What is “reverse water walking”?

What are the benefits of “reverse water walking”?

How do I try “reverse water walking”?

Luke Graham was the Conservative Member of Parliament for Ochil and Perthshire South from 2017 to 2019, the candidate in Perth and Kinross-shire in 2024, and a former head of the Downing Street Union Unit.

While Iranian airstrikes and the latest developments in the Epstein files continue to dominate headlines, the result of the Gorton & Denton by-election deserves a second glance, looking beyond the Green’s headline victory.

This by election was not merely a local contest. It offered a snapshot of the unsettled and volatile condition of British politics in 2026 — and a warning about the direction of our modern election campaigns.

The Green Party’s victory was undeniably striking. Labour, despite clear voter frustration, still mobilised close to 10,000 votes. Reform UK, which had publicly signalled strong confidence of victory, secured just over 10,000 but fell short. The Conservatives and Lib Dems were never really contenders for this seat. Taken together, the numbers suggest three important conclusions.

First, Reform’s support, though real, may well have reached a ceiling. National polling continues to show Reform ahead, yet the party has now underperformed in successive by-elections and has fallen more than eight points from its November high-water mark. By-elections are imperfect barometers, but they do test GOTV ability and voter motivation. Reform’s difficulty in converting polling strength into parliamentary wins raises a serious question about whether it really can covert high polling percentages into a large swathe of seats in the House of Commons.

Second, Labour’s position is fragile but not collapsed. Even amid significant dissatisfaction with the government, Labour retains an organisational machine capable of turning out votes. That matters in marginal contests.

Third — and most troubling — the manner of this campaign may prove more consequential than the result itself.

The Gorton & Denton contest was bruising.

Personal accusations surfaced early. Nigel Farage publicly alleged links between the Conservative candidate and an LGBT charity in a manner that was, at best, misleading. The Reform candidate faced allegations of misconduct and locally Labour and the Greens went heavy on the doorsteps.

But it was the Green Party’s campaign tactics that marked a potentially more significant shift. A targeted Urdu-language video featuring images of Kier Starmer alongside Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was plainly designed to target a local Muslim community. The advert urged voters to “punish” Labour for its stance on Gaza, implicitly suggesting sectarian alignment. This was not accidental phrasing. It was calculated messaging.

There is nothing new with political parties tailoring communications to different communities. However, what makes this case distinct is the explicit framing of electoral choice along ethnic and religious lines, particularly in the context of an international conflict. This is not merely sharper campaigning; it is the normalisation of targeting voters along ethnic and religious grounds.

This kind of approach by the Greens would have been unthinkable under Caroline Lucas, who’s leadership of the Green Party focused on the climate, tackling inequality and pro-EU arguments. The tactics deployed in Gorton & Denton represent a departure from that tradition. They move the Green party into terrain historically occupied by more overtly nationalist movements — including elements of SNP and Plaid Cymru strategy — where identity becomes the organising principle of electoral competition.

This shift should concern us as Conservatives not simply because it benefits a rival party, but because of its broader implications for our democracy. Just as the 2014 Scottish and 2016 EU referenda became totemic political moments, reshaping party alignments and entrenching identities for years, religious campaigns risk creating similar hardened blocs within constituencies. Short-term gains can produce long-term fractures and build political tribalism.

Although the Greens are guilty in this instance, it’s important to remember that it was only a few months ago that Robert Jenrick turned up on a street in Birmingham, far from his constituency, to use local deprivation as a backdrop and evidence for divisive rhetoric. Ambitious politicians of all political stripes are not immune from the temptation of this kind of “emotion first” politics.

But this is what happens when a political system has been as battered as ours; selfish politicians have used national strife and instability as political opportunity, acting in recklessly unprepared way with poor results. When voters lose faith in large national projects — large scale infrastructure, productivity growth, defence renewal, or economic transformation — campaigns increasingly pivot toward emotional mobilisation. Outrage substitutes for vision.

This is the deeper lesson of Gorton & Denton. The volatility of Reform’s vote share, Labour’s fragility, and the Greens’ resort to identity-based messaging all point to a political environment hungry for conviction but starved of credible national direction.

For Conservatives, this presents both a danger and an opportunity.

The danger is obvious: fragmentation of the centre-right vote, further erosion of civic cohesion, and a political culture driven by grievance rather than aspiration. Reform’s rhetoric thrives where voters feel unheard. Identity politics flourish where national purpose is absent.

The opportunity lies in rebuilding something more durable.

Having been humbled in the 2024 General Election, our party has the rare political space to reconstruct its offer. The task is to articulate a compelling national project — one that addresses economic dynamism, defence resilience and social mobility without resorting to sectarian shortcuts.

As developments in the United States and elsewhere demonstrate, it is possible to win power and simultaneously deepen division. Britain, at a moment of international instability and economic uncertainty, cannot afford to further fracture our people or state.

Gorton & Denton was a by-election. Its parliamentary arithmetic is minor. Its cultural implications are not. If politics continues to descend into ever narrower identity politics and escalating grievance, the fragmentation of our party system will accelerate.

Any politician knows the importance of winning an election – if you don’t win, you’re not in. But in the rush for victory, all parties should consider the profound and lasting impact of their campaigns on our communities – we should not abandon the key tenants of our culture and democracy to win individual battles, but ultimately lose the war for the soul and cohesion of our country.

Green party leader Zack Polanski has said what millions of Britons will be thinking: Keir Starmer’s spinelessness is putting Britain in danger.

Polanski has called out Starmer’s “utter inability to stand up to Donald Trump” after Starmer gave permission for Trump to use UK air bases to attack Iran:

The events of the past 48 hours have laid bare Keir Starmer’s utter inability to stand up to Donald Trump – and this weakness could have serious consequences for the safety of British people.

— Zack Polanski (@ZackPolanski) March 2, 2026

Polanski says what we’re all thinking

So craven – and lacking more parts than just his spine – is Starmer that he even tried to claim he still hasn’t involved the UK in Trump’s completely illegal and unprovoked war. But Polanski wasn’t finished. He spoke up for the millions who don’t want another war, let alone for the UK to be involved in it. And he demanded Starmer respect the UK’s democracy, which the warmonger has ignored completely in his unilateral declaration:

Starmer must withdraw permission for the US to use UK bases to launch airstrikes on Iran and parliament must be given a vote on any UK involvement.

— Zack Polanski (@ZackPolanski) March 2, 2026

And, in a separate thread he pointed out how just a few years ago, the weasel Starmer was promising “No more illegal wars”:

The majority of people in this country do not want us to be involved in this war.

Keir Starmer of a few years ago wouldn’t have supported this war.

The only reason he does now is he will do anything Donald Trump wants – and it makes us all less safe. https://t.co/Frh9jOJf0t

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— Zack Polanski (@ZackPolanski) March 2, 2026

It seems British military veterans, perhaps the best-placed among us to understand what Starmer is allowing Trump to drag us into, agree – like any right-minded person:

As a veteran 💯👇👇👇 https://t.co/lx2ljdl9Iw

— Steve Masters (@AnothervoiceWB) March 2, 2026

Starmer’s spineless, ball-less Trump-licking saw immediate consequences, triggering an immediate – and perfectly legal under international law – Iranian attack on the RAF Akrotiri base in Cyprus that the US would use against Iran.

Featured image via the Canary

Alamy

4 min read18 min

Strong political leadership and a sense of urgency are needed to reform the health service – on that, we can all agree. So, it has been disappointing to see those instincts lacking in the government’s approach to vaccinations, which are fundamental to protecting children from preventable diseases and hospitals from winter pressures.

In a recent evidence session, our committee examined why vaccination rates are so poor across all types and age groups. England’s immunisation coverage among over-65s has fallen every year since 2021/22, and is worse than in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.

Could this decline have something to do with the government’s hands-off approach to vaccination policy, you might wonder? Indeed, last year it seemed to abandon the World Health Organization’s (WHO) guidance that 95 per cent of children should receive their full schedule of jabs.

There are no clear targets, no milestones, no single person to hold to account, and the system doesn’t have a clear idea of what success would look like.

As we questioned witnesses from the Department of Health and Social Care and NHS England, it became clear that while ostensibly there is a vaccination strategy, there are no clear targets, no milestones, no single person to hold to account, and the system doesn’t have a clear idea of what success would look like. The session left us unconvinced that there is a plan to get vaccine uptake back to where it should be.

Let’s not lose sight of why this matters. In 2024, the UK saw 11 deaths of children from whooping cough and another from measles. Last month, WHO revoked this country’s ‘measles elimination’ status. Children are dying or falling seriously ill due to preventable diseases. Failure to adequately prepare for winter by getting older or immunosuppressed people vaccinated has left hospitals and ambulance services exposed.

Fin McCaul of Community Pharmacy England described scenes of “chaos” due to poorly communicated changes to eligibility for Covid vaccines. And we heard that despite having an abundance of locations to get flu jabs, at pharmacies and GPs, booking systems allowed people who weren’t eligible to nab appointments that should have been available to others who were. Greg Fell of the Association of Public Health Directors told us misinformation and hesitancy are a problem, but nowhere near as important as access and effective comms. On childhood immunisations, he said it’s too easy for parents to miss a letter or “one of thousands of texts” from their school.

Our committee’s most recent report, The First 1,000 Days, concluded that a hollowing out of the health visitor workforce over 10 years has meant fewer contacts between parents and professionals who can provide advice and encouragement to get infants vaccinated.

One of our witnesses, who leads on immunisations on the Integrated Care Board for Leicestershire and Rutland, said the government should invest new, ring-fenced funding every year for five years. It was also conceded by the department that no cost-benefit analysis has been carried out into the long-term collateral damage that poor vaccine coverage has on the health system through increased demand. The evidence suggests that cuts have been a false economy.

Next month, our committee holds another one-off session where we’ll deep dive into the corridor-care phenomenon. Snarl-ups in emergency departments are thought to be directly linked to failures in preventative care and the role of vaccinations in helping the NHS prepare for winter. Quite simply, if the flu and Covid vaccination programmes flounder again next autumn, there is a high risk that we’ll see a rerun of the tragic scenes we have just witnessed.

If the government really wants to achieve the NHS’ strategic shift to preventative care, we are adamant that it must once again prioritise vaccinations. But we have further questions about the commitment to the shift to prevention, full stop. The 10-Year Health Plan was widely welcomed, as were the three shifts. As our committee does its work, we are setting down a marker that this lesser-loved but extremely cost-effective pillar must not be forgotten. 

What is the Dutch method?

The ‘Dutch method’ may also make us feel less lonely

Mourners gathered in various parts of India and Indian-administered Kashmir over the weekend to mourn the assassination of Iranian Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei by a joint US-Israel-led attack, despite no official condemnation from India itself.

PM Narendra Modi said that he had a call with Netanyahu just days after the butcher of Gaza attacked Iran. During his conversation with Netanyahu, Modi stated that he “conveyed India’s concerns over recent developments and emphasised the safety of civilians as a priority,” adding that “India reiterates the need for an early cessation of hostilities.”

Modi has also communicated with the US-Israel ally, the UAE, and expressed “solidarity.”

And, Modi also visited Israel from February 25-26, warmly embracing Netanyahu and promising that India and Israel’s friendship would continue to soar. In fact, as chair of BRICS, India has broken from the bloc’s consensus by refraining from condemning the US-Israel attacks on Iran. Other BRICS members like Brazil, Russia, China, and South Africa issued strong statements criticizing the strikes and urging restraint.

Reactions from streets of India

Officials told The Hindu newswire that hundreds of protestors took to the streets in Shia-majority areas of Kashmir on Sunday to demonstrate against the killing of the Iranian leader.

Maktoob Media reported mourning by people at Masjid Babul Ilm in Jamia Nagar, Delhi:

According to reports from Newx, the death of Khamenei has sparked widespread protests across India. “From Kashmir to Lucknow, mourners gathered to honor the Iranian Supreme Leader, leaving social media bitterly divided over the reactions,” it said.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s Death Triggers Massive Protests In India: From Kashmir To Lucknow, Protestors Mourn Iran Supreme Leader’s Death Leaving Internet Bitterly Dividedhttps://t.co/MCC0KtWhZS pic.twitter.com/qnwPdX6jUY

— NewsX World (@NewsX) March 2, 2026

Meanwhile, opposition parties condemned the targeted killing of the Iranian leader. Modi’s main opposition – the Congress Party – said:

We condemn the targeted assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Hosseini Khamenei, as a grave violation of international law. pic.twitter.com/23wglH42ww

— Congress (@INCIndia) March 2, 2026

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Dissent from within

The assassination of Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei by forces of the invading US-Israel axis must be condemned unequivocally even by the critics of the Iranian government. The US has no business to inflict a regime change on Iran. The experience of countries like Iraq, Libya, Syria, Afghanistan that have been targeted earlier by the US for regime change operations clearly shows that the US is only interested in destabilising sovereign countries to establish its own exclusive geo-political domination in West Asia. For decades the US and Israel have falsely accused Iran of being just weeks away from becoming a nuclear power. Even as Iran accepted the diplomatic process to seek a negotiated settlement, the US-Israel axis attacked Iran and assassinated Iran’s supreme leader and several of his family members and close officials. The people of Iran alone have the right to determine the future of their country and India must unequivocally denounce the US-Israel bid to subjugate Iran and install a puppet regime.

Statement | The assassination of Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei by forces of the invading US-Israel axis must be condemned unequivocally even by the critics of the Iranian government.

The US has no business to inflict a regime change on #Iran. The experience of… pic.twitter.com/a7u6IgudYE

— CPIML Liberation (@cpimlliberation) March 1, 2026

Clearly, the many protesters and opposition parties in India do not view Israel the same craven manner Modi does.

Featured image via the Canary

The UK can be a global leader in regulatory science innovation and animal protection. To achieve this, the government must ensure that its Strategy to Replace Animals in Science delivers real, measurable progress and establishes the foundations for fundamental change.

In 2026, Cruelty Free International (CFI) will be pushing ministers to deliver the commitments it has set for this year, in full and on time, while asking them to plan to go much further in the longer term.

We will provide clear, factual analysis of progress made and key milestones reached, identify gaps where ambition or detail falls short, and hold the government to account for timely delivery on their commitments. Through rigorous scrutiny and constructive advocacy, we will demonstrate the need for a programme of change that not only delivers the strategy as written but also lays the groundwork for advancing beyond it.

The strategy could be a landmark moment, but only if it is delivered in full and on time

• The publication of the UK strategy signals a turning point in how we approach science, innovation and public health.
• It offers genuine potential to accelerate the phase-out of animal testing and to modernise the science – bringing forward ethical, innovative and human-relevant methods and ultimately delivering better outcomes.
• This can only be achieved through sustained implementation and delivery, appropriate resourcing, expert oversight and proper accountability.

Analysing what the strategy actually commits the government to deliver

• CFI is thoroughly analysing the key commitments, setting out what it promises, what it enables, what the impact will be, what is required to deliver it, and how it could be made even more impactful.
• Crucially, our analysis aims to highlight both the opportunities and shortcomings of the strategy, to demonstrate that we can and should be optimistic while ensuring that we hold the strategy to the highest scrutiny, and never stop demanding greater ambition until every experiment on animals has ended.

Accountability to drive public trust and scientific progress

• Without transparent reporting and accountability, the strategy will remain a list of aspirations rather than a roadmap for action with clear and concrete deliverables driven by targets, milestones and robust timeframes.
• The strategy must not gather dust on the shelf. It must be a living and active document that is a tool for driving change.
• We will push the government to deliver on its commitment to set up clear and impartial accountability processes of its own, but will also take responsibility for holding them accountable in a positive, constructive yet challenging way. This will include pushing for stronger mechanisms for transparent monitoring, and asking for clear and enforceable milestones, confirmed targets, and independent assessment of progress.
• Responsible ministers must be held accountable for making every effort to meet targets and, where possible, to push beyond them. We will make the case for clear ministerial duties to drive action from the government.
• There should also be a regular and transparent process for updating timelines, targets, and milestones.
• A key element of accountability is the inclusion of civil society organisations to draw in their trusted expertise and encourage public confidence. Systems and processes for accountability must therefore include transparent mechanisms for involving key stakeholders such as civil society organisations and NGOs.

The UK must be more ambitious if it wants to lead internationally

• The strategy should be a baseline from which to build UK leadership on the international stage and not a ceiling for ambition.
• With ambitious and potentially far-reaching commitments in the United States and the European Union, the UK risks falling behind international peers unless it accelerates innovation in human-relevant science and takes bold steps to accelerate the uptake of non-animal approaches throughout the sciences.

2026 deadlines in the Strategy

Actions that must be started in the first half of 2026:

• Publish areas of research interest for non-animal methods
• Quantify annually the inclusion of second species testing in clinical trial applications
• Initiate provision of ministerial leadership on the development and adoption of non-animal methods
• Initiate formal involvement of DSIT in the direct commissioning and receipt of advice from the Animals in Science Committee
• Enable better advice on non-animal methods
• Restart the survey on public attitudes to animal research
• Establish KPIs with which to assess the delivery of this strategy

Measures the government must deliver by the end of 2026:

• Create a Preclinical Translational Models Hub
• Establish the UK as a global leader in the science and regulatory application of non-animal methods
• Increase the visibility of available non-animal methods to facilitate their uptake
• Accelerate uptake of non-animal methods through reform of animals in science regulation
• Establish a UK Centre for the Validation of Alternative Methods (UKCVAM)
• Prepare specific projects to help secure international acceptance of new test methods, after UKCVAM is established
• Publish regulatory agency-accepted non-animal methods and priorities for future development and validation
• Establish a programme to support the upskilling of regulatory assessors
• Establish data‑sharing frameworks to support equitable access to public and private data sources
• Enhance data curation and quality control, and develop regulatory frameworks for data use
• Develop mechanisms to enable regulators to provide pre‑submission feedback

Work that must begin once 2026 funding is released by the government and research funders:

• Increase investment in the development of non-animal methods
• Enable funders to thoroughly scrutinise the apparent need for animal research in funding decisions
• Provide foundational training for early-career researchers in non-animal methods
• Expand challenge‑led innovation for non-animal methods
• Increase investment in data‑driven biology

We welcome the strategy’s ambition in setting a framework of commitments to guide action in the short to medium term, some of which will require urgent work and rapid delivery. It represents a strong start for the government, and an approach that could put the UK in a leadership position if words are matched by actions. Now it must deliver. In many ways, the real work starts here and must continue well beyond these first deadlines.

For more detail or to support our work, visit www.crueltyfreeinternational.org or email [email protected].