured Golden Visa programme, with investment thresholds of €800,000, €400,000 and targeted €250,000 options, reflects a shift away from volume and towards longer-term contribution. The objective is not simply to attract capital, but to attract people with a stake in Greece’s future.

What makes Greece particularly well-positioned is that these trends reinforce one another. Tourism creates familiarity. Familiarity encourages longer stays. Longer stays lead to investment and, in some cases, relocation. Few countries possess such a strong tourism brand while simultaneously offering pathways for residence, investment and remote work.

The relationship between tourism and mobility is becoming increasingly important. Millions of British travellers visit Greece every year, and policymakers understand that today’s visitor can become tomorrow’s remote worker, investor or resident. Measures designed to make travel smoother and more accessible help strengthen that pipeline, turning short-term tourism flows into longer-term economic participation.

Spain has built an impressive ecosystem for digital nomads. Portugal has long been a leader in international mobility. Italy continues to benefit from its cultural prestige and global appeal. Greece does not necessarily dominate any one category. Its advantage is that it performs strongly across all of them.

For decades, Greece’s reputation was built on what people came to see. Its future may depend just as much on the people who decide to stay.

Katie Lam is a shadow Home Office minister and MP for Weald of Kent.

In his farewell speech to the nation, Keir Starmer talked of “what [he’d] achieved in just two years”. You’d be forgiven for thinking that this was a bad attempt at a joke – but the outgoing Prime Minister seemed to be completely serious.

After nearly two years of Starmer, we’ve made little-to-no progress on the major problems facing our country. In fact, he’s made a lot of our existing issues worse, and created a whole host of new ones.

Take his talk of “an economy that is stronger, growing faster than our peers”. The British economy has in fact grown by just 1.1 percent a year since Labour came into Government – less than half of what the US has achieved. The latest quarterly national accounts data says that, on a per person basis, our economy is actually shrinking.

The Prime Minister says that we should be grateful for, “wages rising faster than inflation”. In July 2024, wages were growing at more than 5 percent a year, while inflation was at 2.2 percent (2.8 percentage points less). By this April, inflation was up to 2.8 percent, while wage growth was down to 3.4 percent — so the gap has shrunk to about half a percentage point. In short, it’s becoming more difficult for people to afford the essentials, just as their wages aren’t growing as fast as they were.

Starmer spoke of “investment secured, infrastructure being built”. That’s despite the fact that, in the first quarter of 2026, business investment was nearly 2 percent lower than a year before. Meanwhile, more than half of new infrastructure projects signed off by this Government have been delayed. The Cambridge Waste Water Treatment Plant was delayed by six months before being cancelled – but not before £80 million of taxpayer money was spent on planning.

Next came his appeals to the Labour left – “an end to austerity”. If by “an end to austerity”, he meant “putting up taxes, despite promising not to, to pay for more welfare”, he was right – thanks to Starmer, we’re spending billions more on people who don’t work.

Then he claimed to have overseen “the biggest improvement in rights for workers and renters in a generation” – but making it harder for people to get a job, or to find somewhere to rent, isn’t an “improvement” in anybody’s rights. Thanks to Labour’s changes, the number of job opportunities is at the lowest level since the pandemic, and rents continue to rise.

“The biggest uplift in defence spending since the Cold War” – despite the fact that his own Defence Secretary resigned just last week, saying that Starmer was “unwilling to commit the resources that the nation needs to defend the country”.

“Small boat crossings falling” – despite the fact that crossings have actually increased by nearly 10,000 people a year since he came into office.

“Asylum hotels closing” – but only because the Government is now pushing illegal migrants directly into our communities.

And then there are the things that Starmer didn’t mention. Scrapping jury trials, enabling vexatious prosecutions against Northern Ireland veterans, letting tens of thousands of criminals a year avoid prison, and taking the disastrous decision to appoint Peter Mandelson as US Ambassador. He let Bridget Phillipson wreck the curriculum, let David Lammy continue to inject group-based grievance politics into our judiciary, and let Ed Miliband blow up our homegrown oil and gas industry.

His record speaks for itself. Keir Starmer was a complete failure.

If there was a silver lining to Starmer’s tenure as Prime Minister, it was his weakness – which made it possible for Kemi Badenoch and the Conservatives to force him into u-turn after u-turn. He was dragged into holding a national inquiry into the grooming gangs, into watering down his family farm tax, and into scrapping his plans for digital ID.

Of course, Keir Starmer didn’t act alone. He was supported along the way by more than 400 Labour MPs, almost all of whom supported these changes. When they pushed back, it wasn’t because they recognised how terrible Starmer’s instincts were – it’s because they wanted him to double down. They rebelled when he tried to reduce the growth of the welfare bill – not the total amount, just the growth. As Labour’s own Welfare Secretary said, the first question raised by Labour MPs is always “who can we tax in order to pay benefits to others?”.

And so, while Starmer might be going away, the Labour Party isn’t. Their MPs will remain the same, and so will the challenges facing the country. Though much-touted as a fresh face, Andy Burnham is an establishment Labour man, through and through. He was first elected as a Labour MP in 2001, while I was still at primary school; he served in Gordon Brown’s Cabinet.

Regardless of the churn at the top, the fundamentals remain the same. Labour will not secure our borders, they will not cut our ballooning welfare bill, and they will not do what’s necessary to keep our country safe. They are simply not dispositionally or ideologically capable of making the trade-offs that we need to make in order to fix any of these problems.

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Nuclear Transport Solutions (NTS), the world’s leading nuclear transport specialists, has successfully evolved its shipping capability to transport a new nuclear flask, ensuring the safe and secure transportation of spent Mixed Oxide (MOX) fuel.

A new package was required to transport this material, and one of NTS’s specialist ships, Pacific Grebe, was the first in the fleet to be adapted to accommodate the new flask.

The engineering challenge of fitting the package, which is the largest ever transported by NTS, was undertaken by the organisation’s transport experts and specialist engineers.

An adapter plate was produced to ensure the cargo would securely fit within the ship’s hold. This required millimetre precision, along with the manufacture of a specialist tool to ensure the ship’s removable decks aligned perfectly with the new TN Eagle flask, which would carry the material.

Following initial trials at Barrow Marine Terminal, a full-scale test fitting took place in Cherbourg, France, using the specialist vessel operated by Pacific Nuclear Transport Limited (PNTL), NTS’s specialist shipping division.

The 150-tonne flask was successfully placed in the ship’s various holds to check compatibility, and the exercise proved an outstanding success.

Conner Love, NTS Director of Shipping, said: “This has been a fantastic collaborative effort between NTS and PNTL. It demonstrates the world-leading expertise we possess in nuclear shipping and engineering.

“We are proud to have worked on the successful completion of this project, but this is just the beginning as we embark on a series of vital spent fuel movements around the globe.”

Another of PNTL’s ships, Pacific Egret, will be adapted in the near future to transport the new flask.

Nuclear Transport Solutions (NTS) has successfully completed a major international shipment of high-assay low-enriched uranium (HALEU) fuel, supporting the safe, secure and reliable transfer of the material from Japan to the United States.

The operation was conducted in collaboration with the U.S. Department of Energy’s National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA), Japan Atomic Energy Agency and the Japanese government – with 1.7 metric tons of HALEU transported, the largest single international shipment of uranium in NNSA’s history.

It demonstrates NTS’s unique expertise and capability in the transport of HALEU fuel, a material that is central to the deployment of advanced nuclear technologies and next-generation reactors.

The achievement also marks a significant step in NTS’s role in spearheading the UK’s HALEU transport capability, following its £10.5 million funding award from the UK government in 2024.  By developing and delivering the specialist expertise required for HALEU movements, NTS is helping to position the UK as a critical international partner in enabling secure and resilient advanced nuclear fuel supply chains.

Ben Whittard, co‑CEO of Nuclear Transport Solutions, said:

“This operation clearly demonstrates NTS’s unique capability in the transport of HALEU fuel.  We’ve brought together deep technical expertise, operational excellence and decades of global experience to deliver a highly complex shipment safely, securely and successfully.

“As HALEU becomes increasingly important to advanced nuclear programmes worldwide, NTS is proud to be at the forefront of providing the transport solutions that make this possible.”

Ciara Middlehurst, co‑CEO of Nuclear Transport Solutions, added:

“This is a powerful example of what can be achieved through strong international partnership.  Working closely with our colleagues and partners in the United States and Japan, we’ve shown how trusted collaboration, shared standards and alignment of purpose can enable critical nuclear activities while upholding the highest security and non‑proliferation commitments.”

NTS’s growing collaboration and reputation across the international nuclear sector was highlighted earlier this year following the signing of a landmark Heads of Terms agreement with Westinghouse, at the British Embassy in Washington DC – reinforcing shared ambitions to support the emerging HALEU supply chain.

At the Low Level Waste (LLW) Repository, work is underpinned by a comprehensive and robust Environmental Safety Case (ESC); a rigorous set of reports which considers environmental safety now, and in the future at the LLW Repository. 

After years of preparation, NWS submitted a major update to its ESC to the Environment Agency on 1 May 2026. The last major submission was 15 years ago and a lot has changed over that time, including operational experience, scientific understanding, regulatory feedback and our understanding of the waste inventory. The Environment Agency will now undertake an independent technical review of the 2026 ESC.

Sam Stead, NWS’ ESC Lead, said:

 “We place a great deal of importance on the Environmental Safety Case. It requires rigour, transparency and a strong sense of responsibility, because it is fundamental to how we evidence safety and environmental protection over the long term at the Repository.”

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The ESC is an essential part of how NWS shows it is meeting the highest standards of environmental protection at the Repository site.  It demonstrates that the mitigations it has, and will, put in place do not detrimentally impact the area around the Repository site, including local water sources, air quality, wildlife, and the wellbeing of the community. 

As the duty holder for the Repository site, and owner of the ESC, Mike Pigott, Executive Director of Sites and Operations, said:

“The ESC underpins our environmental permit and reinforces public and regulatory confidence, demonstrating how we are continuing to dispose of radioactive waste safely, both now and far into the future.”

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You can read more about the ESC in our Guide to the Key Points

(Jeffrey Blackler / Alamy)

4 min read1 hr

We are a country whose infrastructure, public services and daily rhythms were built for drizzle, not temperature spikes that strain hospitals, halt transport systems and leave elderly and vulnerable people at risk. And yet, these extremes are becoming familiar. The danger lies not only in the rising heat, but in the creeping normalisation that follows – the sense that this is simply our new weather, something to be endured rather than addressed.

This should not be the case. Moments like this should remind us that climate change is not an abstract, distant threat, but a reality shaping life here in Britain today. From parched fields in the East of England to overheating classrooms and overstretched water systems, the impacts are tangible and unevenly felt. Those with the least – poorly insulated homes, insecure work, fragile health – bear the brunt.

And yet, at precisely the moment when seriousness is most needed, there are growing calls to look the other way. To dilute commitments. To reframe climate policy as an optional extra rather than a central pillar of national resilience. This is simply not a grown-up response to a serious problem.

The role of government is not to chase the easiest argument or yield to the loudest pressure. It is to weigh evidence, act in the national interest, and take responsibility for the long term. Climate change tests all three of these duties. Because while it might sometimes be politically convenient to question the scale of the challenge, or to downplay the urgency of action, the consequences of doing so will not be distributed evenly – and they will not be undone easily.

There is a temptation, particularly in an overheated political environment, to frame climate action as a burden. That framing is as misleading as it is short-sighted. The real burden is the cost of inaction: the damage to infrastructure, the hit to productivity, the strain on public services, and, most importantly, the toll on human lives. There is no better example of this than our privatised water system. Successive governments have failed to grip the issue, trusting the market to take the reins and make long-term decisions for the benefit of the public. As a consequence, we are now dangerously exposed when it comes to water resilience and quality.

We need a government that understands that climate policy is economic policy, health policy, and security policy. That investing in the green transition is not simply a moral choice, but a practical one, shielding us from international shocks and creating jobs in communities that have too often been left behind.

This requires honesty. There will be trade-offs. There will be decisions that cannot please everyone. But leadership is about making those decisions anyway – with clarity, fairness and a sense of shared purpose.

We cannot afford any pretence that we can simply step back from climate commitments. Nor can we indulge the illusion that short-term political gain outweighs long-term national risk. Those urging such paths may offer simplicity, but it is a false simplicity: one that masks, rather than resolves, the challenges ahead.

People understand, instinctively, that the world is changing. They see it in the weather, in the news, and in their own lives. Last summer, the hottest on record, the country recorded more than 1,500 heat associated deaths. The public know they can’t ignore this. What they ask for, rightly, is a plan that matches the scale of the problem and distributes both the costs and benefits fairly.

This heatwave should serve as a reminder of what is at stake. A country that treats such warnings with complacency will find itself on the back foot, reacting to crises rather than preparing for them. A country that meets them with seriousness, however, has the opportunity not only to protect itself, but to lead.

Alistair Strathern is the Labour MP for Hitchin