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What Emerald Fennell’s Wuthering Heights Gets Right About 18th Century Sex

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What Emerald Fennell's Wuthering Heights Gets Right About 18th Century Sex

Whether you loved it or you hated it, Emerald Fennell’s sexually-charged reimagining of Emily Bronte’s Wuthering Heights – featuring a brooding Jacob Elordi – still has us all talking over a week after its cinematic release. While the original 1847 novel didn’t feature any sex scenes, Fennell’s film is far more ‘Heathcliff, it’s me, it’s Cathy, I’m horny.’

But for all the sneaking out of bedroom windows, romping in carriages, grinding in the moors, finger sucking and… puppy play that Fennell portrays in her take of Wuthering Heights, how much of this raunchery was actually going on during the period in which the original novel was set?

When you think of sexy periods of time in history, we tend to think of the promiscuity of the Ancient Romans or even the more recent free love movement of the 1970s – not the late Georgian era. So before we all start wishing that we could jump in a time machine to 1770 and find our own Heathcliff to romp about the moors with, we asked leading UK historians what sex and relationships back then were actually like.

Social Class Dictated Your Sex Life

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Right from the first opening scene, Fennell’s version of Wuthering Heights features public hand jobs at the gallows and crowds snogging during a frenzied public hanging in an impoverished town centre – and you’ll be surprised to know the film was actually onto something historically accurate.

As the London Museum explains, public executions were more like a fair and a party atmosphere would be in the air as thousands of people gathered to watch someone’s final moments. Gruesome, we know – however, apparently it wouldn’t be enough to turn the Georgians off.

You see, according to Dr. Ruth Larsen, Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Derby, pre-marital sex was really common among poorer classes during the time in which Wuthering Heights was set (1770 to around 1801). “Poorer people tended to marry older and engage in sexual activity prior to that, especially those living in urban areas,” she tells HuffPost UK.

So: thousands of people, likely from poorer classes, gathering en masse in an urban area with drinking and partying going on? You do the math – it would appear that this is a big old tick for Fennell’s uninhibited Wuthering Heights adaptation.

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But what about those lucky enough to be born into aristocracy? Unfortunately you wouldn’t be ‘getting lucky’ as often as your less well-off counterparts.

“For the wealthier classes, it was very unusual for women to have sexual relations before wedlock,” Dr. Larsen explains. For people like Cathy, pre-marital sex would be off the cards as “the usual form of courting would have been through assemblies, formal gathering and family acquaintances.”

The sense of familial obligation, to uphold the positive reputation of the family, was felt by many, not just the richest in society – and the film yet again gets this right with Edgar Linton, whom Cathy marries, despite her love for Heathcliff in order to improve her family’s social standing.

And her choice wouldn’t have been uncommon in the late Georgian era either. As Dr. Larsen adds: “For most young women, marriages were an opportunity to find their place in society, to become mistress of the house and, if they were landed, of the estate. To decide to take a different path would have been seen by most people as unwise.”

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The Logistical Nightmare Of Affairs In Georgian Britain

Of course, the sauciness in Fennell’s Wuthering Heights really ramps up when Heathcliff and Cathy give up yearning and instead start a steamy affair (cue the famous sex scene montage).

However, as easy as the duo make it look, having an affair in the late 18th century was far from plain-sailing.

“The scenes where Heathcliff crawls in through Cathy’s window are very much representative of the literary tropes we love today, but this might have been difficult to pull off in historical reality,” Lauren Good, Senior Content Producer from HistoryExtra, tells HuffPost UK.

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If you were rich enough, you’d be lucky enough to have a separate bedroom to that of your spouse (as Margot Robbie’s iteration of Cathy thoroughly enjoys), however your bedroom would be adjoined – which, as Good points out, “isn’t ideal in allowing for a quick exit from your illicit lover!”

And if you did manage to get some time alone with your ‘bit on the side’, trying to then have sex wasn’t straightforward thanks to the fashion of the era.

“Women’s dress of the era wouldn’t have been so easy to get into,” Nichi Hodgson, author of the Curious History of Dating: From Jane Austen to Tinder explains.

“Women typically wore a chemise, corset, under petticoat, hoop skirt or crinoline, over petticoat and long sleeved gown – plus gloves.” Good luck trying to remove all of that while your husband snores next door.

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At least Cathy wouldn’t have had to try and get her knickers off, as Hodgson points out that drawers did not come into fashion until the 1870s: “If a hooped skirt tipped to one side, you may have got an eyeful!”

In fairness to Fennell, we don’t see a nude Cathy in any of the film as Heathcliff navigates her many, many layers of opulent clothing during the daytime sex scenes in the montage – so once again, we have another historical accuracy win!

The Surprising Sadomasochism Of The Late 18th Century

Excuse our phrasing but buckle up – this might be the most surprising historical accuracy of the entire film.

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Arguably the most shocking portrayals of sex in Fennell’s film come in the shape of sadomasochistic relationships, namely two servants enjoying off screen flagellation in the stables and Isabella Linton’s submissive role to Heathcliff’s dominant. And it turns out, in the words of Hodgson, “bondage and kink were alive and well in the 18th century!”

“We often assume that the stricter societal expectations placed upon those who lived centuries before us translated into their intimate lives, but that wasn’t always the case,” Good explains.

“We might dismiss this as shock factor in Wuthering Heights but flagellation, as Hilary Mitchell told us at HistoryExtra, ‘played a prominent role in English sex work from about 1700 onwards’.”

But before we get ahead of ourselves, it’s worth noting that BSDM-inspired activities were most likely services that men paid for, or engaged in with women in their service (female maids were often treated as household sex workers) as Hodgson explains.

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And as for Isabella panting on a lead, you can forget about it happening in real life she adds – “not because those sort of dynamics didn’t exist but because no middle class gentleman and woman would ever be that brazen in front of a visitor like Nelly Dean in the film.”

While the release of Wuthering Heights has us yearning for moody Georgian era romance, it’s surprising how much of it is rooted in reality. If we do hop in that time machine, we’ll just have to remember to pack easier to remove clothing.

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I Tried The ‘Bee Hum’ Method For Better Sleep

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I Tried The 'Bee Hum' Method For Better Sleep

This year, I’ll be trying sleeping tricks to see whether they actually improve my insomnia. Check back in on this series, Rest Assured, to see how I get on.

So far this year, I’ve taken vitamin D, read in bed, sipped on passionflower tea, and eaten kiwis in hopes of managing my sleep maintenance insomnia.

The condition means that while I fall asleep just fine, I struggle to stay asleep once I’ve nodded off: 3am wakeups are all too common.

At this point, I’ll try anything to prevent my morning grogginess. And apparently, that includes humming like a bee, a method suggested to me by Ailsa Frank, a sleep expert working with Post Office Life Insurance.

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Why would humming like a bee help you sleep?

I was sceptical when I first heard the advice. But some research has shown that “bumblebee breathing,” a yoga technique also known as bhramari pranayama, really can help you nod off.

A 2025 paper said it improved sleep initiation, continuity (the part I’m worried about), and depth (hey, that doesn’t hurt either). It may also reduce the impact of sleep disturbances.

“It’s a gentle humming exhale that soothes the parasympathetic nervous system by easing tension and, in turn, improves sleep quality,” Frank shared.

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At this point, I reasoned, why not?

How can I “bee hum” to help my sleep?

  • Cover your ears with your thumbs,
  • Close your eyes with your first three fingers,
  • Breathe in deeply through your nose,
  • Make a bee-like “humming” sound as you exhale, keeping your lips pursed,
  • Repeat up to 10 times.

How did it go?

As I’ve said, I was a little sceptical at first. But the facts are the facts: I had one fewer 3am wakeup than is usual for me in the work week I tried the method, and my sleep quality was generally pretty great.

Also, I was amazed by how comforting I found the technique.

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Experts have long recommended breathing techniques, like the “finger breathing” and “4-7-8″ method, to lower our heartbeats and relax our nervous systems.

This seemed to be no different. And, as the authors of the paper about the “bumblebee breath” method said, it’s non-invasive and completely free.

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Alex Clarkson: Why village post offices matter

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Alex Clarkson: Why village post offices matter

Alex Clarkson is Councillor for Borehamwood Hillside on Hertsmere Borough Council and is also Deputy Chairman of Hertsmere Conservative Association. He stood in Stevenage at the last General Election. He is a Founder Member of Conservatives Together and is the Vice-Chairman (Outreach) of LGBT+ Conservatives.  

I don’t know what it is, but I have always had a soft spot for village post offices. Maybe it was going down to my local one, before it was shut by the Blair government, to pick up my First Day Cover. Yes, philately anorak alert.

Maybe it is the fact that as an actor I voiced several male characters in Postman Pat: Special Delivery Service, still shown on CBBC most weekday mornings, with our hero Pat souped up for the 21st century now armed with a lorry, motorbike and helicopter.

Or maybe it is because village post offices are exactly what they appear to be. They are a quintessential part of British rural life. They are community hubs where villagers and passers-by do not just post letters or parcels, but natter in the queue and connect with one another, perhaps picking up some stationery or a Mother’s Day card just in time.

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Now from experience voicing so many episodes, I can tell you that the goings-on in Mrs Goggins’ post office in the fictitious Cumbrian village of Greendale make an Eastenders Christmas special pale into insignificance. Unlike our much loved animation though, the realities of this Starmer government, with its 18 U-turns, higher taxes, higher borrowing and general chaos, means we are in a Greendale-like emergency, but with no Postman Pat to sort it out!

Labour’s threat to rural post offices

Ironically, one of the more monstrous proposals appeared in a Green Paper published last summer. It suggested abolishing the minimum number of 11,500 post offices nationwide introduced in 2010 by David Cameron, scrapping the Three Mile Rule that ensures 99 per cent of the population lives within three miles of a post office, and phasing out part time, mobile, or outreach branches that typically serve rural communities.

For our villages and small towns this would have been devastating. Post offices are often the last remaining public service in Hertfordshire’s rural communities.

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The campaign in North East Hertfordshire

Credit to CCHQ and the Campaign Toolkit team. They were ahead of the curve from the outset, with leaflet and survey templates appearing in their own sub-section of the website within weeks of the Green Paper announcement.

Some Conservative members in our patch initially told us the issue was exaggerated and might generate complaints. It is right to be cautious yes, but once we showed them proof of the Green Paper announcement (which had of course been buried deep under other news announcements at the time), they got behind us. Meanwhile local Liberal Democrats went ballistic on the inevitable Facebook groups. Apparently, they believe they are the only party allowed to campaign on local issues!

But off we went last August, campaigning to save four village post offices in a corner of North East Hertfordshire. These are Greendale-style villages connected by winding country lanes and narrow rural roads, with cottages, village greens and small high streets where the post office still sits at the heart of the community.

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These branches could easily have closed, forcing pensioners and residents to travel into Stevenage by bus simply to access basic services.

Listening on the doorstep

Using the ‘Knock, Drop & Collect’ system, dropping off an easy-to-use survey and returning in 20 minutes to collect it, we heard repeatedly how vital these post offices were. Residents told us they had helped keep villages connected during the pandemic. They explained how they allowed pensioners to manage their bank accounts after local bank branches closed. Two of them even offered to do social media videos for us illustrating these points, which of course we gladly accepted.

The key point is that we heard this directly, and residents felt heard.

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We did not simply write a few bullet points on a leaflet and push it through doors, or post a graphic on Facebook. Using the knock, drop and collect model, we spoke to people directly.

The result was that we learned the issues first hand and, more importantly, voters saw us listening rather than simply asking for their vote. We received hundreds of voter intentions, and using the 0-10 system too rather than the old-fashioned (and largely useless) canvass letter code.

Bearing in mind this was territory that had not been canvassed for a while. With its council elections ‘all out’ rather than up ‘in thirds’, elections come once every four years with not much else happening in-between. These were villages that had been blue since time immemorial but were now either fair game for Reform or were already ensnared by the ‘Japanese knotweed’ that is the Liberal Democrats.

Now there is bang on up to date canvass data – these villages are campaign ready for a future local or General Election.

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Unexpected campaigning bonuses

Two unexpected things happened.

First, a huge number of residents who were not home when we knocked, used the QR code to complete the survey online, or even sent the form back to our Association Office using their own stamp. Postman Pat would have been proud, and busy!

Second, we harvested what campaigners love most. Bonus prizes. Nearly two dozen residents requested information about Party membership, including one person interested in becoming a Conservative councillor and another keen to return as a branch chairman. We also recruited over a dozen new leaflet deliverers, the same number of social media supporters, and even gained several requests for postal votes.

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What activists can learn

The lessons are clear.

– Knock, drop and collect works, but always include a QR code and return address for those not in

– Always include tick box options for membership, volunteering, or helping online.

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– A strong local issue like ‘Save the Post Office’ dramatically increases engagement as it is relevant and emotive

– Check Campaign Toolkit for ready to use campaign materials

– Do not neglect areas you once assumed were ’true blue’ – in fact concentrate on them during ‘peacetime campaigning’ to shore up the core vote, lay the foundations and stop any bleed to rival parties

– Do not listen to local Fib Dems who will start whining, moaning and calling you liars the moment you start campaigning

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A quiet but significant victory

Nationally, 180,000 people signed the Party’s petition to protect our post offices. In our corner of North East Hertfordshire we played our part.

On 22nd February Labour quietly performed another U turn. It barely made page eight of the Daily Mail, but for Dane End, Walkern, Watton-at-Stone and Weston it was big news.

The newspapers attributed the reversal to ‘public pressure’. In truth, it was Conservative pressure. A policy U turn, voter data gathered, new members recruited, and new volunteers signed up. Job done. For a moment the North East Herts team almost felt disappointed when the news arrived that the post offices were safe, because we were already preparing to campaign in a fifth village.

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Not for long though. We are out saving the local pubs now!

And if Mrs Goggins had been watching from behind the counter of Greendale Post Office, I suspect she would have approved. Even Postman Pat would struggle to deliver that many campaign surveys!

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Politics Home | Racist Debates Happening Now Weren’t Taking Place A Decade Ago, Warns Sajid Javid

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Racist Debates Happening Now Weren't Taking Place A Decade Ago, Warns Sajid Javid
Racist Debates Happening Now Weren't Taking Place A Decade Ago, Warns Sajid Javid

The former Chancellor Sajid Javid said progress on social cohesion in the UK could be lost (Alamy)


4 min read

Former cabinet minister Sajid Javid has said that division is on the rise in the UK.

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Javid, a former Conservative MP of 14 years who served in six secretary of state roles, told PoliticsHome that debates about whether non-white politicians like him and former prime minister Rishi Sunak are British were not taking place a decade ago.

Last month, Sunak described himself as “British, English and British Asian” after right-wing podcaster Konstantin Kisin said last year that the senior Conservative MP was not English because he is a “brown-skinned Hindu”.

Sunak, who was the country’s first British Asian prime minister, warned that the UK was at risk of “slipping back” to a time of more undisguised racism.

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Speaking on this week’s episode of The Rundown podcast from PoliticsHome, Javid said the fact that this sort of talking point was going viral online in the present day demonstrated how the UK was at risk of going backwards when it comes to social cohesion.

Asked whether he was surprised by it, the former chancellor said: “In a way, yes, because no one was asking questions like that, even a decade ago…

“Take Rishi as a great example. He became prime minister of our country, and someone dares question whether he’s British or not?”

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“Obviously, it’s complete nonsense,” Javid added, “and I think questions like that often come from a divisive place, and that’s just the kind of division I think the vast majority of British people don’t have time for. 

“But one of the challenges that we’re having in today’s world, and especially how people consume or get their news is that, if you’re only getting news from your echo chambers on your social media channels, and those channels are inevitably pushing out divisive content because that’s what gets the clicks, then that is one of the features of today’s society.”

In his new memoir, The Colour of Home, Javid explains how his parents came to the UK from Pakistan with little money and “became proudly British”.

Speaking on the podcast, the former Tory MP reiterated his belief that “Britain is the most successful multiracial democracy in the world”, but called on ministers to do more to protect the progress made since the racism he faced in his own childhood in 1970s Bristol.

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One of the roles he has taken on since leaving Parliament in 2024 is heading up The Independent Commission on Community & Cohesion, along with Jon Cruddas, the former Labour MP for Dagenham.

“A good friend, but someone on a different side politically, but I think what we definitely agree on is the division, sadly, in the UK, broadly put, has been on the rise, as it has been in many countries,” he told PoliticsHome.

He said it will be looking at “what more can we do to bring people together to have less segregation, more integration”, but admits he could have done more during his time in office.

As communities secretary in 2016, Javid commissioned a report from Dame Louise Casey, which said there were “worrying levels of segregation” in the UK, leading him to publish a government green paper and integration strategy. 

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“I was just sort of getting going with it, and then Brexit happened”, Javid told PoliticsHome, bemoaning the fact that many priorities were jettisoned in the wake of Britain’s vote to leave the European Union, adding: “We basically lost focus on many things.”

Earlier this month, the Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, Steve Reed, announced a new social cohesion strategy, which included a new anti-Muslim hostility definition designed to help tackle rising abuse towards Muslims, as well as new government powers to close extremist charities and an additional £5m for the Common Ground Resilience Fund.

“Cohesion underpins our economic strength, our democratic freedom and our national security. It is a fundamental part of the Britain we love. We have made our choice in place of division, we choose unity, and we know the people of Britain have made the same choice,” Reed said.


The Rundown is presented by Alain Tolhurst, and is produced by Nick Hilton and edited by Ewan Cameron for Podot

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  • Click here to listen to the latest episode of The Rundown, or search for ‘PoliticsHome’ wherever you get your podcasts.

 

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ADHD Is Not Being Over-Diagnosed In The UK, Say Experts

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ADHD Is Not Being Over-Diagnosed In The UK, Say Experts

In 2025, Health Secretary Wes Streeting said he’d launch an independent review into increased demand for autism, mental health, and ADHD services.

Per the BBC, this will involve looking for “evidence of over-diagnosis” – a concern others have raised in previous headlines.

But ADHD UK estimates that about two million cases of ADHD are undiagnosed. “Just one in nine people with ADHD in the UK actually have a diagnosis,” their site reads.

And a new paper, authored by dozens of academics, carers, clinicians, and people with lived experience with ADHD, has said that “There is no evidence that ADHD is over-diagnosed in the UK”.

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Instead, they argue that “available data point to under-diagnosis,” and that the narrative suggesting ADHD is over-diagnosed could further block those with the condition from much-needed diagnosis and care.

What does the data actually say?

It’s common to hear ”‘Nowadays everyone has ADHD,’” the paper, published in the British Journal of Psychology, said.

But the authors think it’s important to focus on the empirical data here.

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They noted that ADHD rates are generally consistent across the globe, with the most recent research from 204 countries suggesting ADHD prevalence is about 5.4% among under-18s.

A meta-analysis found the rates are roughly 3.3% for adults.

Demand for ADHD diagnoses and care has indeed risen in the UK in recent years. But in 2018 in the UK, “administrative prevalence was 2.5% in boys and 0.7% in girls, and 0.7% in men and 0.2% in women” – far under expected rates.

The authors note this data hasn’t been available since the pandemic.

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But “pre-pandemic data suggest that it has remained substantially below the ADHD population prevalence in the UK, providing no evidence at present that ADHD is over-diagnosed at a population level.”

It would take an enormous increase in diagnoses and treatment to, eg, get that 0.2% figure in adult women to its potential 3.3% rate (the number of adult women who meet the diagnostic criteria for ADHD is far closer to men’s than girls have historically been to boys).

Meanwhile, in 2023 (post-pandemic), 24% of those surveyed who were waiting for an NHS ADHD assessment had been doing so for one to two years. 10% had been waiting for two to three years.

The NHS has recently made cuts to ADHD assessments.

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Misdiagnosis can occur, but experts don’t think that’s the main issue here

The study’s lead author, Professor Samuele Cortese, told Cambridge University: “While misdiagnosis and inappropriate diagnosis do occur, the available evidence indicates that underdiagnosis and under-treatment remain the predominant challenges”.

And senior co-author of the study, Professor Tamsin Ford, added, “While many more people with ADHD are being recognised and treated, we are failing to support many more.

“Overdiagnosis is not a problem, but misdiagnosis may be as people are driven into the private sector by long waits; and sadly, missed diagnoses remain common.”

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Professor Cortese also pointed out the potential economic and personal costs associated with these undiagnosed rates.

“They include increased risk of academic failure, suicidal behaviour, substance abuse, criminality, injury and death,” he said.

“The failure to provide treatments which have been shown to reduce these risks represents a major ethical issue that needs to be urgently addressed.”

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Pete Buttigieg’s 2026 project

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Pete Buttigieg’s 2026 project

MIDLAND, Michigan — Pete Buttigieg is known for going everywhere to get his message out in the media. In 2026, he’s taking that strategy offline, too, traveling virtually everywhere.

A source close to Buttigieg tells Playbook he’s spent half of 2026 on the road, hitting 10 states so far — including battleground states Georgia, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and his adopted home state Michigan, plus a multiday swing across for-now-first-in-the-nation New Hampshire. And he’s not yet hawking books like some of his would-be 2028 rivals. He’s stumping for candidates up and down the ballot.

While potential 2028ers like Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro focus on flexing midterm-year dominance in their own backyards, Buttigieg is embarking on a more national project to position himself as a super surrogate not confined to specific geography or demographics. It’s a strategy that could help him counter the base of power that comes from holding elected office.

Buttigieg laid out his midterm strategy to Playbook in an exclusive interview after gripping and grinning and taking selfies along a ropeline: “The basic idea is to make myself useful to candidates and causes that I care about and that we all need to succeed,” he said at Mi Element Grains & Grounds, a combination microbrewery, bakery and coffeehouse, after launching a canvassing effort backing Chedrick Greene in a special election to determine control of the Michigan state Senate.

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“Every kind of state, red, blue and purple, there are races going on and fights going on that I want to make sure I’m part of,” Buttigieg told Playbook. “And they are all often very different from each other, but what they have in common is leaders who are very rooted in a sense of place. They’re very much of where they’re from, and I think represent a big part of what the future for Democrats is going to look like.”

Buttigieg has increased his engagement with Black candidates like Greene and the community more broadly, addressing a perceived weakness. In Alabama, Buttigieg joined civil rights leaders and community members in Selma for the Bridge Crossing Jubilee and Anniversary of Bloody Sunday, and made remarks at a unity breakfast and Tabernacle Baptist Church. In Birmingham, he joined a roundtable with business owners from the Historic 4th Avenue Business District.

A source familiar with Buttigieg’s past outreach to the Black community described his efforts a “natural extension” of his work on his 2020 presidential campaign and in the Biden administration.

“It’s a recognition that engagement in those spaces and showing up in 2026 is going to be a huge indicator of who’s going to be the leader of this party,” this person, granted anonymity to candidly appraise Buttigieg’s approach, told POLITICO. “I think it’s really smart to think along those lines, and to show, right? Not just talk about it, but to actually show and demonstrate it.”

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He also campaigned for Shawn Harris in former Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene’s deep-red Georgia congressional district, and gave an interview to Black creator Hood Anchor Ye alongside Rep. Nikema Williams. He also attended Sen. Raphael Warnock’s Ebenezer Baptist Church, where he received a very warm welcome.

“I’m very focused on coalition right now, and that includes pillars of our Democratic coalition, like the building trades workers I was with in Toledo or in Nevada, and certainly Black voters who were so vital to the past, present and future of the party,” Buttigieg said.

A February Emerson poll found Buttigieg had about 6 percent support among Black voters; California Gov. Gavin Newsom had 17 percent and former VP Kamala Harris had 36 percent.

“He had a remarkable run in 2020 and ultimately, one of the, perhaps the greatest obstacle, is that he didn’t have much of a relationship with African American voters,” David Axelrod, the former strategist for former President Barack Obama and longtime Buttigieg ally, told Playbook. “And the fact that he’s spending a lot of time communing with Black voters across the country even if in the service of the midterm elections, is a reflection that he’s not headed for early retirement.”

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There is also, of course, the fact that Buttigieg has a newly crafted stump speech that walks an average voter through their day and overlays his policy hopes for them, something reminiscent of James Joyce’s “Ulysses”. “I don’t want to overdo that, but yes, as you know, my whole thing is the politics of everyday life. And one way to get that across is to just literally walk through everyday life and all of the hundreds of moments in that day that are shaped by political choices.”

Asked about whether he thought the narrative of his struggles with Black voters matched the

reality of what he was seeing on the ground, Buttigieg redirected. “This year is very much not about me,” he said. “What it’s really all part of for me is where are there leaders that I can help and where it’s going to make a difference to engage.”

Beyond that, Buttigieg’s travels and how he’s talking is revealing about his potential trajectory: For starters, he’s laser-focused on building a majority Democratic governing coalition. He used the word no fewer than 10 times.

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Buttigieg insisted that Democrats “should be able to build a supermajority coalition” based on the party’s platform. He has noted in the past most Americans support paid family leave, raising the federal minimum wage, raising taxes on the wealthy, universal background checks, and a public health insurance option. “If we can’t get those two-thirds supported positions over 50 percent that means we’re missing something in terms of the coalition we built.”

But as potential candidates like Newsom seek to emulate Trump’s smashmouth social media style, Buttigieg is more focused on creating a Democratic version of MAGA’s sweeping coalition. That means Buttigieg’s 2026 project is to build a big tent in nature — not a matter of pure ideology. In Pennsylvania, for example, Buttigieg held a well-attended event with Bob Brooks, the bellwether Lehigh Valley Democratic congressional candidate running to flip Pennsylvania’s 7th Congressional District. Brooks, a Pennsylvania firefighter, supports Medicare for All, which Buttigieg opposed in his presidential run.

“It is really important that we understand what it means that this president stitched together this very unlikely crew that includes traditional Republicans, Libertarians, authoritarians and white nationalists,” Buttigieg said. “We have to have a bigger, better, different coalition.”

In the next few weeks, Buttigieg is expected to cross another battleground off his list, with a stop in North Carolina where he’ll campaign for Democrats, as well as two redder states: a town hall in Oklahoma and a stop in Montana, where he is planning to boost “The Montana Plan,” a ballot initiative to curtail corporations from spending money on political candidates or ballot issues.

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“We’re trying to get everywhere we can,” Buttigieg said. “Including places in the same way that — you know, I think Fox News is this kind of place — places where people don’t hear enough from us, because I think there are potential members of our coalition to be found.”

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The House Article | “No one had as many friends”: Lord Mann pays tribute to Phil Woolas

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'No one had as many friends': Lord Mann pays tribute to Phil Woolas
'No one had as many friends': Lord Mann pays tribute to Phil Woolas

Phil Woolas: 11 December 1959 – 14 March 2026 | Image by: PA Images / Alamy


4 min read

A good minister and brilliant MP, Phil Woolas was also one of the great political campaigners. A wise man, and an extraordinary raconteur, he always sought to empower others

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Phil Woolas, who battled stoically for a year with brain cancer never stopped talking politics and political philosophy.

Having cut his teeth at Nelson and Colne Further Education College, he emerged as one of the great political campaigners.

His political heroes were the gasworkers union leader JR Clynes and John Smith, both Labour leaders and, like Phil, people whose sense of purpose and everyday reality made the GMB union their natural home. This was where Phil enjoyed his working life the most.

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Phil was the one politician of his generation who preferred the company of journalists to his political peers. With a television background, he commanded respect among the media – but no one else built as many friendships, as opposed to contacts, as Phil. He understood what a good story was and he had a knack for how to deliver the pictures that made a journalist’s life so much easier. Phil was a teller, not a spinner, of stories.

Phil was also an exceptional raconteur. Once, he recalled, he was to be interviewed by a local Co-op Party while seeking their approval as a parliamentary nominee. He travelled back to his home region for the selection meeting.

The six candidates were sent up a wooden ladder into the attic of the Co-op secretary’s home, a terraced house. As the meeting started, the elderly Co-op host appeared at the top of the ladder with six mugs of hot drinks. “I’ve brought you a drink,” he chimed, “five teas and a coffee for the southerner.”

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Phil would roar with laughter at the brutality of his initiation into parliamentary politics. He had already emerged as a Labour student leader, but the many current Labour MPs who have followed in his path know nothing about how much they owe him.

He fought to the very end because he had more to give

Phil understood that the mass of students in his era studied at FE, in technical colleges and in English polytechnics, and ran an entire campaign going out into uncharted territory to bring people in. It worked brilliantly and his strategising, with a tiny group of others, established the Labour Party hegemony in the student movement that was to last nearly three decades.

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When I was elected as an MP after Phil, he came up to me in the Commons with one piece of wisdom. “Never forget that they treat people like you and me as the oiks in here.” And it wasn’t the mandarins or Commons staff he was talking about.

Phil was a good minister, and a brilliant MP. He saw his job as to empower those who needed someone to be on their side. He relished winning justice where it was being denied. While some scorn the minutiae of politics, he saw it as fundamental that he was there for his constituents and that he won for them. For Phil, it was the definition of leadership.

And he was at his happiest and most brilliant when given the freedom to campaign for the GMB union. Which other politician would have dared to entrust ex-coalminers from Worksop and Bolsover to march around London with Cedric the Pig to expose corporate guilt?

Clynes used to quote Shakespeare and Milton. Phil graduated in philosophy and had that rarity of a photographic memory. He painted pictures through his words, using philosophy as his guide. He didn’t see himself or anyone else as special or gifted. His essence was to reach out and draw in. For Phil, there were no ordinary people, no common people. Just a mass of extraordinary human beings, none more worthy than others. Like the rest of us, he had plenty of faults, but his Parliament and his party need his philosophy more than ever.

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He fought to the very end because he had more to give. But he leaves us with his wisdom. More will miss you, my friend, than you could have ever dared imagine. 

Lord Mann is a Labour peer

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Sarah Michelle Gellar Urges Fans Not To Read Leaked Script After Reboot’s Cancellation

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Sarah Michelle Gellar in the original Buffy The Vampire Slayer

Sarah Michelle Gellar has encouraged Buffy The Vampire Slayer fans to stay well away from any leaks that come out of the cancelled reboot.

Oscar-winning director Chloé Zhao had been behind the planned revival of the cult show, which originally ran for seven series between 1997 and 2001.

However, Sarah Michelle bluntly revealed earlier this week that the project had been staked by the streaming platform Hulu, and would no longer be hitting our screens.

Appearing on SiriusXM’s Page Six Radio, the Cruel Intentions star – who played the original TV show’s lead – urged fans not to watch the pilot should it ever leak, with the same being said for a version of the script that’s doing the rounds.

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“I actually hope it doesn’t [leak] because then everyone’s going to have an opinion on this and that, and pilots are not finished,” she explained. “It wasn’t done. It’s not like we did a season, and finished it, and then they shelved it. It’s not like when they made Batgirl the movie and then didn’t show it – that movie was finished.”

Sarah Michelle explained that pilots usually serve as more of a “learning tool” for TV shows, with the episodes rarely airing in their entirety, adding that “there’s things you learn from it, and there’s things you fix”.

“The original Buffy pilot was nothing to do with the show on the first time,” she pointed out. “It was a different Willow. I mean it’s a very different show, but those are learning tools and that’s what a pilot is.”

Sarah Michelle Gellar in the original Buffy The Vampire Slayer
Sarah Michelle Gellar in the original Buffy The Vampire Slayer

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In the pilot episode of the Buffy reboot, a new character and vampire slayer was to be introduced, played by newcomer Ryan Kiera Armstrong, while Sarah Michelle’s Buffy was also to return.

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The Emmy winner was equally keen for fans to avoid a version of the script that was doing the rounds, explaining: “It’s not actually correct.”

She added: “That stuff is really unfortunate and I ask fans if you see scripts, if you see it leaked, don’t watch it because you’re not getting our visions and all of that.”

Earlier this week, the Buffy OG gave her take on why the reboot wasn’t picked up, blaming one executive who made it crystal clear he wasn’t a fan of the show and hadn’t seen the entire original series.

In a candid Instagram post she also showed love to new “superstar” slayer Ryan, as well as director Chloé, thanking the filmmaker for reminding her “how much I love [Buffy] and how much she means not only to me, but to all of you”.

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Sarah Michelle encouraged fans to show their support not by reading leaked scripts and pilots, but by watching the original show – which you can currently do on both ITVX and Disney+ in the UK.

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Graham Norton Defends Claudia Winkleman After Talk Show’s Mixed Reviews

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Graham Norton

As is often the case with a brand new TV format, there were a couple of bumps in the road when The Claudia Winkleman Show launched last week.

Claudia’s BBC talk show premiered on Friday 13 March, and was quickly met with somewhat mixed reviews from critics.

The Guardian gave it just two stars, branding the debut episode a “mess”, although it fared slightly better in The Telegraph, where it received three stars even if it was described as a “bit of a bore”.

In The Independent’s three-star review, the outlet’s critic compared her interviewing style unfavourably to Graham Norton, claiming that the format “might need a few tweaks” to achieve its “brilliant potential”.

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Radio Times questioned whether the show was “too reliant on its audiences participation”, lamenting there aren’t more of the “off-script moments” Claudia has excelled at in her past, although The Times called it a “respectable first shift” and The Sun gave it a glowing five stars, calling it “awkward, endearing, and full of fun banter”.

Graham Norton – whose production company helped create The Claudia Winkleman Show – has now weighed in on the Traitors host’s first outing, praising the presenter for doing things her own way.

Graham Norton
Graham Norton

BBC/So Television/PA Media/Matt Crossick

“What Claudia did was The Claudia Winkleman Show, and that’s what she’s supposed to be doing,” he told the Daily Mail.

“She shouldn’t be trying to be me. She should be trying to be Claudia, and she nailed that.”

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The second instalment in The Claudia Winkleman Show’s initial seven-episode run will air on Friday night on BBC One.

Her guests this week include pop singer Niall Horan, musical theatre legend Rachel Zegler, actor Guz Khan and comedian Joanne McNally.

When her new show was confirmed in December, the former Strictly Come Dancing presenter said in a statement: “I can’t quite believe it and I’m incredibly grateful to the BBC for this amazing opportunity.

“I’m obviously going to be awful, that goes without saying, but I’m over the moon they’re letting me try.”

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Reform UK Policy Chief Confronted Over NHS Plans

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Reform UK Policy Chief Confronted Over NHS Plans

Reform UK’s policy chief was left squirming as he was confronted on BBC Question Time over his party’s plans for the NHS.

James Orr repeatedly refused to rule out introducing an insurance-based funding model if Nigel Farage becomes prime minister at the next general election.

The Reform leader has previously called for a “fundamental rethink” of the way the NHS is run.

When Question Time presenter Fiona Bruce asked what that meant, Orr said: “What he’s talking about is the model, which I think everyone can see is simply not working.”

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Health secretary Wes Streeting, who was also on the panel, said: “Farage has said he wants an insurance-style system and he’s said he’s up for anything. I’m sure he is. And I’m sure he can afford it … but most people can’t.”

Asked by Bruce what options for NHS reform his party was considering, Orr said: “There will be a long process of policy ideation. We’ll be talking to experts.”

Pressed by the presenter again, Orr said: “What [Farage] is saying and what I think everybody recognises is that more money, more investment, is not delivering gains in the quality of the system.”

Bruce then asked again: “What other options are Reform UK considering in terms of the NHS?”

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Orr replied: “We are preparing for government, we are looking for ways to maintain the basic principle that the NHS will always be free at the point of delivery.

“But there are all sorts of ways in which we could rethink management structures, think about the ways that the funding is allocated more efficiently, working out why mental health is getting worse despite increased funding.”

Bruce then asked him: “Just to be clear, are you categorically ruling out that part of the mix for funding the NHS would not be a social insurance policy under a Reform UK government?”

Orr said: “It would always be free at the point of delivery.”

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Streeting told the audience: “He’s not ruling it out, that’s exactly what they’re going to do. They’re just not willing to say it because they know it’s unpopular and people would never vote for it.

“You would dismantle the NHS given the chance, you just don’t have the guts to say it.”

But Orr said: “Read our manifesto Wes, that is not on the table.”

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Darren Millar: Wales has had enough of Labour – but there is a pathway to real change

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Darren Millar: Wales has had enough of Labour - but there is a pathway to real change

Darren Millar MS is the leader of the Conservative Party in Wales.

It has been less than two years since Keir Starmer became Prime Minister and voters elected a UK Labour Government, yet his personal ratings are already at record lows and it’s clear that people are fed up.

Just imagine being lumbered with a Labour Government for more than quarter of a century. Because that is precisely the situation for us here in Wales, where we have endured 27 years of Welsh Labour, propped up by Plaid Cymru and the Liberal Democrats.

The impact has been devastating.

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Amongst other things, the Welsh Government is entirely responsible for running and funding the NHS, education, transport, economic development and local government.

Welsh Labour like to portray themselves as the architects of the National Health Service, although this is not entirely accurate (the NHS developed from the Emergency Medical Service established under Winston Churchill’s wartime government). But what matters is the situation today. And I am afraid that it is a sad fact that patients in Wales currently wait longer in emergency departments, longer for ambulances, and longer for tests and treatment than patients elsewhere in the UK. With patients here being hundreds of times more likely to be waiting two years plus for treatment than over the border in England.

And Labour’s record on education in Wales is equally woeful.

Wales’ most famous political figure, David Lloyd George, apparently described our nation as a land of “teachers and preachers.” But no matter how hard individual teachers work, our educational standards have plummeted. In the 1990s, GCSE pass rates suggested that education standards in Wales were broadly in line with the rest of the UK. Twenty-seven years later, the independent PISA tests show that Wales’ standards are the worst in the UK and ranking below former Soviet bloc countries.

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The failure to get to grips with health and education standards are mirrored by Labour’s stewardship of the Welsh economy.

Wales has the lowest employment rate in the UK and the lowest pay packets in Great Britain. Small businesses such as pubs and post office pay higher business rates than in England. Tourists are threatened with an overnight tax, and major investors are put off by the slow planning system, Labour’s failure to invest in building new roads, and an unnecessary default 20mph speed limit that has slowed our motorists and economy down.

The results of Labour’s mismanagement of our economy and public services are plain to see. Just last week an IFS report found Wales has been receiving around 15 per cent more funding per head for public services than England, yet has delivered far worse outcomes.

But there is hope. Because on 7th May, the people of Wales will go to the polls.

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The Welsh Conservatives have produced a manifesto with a clear plan to fix Wales and get Wales working.

On day one of a Welsh Conservative Government, we would declare a health emergency to  get every part of government focused on addressing the crisis in our NHS by surging bed numbers to end corridor care and free up ambulances stuck outside our hospitals.

We will restore discipline in schools, ban mobile phones, and back teachers by automatically expelling pupils who bring knives into schools; something which, amazingly, Labour has refused to do.

We have set out a range of measures to kick-start the Welsh economy. With an income tax cut of 1p in the pound to put £450 back into the pockets of the average hardworking family in Wales. And by scrapping Welsh Stamp Duty (known as Land Transaction Tax) on people’s main homes, to help people realise their dream of home ownership, move up and down the housing ladder, and support the many small businesses that depend on the housing market – plumbers, electricians, decorators and many others.

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But how would this be paid for?” cry the interviewers.

It is a pleasure to answer.

We would start by cutting back on the mountains of Labour waste.

For example, we would reverse the outrageous decision to spend £120 million increasing the number of Senedd Members from 60 to 96. We would make real efficiency savings in civil service costs which have increased by more than £150 million over the past few years.

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We’d also scrap spending on matters for which the Welsh Government is not responsible, such as aviation, immigration, international development and foreign affairs.

The Welsh Labour is spending £200m on grants for the nationalised Cardiff Airport, millions on a ‘Nation of Sanctuary Plan’, a small fortune on tree planting in Africa and solar panelled canoes in the Amazon, and millions more of taxpayers’ money on overseas ‘embassies’ in a range of exotic cities. All this will face the axe.

Closer to home, Wales is dotted with empty Welsh Government offices, set up for civil servants who now largely work from home. We would end this waste.

We will also scrap business rates for small businesses such as pubs, cafes and post offices and axe Labour and Plaid’s toxic tourism tax.

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We will expand free access to free childcare, which is vital for enabling new parents to return to work. Mums and dads here have been denied the 30 hours of free childcare available for parents in England, even though the funding has been made available to Wales as a result of the extension of childcare by the previous UK Conservative Government.

We will make sure this cash is spent to support families in Wales, so that working parents here have the same rights as those in England, and we will also pioneer a policy allowing new parents to choose to nominate a grandparent to care for their children instead of using a traditional childcare placement.

Under our proposals, a grandparent could receive a payment of up to £4,800, to recognise their role in supporting their families. Our plans would cost less than formal childcare provision and enable families to choose what works best for them.

Where Labour cancelled new road building because of their anti-motorist agenda, we are committed to investing in our economic arteries, including delivering an M4 relief road, upgrading the A55 and dualling the A40 to Fishguard in west Wales.

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We will stand up for the rights and safety of women and girls, by respecting the ruling of the Supreme Court on women-only spaces, and commissioning a Wales-wide grooming gangs inquiry.

We will fight for our farmers and rural Wales, by boosting the farming budget, ditching unnecessary regulations, and promoting Welsh produce and honest labelling.

We will also honour our heroes. We are committed to establishing a National Military Museum for Wales to celebrate the enormous contribution Wales has made to the armed forces of the United Kingdom. And we will back our military veterans by increasing funding for Veterans NHS Wales, and extending free bus travel to all who have served in our armed forces.

Finally, we will stop the obsession with trying to grab more powers for the Senedd. Defence, immigration and policing are reserved matters, and rightly so. Only the Conservatives will respect the devolution settlement and promote the benefits of being part of the UK to the people of Wales.

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This is a fully costed and authentically conservative manifesto.

After 27 years of falling standards and economic decline under Labour, this is an offer of a better future: lower taxes, better public services, and a growing economy.

After nearly three decades of Labour rule, we are offering real and credible change.

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