Politics
Starmer’s attempt to save his premiership – speech in full
Keir Starmer vowed to prove his “doubters” wrong in a make-or-break speech on Monday morning.
The prime minister warned of “very dangerous opponents”, alluding to insurgent political forces on the right and left, and pledged to embrace a closer relationship with Europe.
Read Starmer’s speech in full.
The election results last week were tough, very tough. We lost some brilliant Labour representatives; that hurts and it should hurt. I get it, I feel it, and I take responsibility. But it’s not just about taking responsibility for the results; it’s about taking responsibility to explain how, as a political and electoral force, we will be better and do better in the months and years ahead.
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Because we are not just facing dangerous times but dangerous opponents – very dangerous opponents. This hurts, not just because Labour has done badly, but because if we don’t get this right, our country will go down a very dark path. So just as I take responsibility for the results, I also take responsibility for delivering the change we promised for a stronger and fairer Britain that we must build.
I take responsibility for navigating us through a world that is more dangerous than at any time in my life, and I take responsibility for not walking away – not plunging our country into chaos, as the Tories did time and again, chaos that did lasting damage to this country. A Labour government would never be forgiven for inflicting that on our country again.
I know that people are frustrated by the state of Britain, frustrated by politics, and some people – frustrated with me. I know I have my doubters, and I know I need to prove them wrong, and I will. So let me start on a personal note.
Like every prime minister, I’ve learned a lot in the first two years in the job. In terms of the policy challenges that our country faces, incremental change won’t cut it. On growth, defence, Europe, and energy, we need a bigger response than we anticipated in 2024 because these are not ordinary times.
And this is a political challenge just as much as it’s a policy challenge. Delivery is, of course, essential, but it’s not sufficient on its own to address the frustration that voters feel. We’re battling Reform and the Greens, but at a deeper level, we are battling the despair on which they prey – despair that they exploit and amplify. And so analysis matters, but argument matters more. Evidence matters, but so too does emotion. Stories beat spreadsheets. People need hope.
So we will face up to the big challenges and we will make the big arguments – the Labour case – that only Labour values and Labour policies can ensure our country not only weathers these storms but emerges stronger and fairer. And the Labour case: that neither Nigel Farage nor Zack Polanski offers our country the serious progressive leadership these times demand.
Of course, like every government, we’ve made mistakes. But we got the big political choices right. I mean – if we had listened to the advice of other parties, right now we would be stuck in a stand-off with Iran, having been dragged into a war that is not in our interest, and I will never do that.
We invested in our public services, in people, and in the pride of Britain’s communities; difficult decisions funded that. But now, NHS waiting times are coming down, child poverty is coming down, and immigration is coming down. We are rebuilding from the ground up. They were the right calls.
And most of all, we stabilised the economy. The fundamentals are sound – and that matters because it puts us in a much better place to come out of the conflict in Iran stronger and fairer, and for living standards to improve after two decades of stagnation. But that’s not enough, clearly. No, for the British people, tired of a status quo that has failed them, change cannot come quickly enough. And truth be told, I’m not sure that they believe that we care. I’m not sure they believe that we see their lives.
And that’s tough to say. When you come from a working-class background like me, it’s hard to hear that because I do know what it’s like to struggle and to strive. But what I take from it is that I have spent too much time talking about what I am doing for working people and not enough time talking about why, or who I stand for. Because I can see how hard life has been during these decades of crisis; I can see that very clearly. My late brother, Nick, spent all his adult life going from one job to the next; the status quo did not work for him.
My sister is a carer, working long hours on low pay, year after year after year. She didn’t even get sick pay in the pandemic; the status quo did not work for her. For too long we’ve ignored people like that, and there are millions of people in that boat – millions of people who don’t get the dignity, the respect, or the chance that they deserve to go as far as their talent and effort should take them. Millions of people are held back because the status quo in this country does not work for them. I am fighting for them; we are fighting for them.
I am their Prime Minister and this is their Government because I know whose side I am on. I’m on the side of working people, just like my sister – people who work harder and harder but who worry about the cost of living. They’re not asking for the world; they just want to do the best for their kids. They want their town centres, the places they care about, to thrive; their public services to work; and people in power to see their problems.
And right now they’re worried sick. They turn on the TV and see bombs falling. They go to the petrol station and see prices rising. And they think: how is this happening to us again? They say, “How can I be paying the price for a war thousands of miles away that I don’t support, that Britain isn’t involved in?” And it’s not a new feeling, is it?
For two decades our country’s been buffeted by crisis after crisis: the 2008 financial crash, the Tory austerity that followed it, Brexit, Covid, and the Ukraine War. On and on it goes, and the response is always the same: a desperate attempt to get back to the status quo – a status quo that failed working people time and again. Our response this time must be different – a complete break. We must make this country stronger. Take control of our economic security, our energy security, and our defence security. And we must make this country fairer. Strength through fairness; that is my compass in this world. It is a core Labour argument, and in the coming days, you will see those values writ large in the King’s Speech. And you will see hope, urgency, and exactly whose side we are on reflected in everything we say and everything we do.
Let me give you three examples today, starting with British Steel. Because what we did in Scunthorpe last year is one of the proudest things we have done in Government. That plant was hours away from closure, and that is thousands of jobs gone, an entire region decimated, and Britain’s security exposed. And so we acted. Parliament was in recess, but it didn’t matter. As a united Labour Party, we passed emergency legislation and we took control. We must bring that same urgency to everything now, starting, appropriately enough, with Scunthorpe. Because steel is the ultimate sovereign capability. Strong nations, in a world like this, need to make steel. That’s why we’re backing steel in Port Talbot and across the UK. But in Scunthorpe, we’ve been negotiating with the current owner. A commercial sale has not been possible, and a public interest test could now be met.
So I can announce that legislation will be brought forward this week to give the Government powers – subject to that public interest test – to take full national ownership of British Steel. Public ownership in the public interest; urgent Government, on the side of working people, making Britain stronger with the hope of industrial renewal. That is a Labour choice.
Second example: Europe. And I’m sorry, but I need to take a bit of a detour on this because I want to remind you what Nigel Farage said about Brexit. He said it would make us richer; wrong – it made us poorer. He said it would reduce migration; wrong – migration went through the roof. He said it would make us more secure; wrong again – it made us weaker. He took Britain for a ride and – unlike the Tories, actually, who at least had to face up to it – he just fled the scene. And now, he’ll talk about almost anything other than the consequences of the one policy he actually delivered. Because he’s not just a grifter, he is a chancer.
So, at the next EU summit, I will set a new direction for Britain. The last government was defined by breaking our relationship with Europe; this Labour Government will be defined by rebuilding our relationship with Europe – by putting Britain at the heart of Europe. Because standing shoulder to shoulder with the countries that most share our interests, our values, and our enemies – that is the right choice for Britain; that is the Labour choice. And for our young people, also something more. Because Brexit snatched away their ability to work, to study, and to live easily in Europe. That’s why I am proud we restored the Erasmus scheme.
But I want to go further. I want to make a better offer for our young people, restore that hope and that freedom, and that sense of possibility. And so I want an ambitious Youth Experience scheme to be at the heart of our new arrangement with the EU so that our young people can work, study, and live in Europe. A symbol of a stronger relationship and a fairer future with our closest allies; that is the Labour choice.
And third: the greatest hope, the hope every parent has of a better future for their children. I want parents to feel that this is shared by their Government. Now – my parents… don’t worry – I’m not going there! But they didn’t have a lot of money, and my Mum was seriously ill for most of her life. But when they were in their later years, reflecting on what gave their life meaning, I could see that, as well as their hope in us, their kids, what comforted them was the idea that they had contributed to a Britain that was getting better for young people – that kids now had better opportunities than they did.
And so I have always been driven by the idea that every child should go as far as their talent or effort takes them. It’s a beautiful idea, shared widely across this country. We tell ourselves stories about it, don’t we? Stories not unlike mine, about the working-class kids who do make it. And I don’t blame people for telling those stories; it’s important to tell those stories. But it’s not everyone, is it? So when I say every child should have the opportunity to go as far as their talent or effort takes them, I mean every child.
I mean the kids who are growing up in poverty, the kids who have special educational needs, the kids who can’t get a job, and the kids who are ignored, frankly, because society often only puts those who go to university on a pedestal. We don’t see anything else as success, and that’s wrong – deeply wrong.
So we will go much further on our investment in apprenticeships, in technical excellence colleges, and in special educational needs. We will make sure every young person struggling to find work will get a guaranteed offer of a job, training, or a work placement. And we will go much further with our pride in place programme; we will back the millions of people who give their time and effort to young people in their community – we will back them, not just with money, but with power. And we will make sure that kids whose talent lies with their hands, kids who go to college, kids ignored by the status quo because politicians’ kids don’t go there – they will finally get the respect they deserve in a stronger, fairer Britain. That is the Labour choice. These are just a few examples, but they show the urgency and hope in our direction. They show the Labour values we will be guided by. And they show, frankly, the lessons that we will learn.
Now, other parties will draw different lessons. In fact, they already are. They want more grievance politics. More division. More pointing at Britain’s problems, looking not for solutions but for someone to blame. Now that’s fine if it’s me, if it’s politicians – that’s the job. But increasingly, it’s not; it’s other people in this country. And I don’t think that’s British. That is not the decency and respect we are known for. But it’s here; that politics is with us now, and you’ll see it again on Saturday at a march designed to confront and intimidate this diverse city and this diverse country. That is why this Government will block far-right agitators from travelling into Britain for that event, because we will not allow people to come to the UK, threaten our communities, and spread hate on our streets. This is nothing less than a battle for the soul of our nation, and I want to be crystal clear about how we win it. Because we cannot win as a weaker version of Reform or the Greens; we can only win as a stronger version of Labour – a mainstream party of power, not protest.
But I also want to be crystal clear on this: because I will never stop fighting for the decent, respectful, and diverse country that I love. And I will never give up on the hope we can unlock in this country – the hope of renters for security in their home, of workers for fairness at work, of public services freed from austerity, the hope of European solidarity, of community pride, and of the people who paint over the graffiti that is racist. A country taking control of its future; our spirit unchanged, our resolve unbroken. The hope of a country that can and will become a stronger, fairer Britain. That is the hope I am fighting for, that is the hope we are fighting for. That is the Labour choice. Thank you.
Politics
Labour ministers ditch leadership plotting for the Devil Wears Prada 2
Following Labour’s embarrassing defeat at the polls, business and trade secretary and friend of Israel, Peter Kyle, was the designated fall guy and sent out on the media round.
It was as serious a time as you’d expect, with Kyle saying Wes Streeting is not plotting to overthrow Keir Starmer. The labour ministers were too preoccupied with the release of the Devil Wears Prada 2.
The devil wears cheap Labour suits
For some reason, Peter Kyle was on Sky News this morning. When asked about inevitable Labour leadership bids, he spoke of a cinema outing with his chum, health minister, Wes Streeting, to see the Devil Wears Prada 2. So surely, he couldn’t be launching a leadership bid…
On X, Sky News anchor, Sophy Ridge, said that Kyle had said the following:
Wes and I last weekend we were out campaigning together in Ilford. And let me say, he achieved a stunning result with that whole team in Ilford. That shows what a great campaigner Wes is. After we campaigned, we went for dinner and we went and saw a movie together. Somebody who was planning to pull the plug and launch a leadership bid in a couple of days time, doesn’t go to the cinema with a friend.
When asked what film they went to see, Kyle said they watched Devil Wears Prada 2.
Ridge then asked whether they had spoken about Labour’s leadership, to which Kyle replied:
Wes and I talk about the leadership of the country all the time. Wes and I shared an office together for nine years, we spent so much time talking about the leadership of the country. We almost never spoke about the individual.
Wonder if the Labour duo ever spoke about Peter Mandelson…
Kyle carried on, saying:
Wes and I care so much about the future of the country. We have a very shared view of public services in the modern world. About what Britain’s potential is amongst our competitive countries. We both care deeply about the opportunities that young people have. Also, we were friends going to the cinema and we had a good laugh about other things as well.
If you’re unfamiliar with the film, it’s a series about backstabbing, bitchy cliques, and elitists sneering at working-class people. Sound familiar?
The sequel, in particular, focuses on how the media is being corrupted and how those grappling for power are swayed by those with real power — the fucking tech billionaires.
You can’t help but wonder if Wes Streeting was getting tips. Though, with all his private health care donors, he hardly needs it.
Kyle finished by describing him and Wes as ‘very good friends.”
Wes and I are very good friends but I’m not going to fall into the trap of being his spokesperson. But what I can tell you is that he, like me, is focused on the success of this government. His primary mission in government is making sure the whole government is a success, and he is there for Keir when he needs him.
Definitely, definitely not running
This story was, of course, taken very seriously.
Peter Kyle saying Wes Streeting can’t be planning a leadership coup because they went to see Devil Wears Prada 2 at the weekend is so ludicrous it borders onto homophobia
![]()
— Calgie (@christiancalgie) May 11, 2026
It looks to as if Wes Streeting and Peter Kyle have to wait until “The Devil Wears Prada III”…..
— Greg Hadfield (@GregHadfield) May 11, 2026
This wasn’t the only media appearance Kyle made. On the BBC4 Today programme, he said:
It’s one thing [to keep] open the option that you might try to become prime minister one day, and it’s a very different thing to try to unseat a sitting prime minister in the moment we’re in, and Wes Streeting is not doing that.
So that’s that then, he’s absolutely 100% not running. Well, maybe until tomorrow.
Featured image via the Canary
Politics
The House Article | Local leaders need more power to deliver change for residents

The voter turnout for the English local elections last week was 31.5 per cent (Alamy)
3 min read
The higher-than-expected turnout in these local elections showed voters were ready to demand change. Local leaders need more political and fiscal autonomy than ever to deliver for their residents.
England’s local political map has been transformed. But beyond the sweeping changes in local political control, one notable feature of last week’s local elections in England was that, in many areas, turnout tended to be above the usual low levels associated with local contests.
In my home council area of Calderdale turnout was 45 per cent, up by almost 11 per cent on the last local elections held here in 2024. The pattern was similar elsewhere.
While still not generally ‘high’ by any stretch (there’s much more to be done to improve electoral turnout both locally and nationally), higher than normal turnout is perhaps indicative of current public sentiment.
At first glance, higher turnout seems counterintuitive. Public trust in politics remains exceptionally low, and dissatisfaction with institutions is widespread. But increased turnout may indicate that many voters are increasingly willing to participate when they feel sufficiently motivated to register frustration or demand change.
The causes of voters’ discontent appear both national and local.
Undoubtedly, there’s dissatisfaction with the pace of change nationally, and growing impatience with stagnant living standards, stretched public services and the continuing cost-of-living crisis.
The message to the government in Westminster is clear: it must radically transform what it’s doing if it’s going to succeed. There is a growing demand for visible improvement in people’s everyday lives, particularly in communities that feel economically overlooked.
But interpreting these elections purely as a referendum on the government would miss a crucial part of the story. Beneath the national political turbulence lies a more localised crisis in confidence about the ability of councils themselves to deliver.
After more than a decade of cuts, many local authorities are operating under severe financial pressure, with local spending power much lower than it was in 2010, pre-austerity.
While the current government have provided additional financial support, councils across England remain constrained by a system that leaves them struggling to meet their statutory obligations and adequately fund other services. In many places, residents have seen libraries closing, parks deteriorating, roads going unrepaired, and their high streets declining.
These are the types of things that shape people’s daily experience of government most directly. For many voters, local government no longer seems capable of improving the places where they live. People feel they’re paying more council tax every year while getting less back in return.
As a result, there appears to have been a growing willingness to “roll the dice” electorally and replace incumbent administrations with alternatives promising disruption or change.
Beyond the introspection at the national level, therefore, another key takeaway from these elections should be that local leaders need more political and fiscal autonomy to deliver for their residents.
There’s a growing need to fundamentally reform local government finances so councils can act. This should mean radically reforming the council tax system, fixing social care provision, and delivering bold fiscal devolution.
This should go hand in hand with the government building on the progress it’s made on devolution and going further and faster on decentralising power so that local areas have greater control over things like economic development, transport, housing and public services.
This not only matters for delivery but also for enhancing local democratic engagement. International evidence shows that when local government has the power to genuinely change things, people are more likely to turn out to vote regularly and engage with it positively, enhancing local turnout over the longer term.
Rebuilding confidence in local government, empowering councils to deliver visible change and sustaining higher levels of democratic participation will be essential if trust in local and national politics is to be renewed.
Ryan Swift is Research Fellow at IPPR North, writing on devolution, local democracy, ‘levelling up’, and regional identity
Politics
WATCH: Labour Senedd Member Blames the Media for Wales Wipeout
Mike Hedges, one of the final nine Labour Senedd members, blamed the media for his party’s wipeout in a brush-by with ITV. Not taking it well…
Politics
Meet the cranks, crossdressers and Islamists now running your local council
Two things seem certain after last week’s local elections in England and parliamentary elections in Scotland and Wales. The first is that the historically incompetent and unpopular prime ministership of Keir Starmer is beyond salvation. The second is that, if the quality of the candidates elected locally and nationally is anything to go by, so too is Britain.
For proof that nothing you say or do in modern times can get in the way of your political dreams, we need look no further than Eden Hills. ‘Cock is one of my favourite tastes’, the newly elected Green councillor said in a social-media post last year. ‘Not only that, but balls smell amazing.’ In a separate post, he said: ‘OKAY [I’m] bored of being woke now, [I] should get back to talking about COCK.’
Hills was one of many trans or nonbinary candidates successfully fielded by the Green Party of England and Wales. The Scottish Greens managed to get two transgender candidates elected to the Scottish parliament, both of whom have some rather questionable views.
Q Manivannan – a self-described ‘queer Tamil immigrant’ – was elected to the Scottish parliament as a member for Edinburgh and Lothians, despite only having lived in Scotland since 2021, the year he arrived in Edinburgh from India on a student visa. It is by no means certain that Manivannan will be able to remain in the country long enough to complete his five-year term.
‘I cannot wait [until] big lizard Lizzie kicks the bucket’, Iris Duane, another of the Greens’ new trans MSPs, said in a social-media post in 2022, referring to the late Queen Elizabeth II. ‘Not because she’s dead but because of the absolute meltdown it will cause [in] the British consciousness.’
Heading south, the interests of Greens’ politicians undergo something of a transformation. The London borough of Lambeth elected Saiqa Ali, who was arrested last month on suspicion of stirring up racial hatred against Jews. Ali is alleged to have posted pictures on social media of a blue-and-white serpent with a Star of David on its skin coiled around the Earth and to have said that ‘England has a government that is overrepresented with Zionist Jews’. Ifhat Shaheen, who was elected to the Hackney council, came under the spotlight for wondering if ‘Zionists’ might be ‘harvesting’ the organs of dead Palestinians.
Not that the Green Party had any kind of monopoly on dodgy candidates. Glenn Gibbins, who was elected as a Reform councillor in Sunderland, seems to be the incarnation of every fear that the liberal establishment has projected on to the populist right-wing party. His novel suggestion for, er, dealing with the ‘amount of Nigerians in town’ was to ‘melt them all down and fill in the potholes’.
There is much more that can be said about the quality of England’s local councillors. Abdul Monsur, elected to Tower Hamlets, publicly denied the Holocaust in a Facebook post in 2025. The mayor of Tower Hamlets, Lutfur Rahman, was returned to serve yet another term at the helm of the east London borough, despite a well-documented history) of vote-rigging and religious intimidation.
Once, there might have been a darkly funny side to this local-elections freakshow. But with the seriousness of the problems Britain is facing, from economic stagnation to societal Balkanisation, we surely have to ask: is this really the calibre of candidate we deserve?
Hugo Timms is a staff writer at spiked.
Politics
Cost Of Living 2026: Brits Prepare For Another Price Rise
For many households, the “cost of living crisis” has felt inescapable and never-ending.
And now, a PwC report has found that people seem to be bracing for yet another financial shock.
It said that UK consumer confidence has seen its lowest quarterly decline in four years (in 2022, or four years ago, inflation reached a then-41-year high of 11.1%; PwC point out this is the “sharpest quarterly decline in sentiment since the onset of the Ukraine war”).
It’s the lowest overall score since 2023.
“All age groups are concerned about the rising cost of living, with most people planning short-term cutbacks and sentiment among the under-35s the hardest hit.”
What are the most common concerns?
90% of respondents said they were most worried about the cost of living.
80% said they plan to cut household spending in the coming months (food price surges are reportedly expected by some in November 2026).
Twice as many respondents (12% vs 24%) said they planned to drive less to save on fuel costs in the April survey than they did in the January survey. And a majority of under-45s – 65% – said they were worried about their job security and/or prospects.
The 2,000-person-strong survey, conducted after the Easter bank holidays, also found that members of every age group felt less financially healthy than they did in the previous quarter.
“In contrast to previous cost of living shocks, the gap between more and less affluent households has narrowed, while the gap between the young and old has widened,” the accountancy firm said.
What has caused these concerns?
PwC said that “Food prices, which are already on the rise, typically have the biggest influence on cost of living perceptions, and are expected to climb further” later on in the year.
They also pointed out that pay rises are usually given in April. They speculated that if households haven’t been given those by now, they might have begun to budget for a leaner-than-anticipated financial year.
Then, there’s the fact that the energy price cap will be removed in July. Many are expecting price hikes post the closure of the crucial shipping channel, the Strait of Hormuz.
Politics
The Union is weaker after the Welsh Senedd, Scottish Parliament and English local election results. Starmer’s myopic speech ignores the danger.
Sir Kier Starmer’s speech on Monday morning painted an almost apocalyptic picture of the future of his country, were he to be ousted from the Prime Ministership. He said “our country will go down a dark path”. Referencing the gains by Reform UK and the Greens, he stated that Labour is “battling the despair upon which they prey”. “Change cannot come quick enough”. “People need hope”. “Incremental change won’t cut it”.
Starmer described “a battle for the soul of our nation”. There’s the rub. He is Prime Minister of a multi-national country. There was no focus on Scotland, Wales nor Northern Ireland. Indeed, England wasn’t referenced. It didn’t need to be: for Keir Starmer and the Labour bigwigs, Englishness and Britishness appear interchangeable. This was a speech by a decent Englishman which had no resonance for the non-English UK nations.
The election results have seen the annihilation of the old British unionist parties in Wales and Scotland. Together, the Labour and Conservative parties won 22% of Scottish seats, and 17% of Welsh seats. (Remember that, unlike the English-local or Westminster elections, the Scottish and Welsh electoral systems are proportional.) Nothing like this has been seen before, electorally.
These two old parties are sclerotic. They cannot imagine a British government that doesn’t include one of them. They are majoritarian by nature. They won’t trust the people of the UK with a proportional electoral system, believing themselves above the people. They see nothing wrong with a party that gains one-third of the vote winning two-thirds of the seats, as happened in 2024. Their hubris will result in a farrago of Faragistas running the UK into the ground and the departure of Scotland and, possibly, Wales. (Politico poll of polls currently has Scottish independence running at 51% – 46% in favour of independence, the second-highest margin since the 2014 referendum.)
What happens to NI/NoI if the hubris of Labour and Conservatives results in a Reform UK government that antagonizes Scotland sufficiently to lead to its secession and the end of British identity? Reunificationists urgently need to craft a vision for the future of this island that truly cherishes all identities. The failure of separatist violence to achieve unity – and the immense suffering it has caused – must be addressed and acknowledged in a way that is genuinely cathartic for unity-desirous, unity-agnostic and unity-hostile voters. Is that possible? If it is not tried, what will we sleepwalk into?
Philip McGuinness taught at Dundalk Institute of Technology, plays mandolin with the Oriel Traditional Orchestra and loves to walk around and over the wee perfect hills of the Ring Of Gullion.
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Politics
Starmer has just reminded us why he has to go
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Politics
Signs Labour MPs Are Panicking Amid Starmer’s Uncertain Future
Labour MPs can’t decide if Keir Starmer is coming or going even as his premiership hangs in the balance.
Despite the party’s horrendous performance in the local elections, the prime minister has made it clear he has no intention of stepping down.
That means it is up to the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) to try and unite behind an alternative candidate to oust the PM.
But MPs cannot decide what course of action they want to take, and so the party seems to be falling apart – in public.
1. ‘Wholly Unserious’
Backbencher Catherine West threatened to pose a leadership challenge to Starmer if she got the required backing of 20% of the parliamentary party.
However, after Starmer’s make-or-break speech on Monday, West changed tactics and sent a letter to fellow Labour MPs.
She asked them to back her letter calling on the PM to step down in September.
Fellow Labour MP Sean Woodcock then shared his email response to her on X, writing: “I think this is a wholly unserious way of going about this.”
He added: “Please stop.”
2. ‘By September’ Or ‘With September’?
West’s demand for Starmer to step down caused major confusion over a significant technicality: what was the deadline?
The backbencher’s initial email said she wanted the PM to resign “in September”, but she has since claimed she meant “by September”.
That sparked one of the signatories to withdraw immediately.
3. Who Will Stand Aside For Burnham?
Greater Manchester mayor Andy Burnham is considered to be one of the main rivals to Starmer.
However, he needs a seat in parliament to successfully challenge Starmer.
That has fuelled speculation that a Labour MP could stand aside, giving Burnham a chance of winning the subsequent by-election.
The so-called “King of the North” is rapidly accumulating support – but not many people are willing to actually give up their jobs, it seems.
As Paula Barker, MP for Liverpool Wavertree, told the BBC: “I would be delighted if a seat could be identified for Andy Burnham.”
But, when asked if she would give up her seat for him, Barker said firmly: “No.”
After an awkward pause, she was asked if that meant she was hoping someone else would give Burnham their seat. Barker said: “Yes.”
Politics
The hysterical, hilarious meltdown over Reform
‘Some thoughts on the election results’, began Missan Harriman, the chairman of the Southbank Centre, in a video posted to X on Saturday. ‘The first thing that really comes to mind for me… is when [Kurt Vonnegut] asked Susan Sontag on her thoughts on the Holocaust’:
‘She said 10 per cent of people in any population are cruel no matter what. And 10 per cent is merciful no matter what… The other remaining 80 per cent could be moved in either direction… In the context of yesterday’s election results, it’s something that I feel is really topical.’
Topical? Sontag, a prominent Jewish American essayist, was reflecting on why a population went along with the systematic extermination of Jews. Harriman is reflecting on a population voting for Reform UK. ‘The surge of Reform is real… and it should be a warning’, the arts official said darkly.
He has since clarified that he did not intend to liken Reform voters to Nazis – though, if he had, he would not be without company. The idea that anyone who voted for a party to the right of Labour is at best incredibly thick, and at worst a rabid fascist, has been commonplace since Brexit and during every election since. And these feverish sentiments have been given a renewed airing after local-election results began emerging last week.
‘Yay, Reform have won’, says one TikTok user. ‘That’s us G-A-Ys going to prison and having everything taken away.’ Another mouths along to Taylor Swift as the text flashes up: ‘Reform winning the most in the UK shows how uneducated people are… they’ll never learn.’ ‘Hate this stupid fucking racist miserable fascist island’, another critic writes on X.
Among the most amusing – and the most telling – reactions was a post congratulating Reform voters on their success. This was accompanied by an AI-generated image of several overweight white Brits in teal wifebeaters, smoking and drinking in line at the polling station. ‘BREXIT’ one pot-bellied man has tattooed on his arm – a forever-reminder that the gammon cannot be trusted to know what’s good for them.
Accompanying the snobbish disdain for the voters has been the familiar accusation of racism. ‘Reform voters don’t even know what they’re voting for’, claims an X post viewed by two million: ‘They just don’t like brown people.’
While there will undoubtedly be some people with unpleasant or bigoted views both voting and standing for Reform (just as there are in even the most ‘anti-racist’ of parties, it seems), to insist that swathes of Brits are desperate to quell illegal immigration because they simply cannot stand to live among non-whites is palpable nonsense. Two-thirds of Brits believe the number of people currently entering the country is too high. To dismiss the concerns of the overwhelming majority as racist, to cast the desire to control a nation’s borders as fascist, is as ignorant as it is insulting.
Naturally, those deriding Reform as racist struggle with the cognitive dissonance arising from the fact that a non-negligible amount of the pro-Reform set are actually immigrants – or descendants of immigrants – themselves. ‘The fact that some of these winning Reform candidates are BROWN PEOPLE is genuinely beyond me’, reads a disgruntled TikTok post. The anti-Reform crew are similarly bewildered by the views of gay and bisexual men, among whom Reform is the leading party.
Some seem genuinely convinced that Reform’s rise heralds a dystopian future. ‘Watching the election scared for my daughter’s future’, says one young mother, sorrowful music playing as she poses with her infant. Another woman simply videos herself crying against the backdrop of a results graph. ‘What’s happening?’, she croaks tearfully. In such instances, I can only hope these people find respite from their anguish. I imagine taking a break from the algorithm, heading outside, and recognising that the majority of their compatriots do not, in fact, want them humiliated, locked up, or dead would go a long way.
Georgina Mumford is a content producer at spiked.
Politics
The Speech That Cooked Starmer’s Political Goose – But
Even though they were held last Thursday, the local, Scottish and Welsh elections seem an age ago. Their reverberations are shaking the very foundations of British politics, and also undermining the future of the prime minister.
Mid term elections are always difficult for an incumbent government, so in that sense these were no different. But they really were. This was arguably the worst set of elections for a government ever. They lost just under 1500 seats, which admittedly was fewer than the 1850 some pollsters were predicting, but awful nonetheless. Combine that with coming third in Wales and a very poor second in Scotland, and the loss of several councils and mayoralties to the Greens and it is obvious that it cannot be business as usual. Something has to change. But what?
Keir Starmer is not a politician of the normal sort. He doesn’t have any ideological grounding. He doesn’t really know his own party. When he talks about it, there’s no passion of the sort you’d get from Neil Kinnock. That’s a real problem.
What is also a problem is that he doesn’t seem to have anyone left in Number 10 who can write him a decent speech or point out the obvious. For anyone to think that bringing back Gordon Brown and Harriet Harman was the first measure you should take to reenforce a message of change is just risible.
The speech this morning was more of the same. It had echoes of Harold Wilson’s famous proclamation back in the late 1960s when he was facing cabinet plotting. “I know what’s going on. I’m going on!” To say over the weekend that he wanted to be in Downing Street for ten years, was not just tin-eared, but had echoes of Margaret Thatcher’s equally tin-eared comment in 1989 of “going on and on and on”.
He mouthed the words of taking responsibility for the election results, but then offered more of the same. He said he would renationalise British Steel, which prompts the natural question: why did you not do that earlier, when you could have saved Port Talbot? He banged on again at Britain’s place is at the heart of Europe, yet could not articulate how that can possibly happen without crossing his red lines on the Single Market and Customs Union. He droned on about offering young people more opportunities in Europe, fully aware that his Europe Minister, Nick Thomas-Symonds, has failed to negotiate such a deal through no fault of his own. The demands the EU is making render it impossible.
This obsession with Europe isn’t surprising, but all over the country, Labour lost thousands of votes to Reform UK. OK, promoting closer ties with the EU may go down well with Green or LibDem voters, but it’s Reform UK that poses the biggest challenge to Labour. And yet again Starmer dismissed Reform as bigoted racists, and by doing so implicitly smeared those who voted for them. Another example of his tin earedness.
So what happens now? Catherine West’s challenge is unlikely to provoke an immediate leadership election. Angela Rayner can’t challenge until her tax affairs are resolved with HMRC. Andy Burnham has yet to find a seat where he could fight what would be a very tasty by-election. Ed Miliband protests he has no interest in becoming leader. And then there’s Wes Streeting. Many believe that he is best placed to replace Starmer, but that window may well close if he doesn’t act now. But if he does, there is no guarantee he would prevail, and a failed move could signal the end of his career. What to do…
So given the lack of a clear alternative, Starmer may live to fight another day, but he knows that he’s only ever one crisis away from further leadership speculation. The next crisis may well come very soon possibly next week, when the next batch of Mandelson documents are released.
I’ve spent the last couple of hours texting Labour MPs. Not all of them, but a fairly chunky representative sample. I’ve asked them whether the prime minister did enough in his speech to convince them and their colleagues that he should stay.
I will be talking about their replies on my LBC show at 7pm this evening.
Going back to the election results, I have found it amusing to read the delusional comments from some people who try to minimise the scale of the victory for Reform UK. Ah, they say, their vote share was down on last year, ignoring the fact that they gained more seats than any party ever has in a single local election in the past. They came from nothing to reach second place in Wales, and joint second in Scotland. Their vote share was down on last year because of the demographics of the seats that were up for grabs. The Left have always underestimated the appeal of Reform, and failed to even try to understand it. So long as that remains the case, they will never be able to combat Farage’s appeal. It was the same with Boris Johnson.
The LibDems and the Greens did roughly as well as expected, while the Conservatives did better than expected in London and one or two parts of the south, and they didn’t lose quite as many seats as many pundits had predicted. But in East Anglia, they were more or less wiped out, with Reform sweeping the board in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex. Kemi Badenoch may be polling well personally, but there are few signs that the popularity of her party is moving quickly enough in the right direction. Her challenge now is to ensure that by this time next year, the Conservative Party vote share is markedly up on its current showing of 17-20 per cent.
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