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The House Article | Countdown: Can Labour Meet Its 2030 Clean Power Mission?

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Countdown: Can Labour Meet Its 2030 Clean Power Mission?
Countdown: Can Labour Meet Its 2030 Clean Power Mission?

Illustration by Tracy Worrall


11 min read

The success of the latest wind power auction has put Ed Miliband within sight of realising the goal of decarbonising the UK’s electricity network by 2030. But, as Adam Bell reports, daunting obstacles remain – and any success may be bittersweet

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It is almost midnight on 31 December 2029, deep in the bowels of Whitehall. A room where monitors bedeck every surface is filled with officials scurrying to and fro. A bespectacled man is on the phone, pinching the brow of his nose in frustration.

“…I know, I know, I know. Inertia. Just please turn it off for the next half hour, and spin up a battery instead.”

He puts down the phone with a heavy sigh. “TEN SECONDS TO MIDNIGHT,” yells one of his staff.

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All eyes turn to the screen, where a bar labelled “GAS” is starting to shrink.

“FIVE.” The bar is now halfway down.

“FOUR.”

“THREE.”

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“TWO.”

“ONE.”

The bar falls to zero. The room erupts. The lights stay on.

The government is building an enormous machine. It could already raise the temperature of the North Sea, albeit by a single degree and in 200 years. But by 2030, it hopes to have upgraded the machine to such an extent that it would take a mere 150 years.

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This machine is the electricity system, and it touches every part of our isles. It is, by a substantial margin, our most complex device. It is in every home, every office and every factory, and it connects them together through a web of cabling that is now well over a century old. While the individual wires may have been replaced, the circuit endures.

The original point of building such a vast machine was to manage the reality that our demand for electricity is not a flat line but varies continuously throughout the day. But the more people connected to a circuit, the more their varied times of switching on the kettle even out. This allows fossil fuel generators to run much more efficiently. Constantly switching them on and off takes more fuel, and instead being able to gently ramp them up and down over the course of the day made electricity considerably cheaper.

Labour won the last election in part through a promise to cut bills by £300 by weaning the country off gas. Its plan for doing so is to decarbonise power by 2030 and thus ensure that the energy crisis, prompted by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, can never happen again. The public face of this plan is Ed Miliband, and his political future is tightly tied to its success. As part of this, he has given considerable new powers to the National Energy System Operator, the body responsible for both balancing the minute-to-minute operation of the grid and now planning its upgrade.

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This is not an easy task. Power plants that run on sunbeams do not have the same performance characteristics as plants that run on gas. You can’t switch the Sun on and off, and indeed in the UK the weather will frequently switch the Sun on and off for you. This means that renewable power plants can’t respond to demand. So, to replace gas, you must not simply build solar panels and wind turbines but all the infrastructure necessary to ensure that demand can be satisfied. And then you must ensure that you can actually make that infrastructure run smoothly.

Nuclear power helps out in part but suffers from almost the opposite problem to renewables: it is very hard to switch off. You can change its output at the margins, but demanding that it have the same performance characteristics as a gas plant will lead to a nuclear engineer saying terrifying things like, “Well, I suppose we could poison the reactor with xenon.”

Nonetheless, having a nuclear backbone helps. In 2025, always-on demand equated to about 13m kettles all boiling at once. Most of the UK’s nuclear reactors are older gas-cooled designs. The last of these came online in 1988. They are now ageing and will need to come offline for decommissioning.

By 2030, it is likely that only one of those reactors will remain online, alongside the 1990s vintage reactor at Sizewell in Suffolk. The only nuclear power plant currently being constructed in the UK, at Hinkley in Somerset, consists of two very large reactors, one of which has the potential to be online by 2030. Without this last reactor, the 2030 target will be in trouble, and considerable effort is going into making sure it happens.

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However, while nuclear can take care of our 13m kettles, at maximum the UK consumes power equivalent to 60m kettles. This means there is a very large volume of variable demand to solve. As above, we can’t do this with wind and solar alone. We need ways to store their power and ensure it can get to where it needs to go. But even with that, we’ll still need a lot more wind and solar. The government’s task here is to make that happen.

To put this into perspective, we currently have 16GW of offshore wind around our coasts. You don’t need to know what a gigawatt is to know that adding at least 28 more is a lot. Luckily there’s enough already in process to mean that the government is likely to only need to buy 16-20 extra gigawatts. In its most recent round of renewables purchases it was able to buy 8.4 of this total, putting it within striking distance of hitting its target.

But the problem government now faces is that the price it paid for offshore wind in this round was higher than it has paid for other recent rounds, and developers now know that it’s willing to pay over the odds to hit its target. This implies that if it wants to buy the same amount in the next round it might be charged even more. At the same time, the US’ current antipathy towards wind projects in its own waters will prompt developers to pivot away towards Europe and Asia, potentially improving competition.

The same challenge applies to onshore wind and solar. Onshore wind needs to double, and solar needs to triple. In February we will find out how much government has paid to bring more of these projects online. But the big problem these projects face is much less getting paid and much more about getting connected.

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Where pylons stride across landscape, local opponents could cause delay, whether by judicial reviews or planning inquiries

The wires that run the length of the country, the high voltage highways of the power system, were built when most of our power stations were located in the middle of the country and the task was to get the power from the middle to the edge. But the windiest parts of the UK are in Scotland, and the sunniest parts are in Cornwall, which means we now need to rewire the country to bring power from the edges into the middle. Given that our existing grid was slowly built out over the course of about a century, rewiring everything everywhere all at once is a colossal challenge by itself.

It will involve building about 1,000 kilometres of wire onshore and about 4,500 kilometres of wire offshore. The onshore cables will carried by pylons, aside from a small number of locations where they will be buried in the ground to protect nationally significant landscapes. The offshore cables will take the form of enormous wires stretching through the North Sea from Scotland to the Midlands, ensuring that wind can get out of Scotland efficiently, as well as new offshore connections around East Anglia.

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Whether onshore or offshore, these projects will face opposition. Where pylons stride across landscape, local opponents could cause delay, whether by judicial reviews or planning inquiries. Offshore cables are not immune because bringing high-voltage direct current connections onshore means very large converter stations. To the uninitiated, these resemble large coastal warehouses – and those who live near them have already started to organise.

Without sufficient connectivity, adding more wind farms will not actually reduce emissions: even if England buys their power, if the power can’t physically get to England, gas power stations will need to be switched on to meet demand.

But because if you’ve sold your power you still get paid regardless of whether it can get to your customer or not, lots of applications for wind, solar and battery projects have been put in across the country. Not all of those can efficiently connect to the grid. Historically, new grid connections have been managed on the basis of first-come first-serve, but in a context in which literally hundreds of gigawatts’ worth of projects had applied for a connection, something new was required.

The System Operator has, therefore, decided to stop allocating connections based on who happened to have bought an option on farmland in Yorkshire and applied on the never-never six years ago, and instead moved to a much more centrally directed regime. Quite simply, it’s looked at all the regions of the UK, looked at how much connectivity it has to play with, and said, “Alright, we need more solar here, some batteries there, and a few wind turbines over here.” It’s then allocated grid connections on this basis and stripped out all those applications from people who hadn’t even bothered to get planning permission.

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Batteries and solar – and projects with solar and batteries on the same site – have been the big winners from this process, even if a lot of more speculative applications for these technologies have fallen by the wayside. Lithium-ion batteries, typically made in China but controlled by British-designed software, are expected to come into their own for the purposes of 2030. They will be increasing fivefold from their current capacity of 5GW to closer to 25GW. This moves them from an interesting technology project into the daily mainstay of the grid, storing the midday sun and pumping it out at teatime.

But this new approach to grid connections relies on the wires that provide that connectivity actually being built on time, and here the picture is not quite as positive. The Norwich to Tilbury line, essential for conveying as much offshore wind to the South East as possible, has been delayed to 2031. Without it, the volume of low carbon power that can reach demand will be lower.

Delays are a function of both engineering challenges and financial engineering challenges. In building all of this new grid infrastructure, the transmission companies can only spend up to the amount that Ofgem has allowed them to, before it starts cutting into their bottom line. Ofgem has not allowed the network companies to spend everything they might need for 2030 yet. They have taken the not-unreasonable view that all the generation needed might not materialise, and if it doesn’t materialise then the wires aren’t needed. The spending is therefore locked up inside Uncertainty Mechanisms, a term of regulatory art that doesn’t refer to a mechanical magic 8-ball but rather to a set of conditions under which the money will be unlocked. Which includes progress on delivering all the renewables projects laid out above.

The government’s problems don’t end there. While gas will only provide about five per cent of the electricity needed to run the system, actual gas plants will need to run 20-30 per cent of the time. But much like the nuclear fleet, our gas fleet is ageing and it’s not clear whether many of the existing plants will stagger over the finish line.

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The government currently plans to carve out a special market for new build and refurbished gas plant – but, much like with offshore wind, the market knows that these plants are needed and will extract as much value as it can.

These are strong headwinds, but there is an unexpected chink of light. The government may be on course to achieve its 2030 target, albeit not in the way it expected. Many of the large numbers set out above presume significant increases in demand. If demand doesn’t increase dramatically – driven by heat pumps, electric cars and data centres – then a smaller generation build-out might be sufficient to decarbonise the power system. Given that demand for electricity has been declining for the last 20 years, this would be in keeping with the existing trend.

This may be excellent for the target, but this chink of light would in fact be the lights of an oncoming train of failure for the government’s other objectives. Progress on decarbonising heat and transport – not to mention progress on rolling out the data centres necessary for AI – will have gone seriously off-track.

The government’s Warm Homes Plan calls for 200,000 fewer heat pumps than the Climate Change Committee’s target. The Treasury has decided to levy a similar tax on electric vehicles that, when imposed in New Zealand, saw deployment fall by half. The newspapers are full of claims that AI is a bubble.

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The triumphant crossing of the finishing line at the end of the decade may yet be realised – but the way we got there may mean it doesn’t feel that great. 

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People Against Genocide once again target Elbit’s insurers

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People Against Genocide once again target Elbit's insurers

On 30 March 2026, two activists from the group People Against Genocide (PAG) targeted the London headquarters of Chubb Insurance, as well as the offices of Sompo, owner of Aspen Insurance. They sprayed the front of the building with symbolic blood-red paint, before locking-on outside the front entrance.

This is the fourth recent action by PAG. They have previously targeted both the Manchester and London offices of Chubb.

UAV Engines

Chubb insures UAV Engines, a subsidiary of Israel’s biggest weapons company, Elbit Systems. Elbit produce 85% of the Israeli military’s killer drone fleet.

UAV produce engines for Israel’s drone fleet at their factory in Shenstone in Staffordshire. These include the R902(W) Wankel engine used in Elbit’s Hermes 450 drone, the same model used by Israel to kill seven aid workers from the World Central Kitchen, including 3 British nationals.

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Calls to action

One of the activists locked-on outside the Chubb offices called on fellow activists to join them with flags, banners, and whistles. They said:

We are here to shut down Chubb, the insurers of Elbit Systems, until they cut all ties.

In the last month, we have seen whole families obliterated, thousands killed, and over thirty thousand injured across Palestine, Lebanon, Iran, and the whole of West Asia. Israel announced its intention to ethnically cleanse almost one million people out of southern Lebanon, all operationally supported by Elbit Systems, who profit from every life lost.

Those profits are guaranteed by Chubb, who insure their Shenstone factory here in Britain. The responsibility to drive Elbit out of our communities has never been more urgent.” They then called on supporters to get trained in direct action tactics, and join the struggle to shut down Elbit.

Without the mandatory Employer Liability Insurance provided by Chubb and Aspen, neither UAV Engines, nor Elbit themselves, could operate in Britain.

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Global campaign

Other actionists have targeted insurance companies in recent months, following the announcement of a global campaign to disrupt an international ‘economy of genocide’. Previously, insurers Allianz and Aviva have ended their cover of Elbit after sustained protest activity.

PAG has previously targeted HSBC branches across the UK over their investments in Elbit Systems, as well as protesting Elbit sites directly.

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AllTrails Sale 2026: Get 50% Off The Best Walking App For Your Easter Bank Holiday

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AllTrails Sale 2026: Get 50% Off The Best Walking App For Your Easter Bank Holiday

We hope you love the products we recommend! All of them were independently selected by our editors. Just so you know, HuffPost UK may collect a share of sales or other compensation from the links on this page if you decide to shop from them. Oh, and FYI — prices are accurate and items in stock as of time of publication.

Some holidays are purely for rest (chillmaxxing, if you will). Christmas? Yep. Beach holidays? Bingo. Easter weekend? Not one of them. Ending as soon as it arrives, the long weekend is just long enough for a quick getaway, more often than not surrounded by hundreds of family members.

If you’ve ever been responsible for leading hordes of people through the rainy English countryside, you’ll know there’s nothing that ruins a weekend faster than getting the route wrong. Just think: hungry, tired adults and children, and teasing fodder for years to come.

That shouldn’t stop you from getting outside this Easter, though. Jesus didn’t come back from the dead – or, rather, spring hasn’t sprung – for you to lounge around inside. And if that won’t convince you, you gotta work up an appetite for the copious amounts of food you’re about to consume.

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To make sure you don’t get stuck in a bush somewhere rural, the trail guides app AllTrails is offering 50% off its membership tier from April 3 to April 7 with the code ’APRIL26’.

AllTrails Plus Membership Card

Yep, that makes it a whopping £1.50 per month, or £18 a year, which if you ask us is well worth the cost of avoiding a family-wide argument – or several.

As well as access to the literal hundreds of thousands of walking, biking, and running routes available with a free subscription to the app, AllTrails Plus also unlocks a whole range of extra features like offline maps, wrong turn alerts, and Live Share, so the rest of your crew can keep an eye on you.

My personal favourite feature is the 3D trail feature, which means you can see exactly how steep the incline is (because, if you’re anything like me, incline measurements mean essentially nothing).

I’ll also be gifting the membership to my elderly relatives, who have a habit of defiantly wandering off on their own walks and later end up inevitably needing to be rescued.

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Thankfully, you can choose to either print it off – for the less digitally inclined (maybe help them to download the app and figure out how to use it) – or send the gift card via email. You’ll even have the option to customise how it looks by adding your own personalised picture and message.

Cue the hours-long conversations about what trail to choose!

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What Does ‘Mid’ Mean And Why Does Gen Z Kids Say It?

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What Does 'Mid' Mean And Why Does Gen Z Kids Say It?

We’ve already decoded the meanings of choppelganger, chopped and why kids keep saying lowkenuinely.

Now it’s time to shine a spotlight on another favourite term embraced by Generations Alpha and Z: mid.

The critical descriptor has been knocking around for a few years now, but teens and young adults are increasingly using it in everyday life.

While many of us know “mid” as a term to describe something that’s among, or in the middle of, something; for the younger generations (wow, I feel old writing that) it means something else entirely.

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What does mid mean?

When Gen Alpha uses it, “mid” means mediocre or of disappointing quality. If you’re described as “mid” by a teenager then they’re basically saying you are… average.

Possibly even below average.

According to Merriam-Webster, “mid” serves to express that something falls short of expectations, or isn’t impressive.

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It’s not bad, per se, but it’s not exactly good either. (In fact, the way it’s used nowadays is probably veering more towards bad than good.)

The dictionary notes that this slang term is thought to have come from a shortening of the term mid-grade, “a designation in cannabis culture of medium quality”.

Over time it’s evolved to be used as a descriptor of everything from people and food, to film and TV.

Some examples of how it could be used include:

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  • “That burger was mid.”
  • “Did you enjoy the party? I thought it was mid.”
  • “I liked their last album. Their new album’s mid.”

Want to learn more? There’s also been chat, clock it and glazing, as well as aura farming and crash out. Honestly, the kids have been busy.

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BBC Knew About Scott Mills Investigation As Far Back As 2017

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The BBC has issued a fresh statement about the circumstances surrounding Scott Mills’ abrupt firing earlier this week.

On Monday, it was confirmed that Mills had been sacked by the BBC effective immediately, due to an allegation about his personal conduct.

Following this, it emerged that he’d previously been questioned by the police in 2018 as part of an investigation into “allegations of serious sexual offences against a teenage boy”, who was under 16 at the time.

The Mirror alleged on Monday that Mills’ firing came following a complaint made about this police investigation, though the BBC previously declined to comment on whether this was the case.

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However, on Wednesday afternoon, the BBC offered more information about what led to Mills’ departure from the corporation, clarifying that bosses were already aware of the investigation surrounding the former Radio 2 host as far back as 2017.

“Scott Mills had a long career across the BBC, he was hugely popular and we know the news this week has come as a shock and surprise to many,” a spokesperson said.

“We also recognise there’s been much speculation in the media and online since Monday. We hope people understand that there is a limit to what we can say because we have to be mindful of the rights of those involved.”

The statement continued: “What we can confirm is that in recent weeks, we obtained new information relating to Scott and we spoke directly with him. As a result, the BBC acted decisively in line with our culture and values and terminated his contracts on Friday 27 March.

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“Separately, we can confirm the BBC was made aware in 2017 of the existence of an ongoing police investigation, which was subsequently closed in 2019 with no arrest or charge being made. We are doing more work to understand the detail of what was known by the BBC at this time.”

Earlier this week, the BBC also shared an apology for failing to “follow up on” an additional allegation about Mills that was raised by a freelance journalist in 2015.

“We received a press query in 2025 which included limited information,” they said. “This should have been followed up and we should have asked further questions. We apologise for this and will look into why this did not happen.

“More broadly, we would always urge anyone who has concerns or information to raise it with us.”

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Unsettled status: the policy and politics of indefinite leave to remain

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Sunder Katwala looks at the government’s proposed reforms to settlement rules in the UK as part of its immigration policy overhaul and asks whether they could meet the fairness challenge. 

Securing public confidence on immigration policy has proved a daunting challenge for successive British governments. The Labour government’s attempt to break that cycle sees it pursuing three major policy reforms at once. Two of these were key pledges in its 2024 general election manifesto: reducing overall numbers to “sustainable levels” (without indicating what that sustainable level might be) and bringing back control to the asylum system. Labour’s third major initiative is the biggest overhaul of the settlement rules for decades. There was no mention of settlement or citizenship in the party’s manifesto.

Labour’s record is sharply contested in a polarised political debate. But on the specific pledges it did make, it has made more progress than is usually recognised.

Overall immigration numbers have fallen spectacularly. The government inherited record levels that were likely to halve due to the final decisions of the last government.  But Labour has reduced the numbers much further and much faster than almost anybody recognises, including government ministers and their political opponents.

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So the fall in immigration risks being a very well-kept secret. There is a time-lag in the data but a bigger lag in the political discourse. The latest headline figure – net migration of 205,000 – relates to the 12 months up to June 2025. But published data shows there was a further 45,000 fall in visas by the end of the year – so the 2025 net migration headline number, which comes out in May 2026, will be down again. The Home Secretary used the mid-2025 headline number to tell the Home Affairs select committee that “net migration remains high by any measure”. Yet 2026 will almost certainly see the lowest level of net migration this century – and negative net migration is likely in 2027.

Another reason that the collapse in overall numbers has not been noticed is that asylum claims are rising. The data shows progress on reducing the asylum backlog, with incremental if slow progress on reducing the use of asylum hotels. The government has also sought to publicise a significant rise in removals. Yet boats crossing the channel make a lack of control visible. The question of what will and won’t work to secure control is contested.

It is the settlement proposals that have proved most contentious. Their aim is to reflect popular ‘rights and responsibilities’ principles – that those who join the club should show a willingness to contribute. Those principles underpin the current system – with English language, good character and citizenship tests, and the symbolism of the citizenship ceremonies introduced two decades ago. The key difference with earned settlement is a much more stratified approach. Some people could qualify in three years, and some in five years – but the timelines will be doubled as a baseline, trebled for some, and quadrupled for refugees.

These complex proposals are often misunderstood. Media reports invariably say the timeline will be ten years for most people – but a 15-year wait will be more common for those who came in the last parliament. That is not simply a rule for care workers, but for all mid-skill roles (below RQF Level 6): chefs, lab technicians, data analysts, electricians and hotel managers would all wait 15 years for settlement too.

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The most contested issue has been whether or not it is fair to apply new rules to those already in the UK. Critics say this would move the goalposts. The government’s main argument has been that it would be unaffordable not to do so.

The Home Secretary deployed the eye-catchingly large figure of £10 billion in net fiscal costs for care workers and their adult dependants. Yet analysis by the IPPR and others has shown that the £10 billion figure is a mirage since the government’s proposal for a longer path to settlement would seem to make little, if any, difference to this number – and most costs would be incurred in three decades’ time.

So the key question is: what are the fiscal gains or costs of the government’s reform proposals?  MPs and peers have been trying to find out: the government appears to be stonewalling on supplying those details – but it will be impossible for parliamentarians to debate the current reforms, or possible alternative proposals, without the real numbers.

Earned settlement creates, by design, a hierarchy of status in terms of what different migrants deserve. A foreseeable but perhaps less directly intended consequence is to create a stratified hierarchy of settlement for dependents too. The child of a banker could be a citizen by the age of eleven, while his classmate who is the daughter of a cleaner at the bank would have a fifteen-year wait – and would not be eligible for home student fees.

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To advantage the most affluent children while placing impediments to their working-class peers inverts the aims of the government’s opportunity agenda. The Home Affairs Select Committee has proposed several mitigations that could soften the impact on children – but it is an inherent feature of making parents “earn” their children’s settlement at different rates too.

The stratified hierarchy has a highly racialised pattern too. Most black and Asian migrants from Commonwealth countries will face a 15-year wait, while migrants from the EU and north America are likely to attain settlement earlier. Different patterns of dependent visas means there will almost certainly be a more racialised distribution for children than for adults. These lengthy timelines risk seeing people fall out of status too – risking the creation of a new Windrush scandal.

The settlement reforms are sharply contested, both on their core principles and how they will apply in practice. The Prime Minister has signalled a willingness to listen to the challenges made by care workers and their allies. “People do want fair rules. They want clear rules but they also want compassionate and fair rules” he said in a newspaper interview. The outcome will ultimately depend on a political judgment – about what can and cannot be defended as fair.

By Sunder Katwala, Director, British Future.

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DWP celebrates stripping Universal Credit from vulnerable people

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DWP celebrates stripping Universal Credit from vulnerable people

The Department of Work and Pensions (DWP) is bragging about how “successful” the Managed Migration to Universal Credit has been. This is despite over 360,000 vulnerable people being stripped of vital benefits in the process.

The DWP announced the closure of Employment Support Allowance and Housing Benefit following the campaign to force claimants to move to Universal Credit.

They bragged:

Over 1.9 million people now better supported to find good, secure jobs as the Government moves customers off outdated benefits and on to Universal Credit

Considering ESA was a benefit for disabled people who couldn’t work as much or at all, it’s absolutely gross that the focus here is on work. But it doesn’t come as a surprise from the department that wants to force disabled people into work by any means necessary.

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What about those who haven’t migrated?

However, this ignores how many haven’t been able to claim or have been stripped of their benefits. The DWP sent out over 2,352,886 managed migration notices, and 1,985,703 have moved over. That means 367,183 people haven’t successfully moved over yet and could have them stripped away.

That means a huge number of disabled people who already live in poverty will be forced into even harsher living conditions. As the Canary has previously reported, making the move is especially difficult for chronically ill and disabled people, who struggle with stress and lack the energy to fill in excessive forms.

An internal report showed that some disabled claimants often have very little of what they were being asked to do. As a result, many failed to make a new claim for Universal Credit and lost their legacy benefit.

It’s been such a cause for concern that mental health professionals have warned the DWP that migration will put claimants at risk.

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The National Association of Welfare Rights Workers told Work and Pensions committee chair Debbie Abrahams that:

These claimants will all have long-term health conditions and/or disabilities, and their legacy benefits are likely to be their only source of income. A failure to migrate to universal credit therefore carries a high risk of destitution, rapid deterioration in their health, and even death.

The latest DWP statistics, published on 11 November 2025, provide a detailed analysis of the migration of the ESA cohort to universal credit. The Department highlights that, for those sent a migration notice between July 2024 and May 2025, 3% failed to make a claim to universal credit and had their legacy benefits stopped. However, for claimants who were in receipt of ESA only, the figure alarmingly doubles to 6%.

Many lose out while DWP pushes workshy narrative

What’s also missing is that many forced onto UC have their benefits reduced and somehow have to survive on less as prices rapidly increase. Policy in Practice found that around 200,000 households lost around £59.54 a week. That’s over £230 a month that people are just expected to do without.

The DWP release also only mentions two of the benefits that are being amalgamated into Universal Credit. Others have an even worse success rate. As the Canary has previously reported, nearly a quarter of Tax Credits claimants who’ve been forced onto Universal Credit ended up without any benefits.

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And once again, despite ESA claimants having already been found too sick to work, the DWP is obsessed with pushing the workshy narrative.

This Government is committed to updating the welfare system so that it promotes opportunity, rather than stifling it – as part of our Plan for Change.

The campaign means the number of people on Universal Credit has increased, particularly the number of people who receive the benefit with no requirement to look for work, as, since June last year, the focus has been on moving vulnerable people from Employment and Support Allowance.

There’s absolutely no need for them to constantly mention people with ‘no work requirements’ other than to remind people of this fact. By using this wording, they make it sound like people are choosing to work, as opposed to not being well enough to.

While the DWP are celebrating ‘supporting’ so many to switch to UC, it’s clear what their motives are. It’s easier to push people into work from Universal Credit, and even easier to turn the public against people with ‘no work requirements’.

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Featured image via the Canary

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The House Article | Government needs to take cyber security in our energy system seriously

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Government needs to take cyber security in our energy system seriously
Government needs to take cyber security in our energy system seriously


4 min read

The Cyber Security and Resilience Bill must go further to bolster our energy security in the face of growing digital threats.

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One lesson from the conflict in Iran is that a cyber attack is the opening move of modern warfare. Israel proved this, hacking Tehran’s CCTV cameras to mark key targets and the Ayatollah himself for US and Israeli bombing.

But the UK is severely underprepared for this reality. As our energy sector rapidly digitalises like the rest of the world, a new target is opening up for hackers, and unless we learn from the Iran-US war, they will be able to strike at the heart of our industries, government and households.

Our nation is no stranger to having its energy weaponised, causing economic and social pain to British households. From blackouts in the 1970s due to the miners’ strikes and the oil crisis, to energy bills soaring when gas prices spiked following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Cyber attacks can recreate this economic damage, and no form of energy supply is safe from attack. Whether it is gas, renewables or nuclear, every form of energy that our nation relies upon is susceptible. And as our energy system continues to digitalise, the threat cyber attacks pose to our country is growing.

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The UK’s energy system is not prepared for such attacks, and Labour is failing to address this threat to our security.

Our enemies know this all too well. Over 90 per cent of the largest energy firms have already fallen victim to cybersecurity breaches to date, with attacks becoming increasingly regular. And they can repeat the damage other hackers have done to major British companies on our energy system, similar to the attack on Jaguar Land Rover in my constituency of Meriden and Solihull East in 2025 that cost the UK economy an estimated £1.9bn. This also caused major disruption throughout the automotive supply chain and has left companies facing bankruptcy.

Unless we strengthen our security, a cyber attack from anywhere in the world could switch off our energy supply, bringing much of our daily life and our economy to a grinding halt.

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Despite this urgent need to take action, the government has ignored the severity of this threat and failed to tackle it since taking office. The Cyber Security and Resilience Bill is a unique opportunity to tackle this glaring oversight. However, Labour ministers are squandering this opportunity to protect our energy supply from cyber attacks.

This is why I am calling on the government to strengthen our energy system against cyber attacks by going further in the Cyber Security and Resilience Bill.

Firstly, the bill should only allow data from the UK energy sector to be processed either within UK territory or that of allied countries with robust cybersecurity mechanisms. By limiting the processing of this data to places we can trust, we would make it harder for cyber criminals to access energy firms’ data and use it for nefarious purposes.

Furthermore, the government should also expand the requirements for energy companies to report when they are victim to cyber attacks. Reporting these attacks to government cybersecurity agencies is essential for deterring further attacks and alerting them to existing holes in our security. Although there are already reporting requirements in the UK, they are not fit for purpose, and the bill does not go far enough to improve them. The current state of the bill means many cyber attacks will continue to go unreported to the relevant cybersecurity agency, reducing our ability to establish where our energy grid is exposed and to respond accordingly.

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The risk cyber attacks pose to the UK’s energy security is clear, as is the government’s failure to address this threat. By amending the Cyber Security and Resilience Bill to secure energy firms’ data and ensure more cyber attacks are reported, we can strengthen our cyber security and make it harder for our enemies to turn off our power.

 

Saqib Bhatti is Conservative MP for Meriden and Solihull East

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The House Opinion Article | The North Sea still matters

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The North Sea still matters
The North Sea still matters


4 min read

North Sea extraction won’t bring down energy bills or fund government subsidies. But, done responsibly, it has a role to play in our national security.

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For decades, China has realised the importance of energy security to its long-term success. It increased electrification, with a corresponding rise in domestic renewables and a massive increase in strategic oil and gas reserves.

Meanwhile, the UK has failed to learn the lessons of energy crises dating back to the 1970s. The dual shocks of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the ongoing conflict in the Middle East present an opportunity to correct this.

These events have shown in the starkest terms that relying on global markets alone leaves the UK dangerously exposed to external shocks. Energy security is why the government and the oil and gas industry must abandon short-term, distracting arguments around price and tax revenues, and work together.

The physical protection of energy infrastructure is central to national resilience and our deterrence posture. In 2024, the UK relied on imports for 43.8 per cent of its primary energy, up sharply from 28 per cent in 2020, reflecting a significant rise in dependence on external suppliers.

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Domestic oil and gas production fell to a record low, declining 6.5 per cent year on year, as output from the UK’s mature continental shelf continued to contract. Production is now around 20 per cent of its 2000 level. Meanwhile, UK gas consumption in 2024 reached 689 TWh, compared to domestic production of just 344 TWh, leaving a substantial structural deficit.

In a world of rising geopolitical tension, that deficit is a strategic weakness. A stable, managed level of North Sea output is not about returning to past production peaks; it is about ensuring the UK retains sovereign access to critical energy supplies when global markets tighten, or hostile states attempt to disrupt or attack our country.

Offshore Energies UK accepts that increased production in North Sea oil and gas would have no meaningful impact on UK energy prices, as that product is sold on an international market, which dictates the price. A secondary claim that increased production would generate tax receipts to bring down energy prices is also questionable. Research by the University of Oxford found that even in the implausible scenario of the UK being able to maximise North Sea oil and gas and use all revenues to subsidise lower energy bills, the impact would be limited, a maximum of £82 per year off a household bill.

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However, there are two reasons the future of North Sea oil and gas remains critical and should be supported.

First, given the volatility and increased tension around the world, the government should explore an agreement to allow increased extraction with a binding commitment that a sufficient reserve is created against future shocks and, in the event of a crisis, North Sea oil and gas would be provided to UK markets for a fixed, lower price to protect households and businesses.

Second, we must fully bridge the skills gap between current oil and gas and a more secure renewables future. Around 154,000 workers are employed across the UK’s offshore energy sector. These are well-paid and highly technical jobs protected by trade unions.

The UK recently secured a record 14.7 GW of new renewable capacity, enough to power up to 16m homes. The UK now has an unprecedented acceleration in renewable deployment and a major reinforcement of the UK’s long-term energy security and resilience.

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This represents a once-in-a-generation opportunity to build careers in high-skill, high-wage, union-protected industries. But that opportunity only exists if we preserve the workforce pipeline built by the North Sea.

Skills in the North Sea oil and gas supply chain are directly transferable to the renewable system: subsea engineering, marine operations, fabrication, grid upgrades and home construction. Yet the oil and gas workforce risks falling to between 57,000–71,000 by the early 2030s. Losing that capability would weaken our security and our ability to deliver large-scale clean energy projects.

A stable tax regime matters too. That is why the Oil and Gas Price Mechanism should replace the Energy Profits Levy, supporting investment while ensuring the public benefit when prices are high. The oil and gas industry should be working with government to make the case that a secure, responsibly managed North Sea is essential to national resilience and deterrence, and is the bridge to the skills we need for the UK’s renewable future.

 

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Graeme Downie is the Labour MP for Dunfermline & Dollar

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Iran will play in World Cup, says Infantino

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Iran will play in World Cup, says Infantino

FIFA President Gianni Infantino has confirmed the organization’s commitment to Iran’s participation in the 2026 World Cup finals, emphasizing that there is no alternative plan to exclude them despite the political complexities surrounding the tournament.

ESPN quoted Infantino as saying during an interview with the Mexican channel N+ Univision:

We want Iran to play… they will play in the World Cup. There is no Plan B, C, or D; there is only one Plan A.

Infantino explained that FIFA remains committed to holding the tournament as scheduled, with the participation of all qualified teams, stressing that the organization seeks to “build bridges” through football, far removed from political tensions.

These statements come amid escalating geopolitical tensions, particularly with the United States, along with Canada and Mexico, hosting the next World Cup. This has raised questions about Iran’s potential participation or the possibility of moving its matches to another country, given the escalating US-Israeli conflict with Iran.

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According to the agency, the Iranian Football Federation had proposed playing its matches outside the United States, but FIFA has not yet shown any inclination to amend its organizational plans.

The 2026 World Cup is scheduled to take place between June 11 and July 19, marking the first edition to feature 48 teams and be held across three countries.

Featured image via the Canary

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Politics Home Article | PM Warns Re-Opening Strait Of Hormuz “Will Not Be Easy”

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PM Warns Re-Opening Strait Of Hormuz 'Will Not Be Easy'
PM Warns Re-Opening Strait Of Hormuz 'Will Not Be Easy'

Keir Starmer spoke from Downing Street on Wednesday morning as the Iran war entered its second month (Alamy)


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Keir Starmer has warned that attempts to resume the vital flow of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz “will not be easy” in a Downing Street statement on the Iran war.

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Speaking on Wednesday morning, the Prime Minister said that while the Iran war “will impact the future of our country”, the UK is “well placed to weather it”.

“I want to reassure the British people that no matter how fierce this storm, we are well-placed to weather it, and that we have a long-term plan to emerge from it a stronger and more secure nation.”

Starmer announced that Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper will host a meeting with 35 nations on the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz later this week, with military planners to also “look at how we can marshal our capabilities and make the strait accessible and safe after the fighting has stopped”.

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But he said: “I do have to level with people on this. This will not be easy.”

The PM said “the most effective way” to alleviate the cost of living in Britain is to push for “de-escalation in the Middle East, a reopening of the Strait of Hormuz”.

Significant proportions of the world’s oil and gas supplies pass through the Strait of Hormuz, making it a vital shipping lane.

However, traffic through the lane has plummeted since the US and Israel launched strikes on Iran, with Tehran threatening to attack ships passing through it.

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The disruption is causing energy prices to increase around the world, and there are also concerns about the impact it could have on food prices. The Food and Drink Federation has estimated that food inflation will hit 9 per cent in the UK this year as a result of the conflict.

On Wednesday, several measures aimed at tackling the cost of living come into force, including increases to the national living wage and the national minimum wage, support for households using heating oil, and money off energy bills.

However, the government is expected to announce further support for households most exposed to rising energy prices in the coming weeks, with household bills expected to rise significantly when the Ofgem price cap expires in July.

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The war in Iran has now entered its second month, after the US and Israel began a series of strikes on Iran in February this year. US President Donald Trump said on Tuesday that the US would pull out of Iran in “two or three weeks” and is set to give an “important update” on the war in the early hours of Thursday morning.

On Tuesday, Buckingham Palace confirmed that King Charles and Queen Camilla’s state visit to the US would go ahead this month, despite Trump having repeatedly attacked the UK in public over its refusal to play a greater part in the US and Israel’s war with Iran.

On Monday, Starmer reiterated that the Iran conflict is “not our [the UK’s] war”.

PM says Iran war shows UK must be closer to EU

Speaking from Downing Street this morning, Starmer said that it is “increasingly clear” in light of the war in the Middle East that the UK’s “long-term national interest requires closer partnership with our allies in Europe and with the European Union.”

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The Prime Minister indicated that he wanted to take the UK even closer to the bloc’s single market as part of a major reset, announcing that there would be a new summit with the EU later this year.

“We want to be more ambitious, closer economic cooperation, closer security cooperation, a partnership that recognises our shared values, our shared interest and our shared future, a partnership for the dangerous world that we must navigate together, a world where this government will be guided, at all times, by the interests of the British people.”

 

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