Manchester United plan to sign a third midfielder during the transfer window, as long as they can find a buyer for Manuel Ugarte.

United are working on a deal for a second midfielder at the moment, at which point the focus is expected to turn to other positions, with the need to sign a left-sided player high on the agenda.

But United are willing to listen to offers for Ugarte this summer and if strong enough interest emerges to sanction a deal for the Uruguayan, they will turn to the market again.

Leeds United look to take the next step in their progression in the summer transfer window with one Champions League star a key target for the Premier League side

Leeds United are firmly in the running to land Germany midfielder Julian Brandt who is set to become a free agent in just three days’ time. The 30-year-old will officially part ways with Borussia Dortmund on June 30 after seven years at the Bundesliga club.

Brandt is widely expected to be one of the standout players available on a free transfer this summer window – handing Leeds the opportunity to snap him up at no cost. The Premier League outfit have already looked into the possibility of a deal, and securing his signature could prove to be a remarkable piece of business for the club.

Landing a player of Brandt’s calibre and pedigree would undoubtedly represent a stunning coup for Leeds. The attacking midfielder rounds off a campaign in which he helped Dortmund finish second, contributing seven goals and four assists in 29 league appearances.

Although it wasn’t sufficient to earn him a place in Germany’s 2026 World Cup squad, the 43-cap international’s quality and versatility would significantly bolster Farke’s attacking options.

Predominantly a number 10, Brandt has featured in over 200 matches across both flanks – with the majority of those coming on the left – yet operated exclusively behind Dortmund striker Serhou Guirassy throughout the past season. A creative midfielder has been high on Leeds’ wishlist, having already secured their long-pursued right-wing target Harry Wilson on Wednesday, according to The Athletic.

Wilson, 29, and the potential signing of Brandt, 30, would represent a shift in transfer approach for Leeds, who last season focused on bringing in players approaching their prime – rather than those who may have already reached it.

Nevertheless, landing a player with 82 Champions League appearances and two World Cup campaigns to his name would be a remarkable piece of business and one that could propel Leeds to the next level. That said, such an impressive list of achievements means Brandt will have no shortage of admirers.

The likes of Roma, Lazio and Galatasaray have already been credited with an interest in his signature, but the prospect of linking up with fellow German Farke and experiencing English football for the first time could prove decisive in the battle to secure Brandt.

The Whites manager has made no secret of his desire for another versatile number 10 alongside Brenden Aaronson since last year. Farke said last August: “There’s always room for more quality. Wingers who can work hard and are good against the ball, disciplined, wingers who are quick and good one vs one, wingers who can play like a 10. This (latter option) would be a good solution for us.”

The American now has 12 months remaining on his deal and Farke’s demands have grown more urgent as the new campaign draws closer. Leeds’ transfer activity last summer focused on strengthening the squad with 10 first-team additions, whereas this summer involves a smaller pool of targets that would likely prove more exciting to supporters.

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A league-high 92.8% of the club’s squad last season fell between the ages of 23 and 29, and while overlooking that for the acquisitions of Brandt and Wilson – with the latter turning 30 next March – it could prove a move that propels Leeds beyond 14th in the standings.

With Brandt poised to become a free agent and Farke requiring quality in his position, he could represent the ideal summer capture.

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Wales’ new Deputy First Minister is responsible for many of the policy areas that Nigel Farage’s party has attacked in the early days of the new Plaid government

It is still only a matter of weeks since the ballot boxes were tipped onto tables at leisure centres and venues across Wales and Plaid Cymru knew the threshold it had set itself had been crossed to form a minority government led by Rhun ap Iorwerth.

His second in command is Sioned Williams. The 54-year-old is a former BBC journalist who previously worked for the party in communications. In both of those roles she crossed paths with her party’s now-leader but the pair go further back than that having met when she was 17 at the Cwrs ddrama Urdd.

“I’ve known him as long as my husband,” she laughs, as we meet in the Senedd. Yet she says she never expected he would appoint her as Deputy First Minister.

“Our paths have crossed many times and we’ve known each other a long time so we’ve got a very good relationship and it was the honour of my life to be asked and I’m absolutely delighted to be able to support him,” she says.

Her chance to get to take that role came as a result of a historic win for the party she has been a member of since she was a student.

Plaid Cymru won 43 of the available 96 seats.

“There was a long preparation period for us running up to this election,” she says.

“We were working extremely hard on policy development knowing that it was going to be a four-year term, knowing that finances were going to be constrained [and] we weren’t going to able to do everything that we’ve been talking about for the last 100 years so getting that really tight focus on what we thought really mattered what was important,” she says.

“We also knew that this was going to be an election like no other for all kinds of reasons so we fought the campaign of our lives.”

The result was, she admits, at the “top end” of the party’s expectations and she was personally thrilled it would not only mean they had representation all across Wales but there was a good gap between them and the second-placed party, and official opposition, Reform UK.

Reform UK has dominated the early days of the Senedd. An exchange between one of their new members, Joe Martin, with the First Minister about the Nation of Sanctuary followed by their choice of cutting all international spending as topic for an opposition day debate led to a walkout of politicians from Plaid, the Greens, and Labour.

Equality, community cohesion, and Wales in Africa are all things that fall under her brief and she is already hearing concerns about the topics and tone being used in this seventh Senedd. Is she surprised?

“I’m not surprised that Reform are latching onto things that they know will be inflammatory, things which I think that they’re misrepresenting, policies they’re misrepresenting, expenditure that they are misrepresenting, and missing the wider point of the effect of some of the rhetoric,” she says.

Aside from those two issues Reform UK did scrutinise the new government’s flagship childcare bill, which is “absolutely their job as opposition”, although she says “it did feel rather strange that they’d pick that when they hadn’t even mentioned childcare in their manifesto”.

There is, she says, “much that needs to be done” to help people in their everyday lives. “To be choosing those issues for debate I would say is rather missing the point of an effective opposition,” she says – but adds the party will stick to its own values.

“The decisions we make, the policies that we’ll enact, will show those values and those are the values that have been supported by the majority of people in Wales who elected us as their government.

“That’s how we will demonstrate where we sit on those issues. I understand, having said that, the strength of feeling [that led to the walkout].

“It is shocking to many members, especially perhaps newer members, but to all of us the level and the language and the rhetoric that has been used.

“I hope that the Llywydd will be able to make sure that we don’t see a continuation of the type of language.

“I personally was accused of something which is completely untrue, my position completely misrepresented. This has real-life impact obviously for us as politicians, especially as female politicians online, but also more broadly about people who are minoritised, who are marginalised, and who are impacted. Their lives and their safety is impacted by this type of rhetoric.

“As the First Minister said we are all about uniting our communities, strengthening our communities, celebrating the diversity in our communities – that’s the Wales we want to see. So we will demonstrate that through our actions but also, yes, I think we have to make sure that we don’t see a type of rhetoric allowed to become normalised in our national parliament.”

The things she wants to talk about are the things that drive her to be a politician. In the last Senedd regular viewers would regularly see her passionate contributions to debates about children and poverty and holding onto the brief she had when she was in opposition was non-negotiable.

“This is really the reason I’m in politics,” she says.

Elected for the first time aged 49 she had been a member of Plaid Cymru since she was a student. Her political journey came via her community council before being chair of her local Cylch Meithrin, then chair of school governors, and campaigning on local issues.

“I wasn’t really active in the party until Leanne Wood became leader 14 years ago because I saw a passion in her and coming from the South Wales Valleys as I do that’s where my politics comes from,” she said.

Both her grandparents were miners while one grandmother died at 50 from asthma, likely from the conditions she lived in, and the other was an uncertified teacher.

She and her sister were the first in their family to go to university.

“So I understand the impact that poverty can have in and just closing off those opportunities. That’s where my politics comes from so this portfolio is really why I’m here. Without these issues to fight on I don’t know if I would be here in elected politics.

“It’s a huge honour and that’s why I am absolutely determined to achieve what I can for those people in Wales who, through no fault of their own, don’t have the same opportunities as everybody else,” she says.

Since the election there have been murmurings that Plaid was backing down on its flagship policy and then there was a very public row after an attempt to force them to release their costings backfired in the Senedd.

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So I ask her to spell out what is the government’s position on childcare. By the end of this four-year term, in 2030, what is her aim? “I want 20 hours for every child offended from the age of nine months to four years,” she states simply.

“I am absolutely thrilled to be talking about childcare.

“I have been wanting to talk about childcare – as a feminist, as a female politician, as someone who believes in social justice and equality and also believes that the children are the future of our nation and we need to be supporting them and condemning them to high levels of child poverty in Wales – for years and years and years.

“We understand that this is an intervention that is fully in the power of the Welsh Government to make.

“It more than pays for itself. It is a complex policy because of the system we’ve inherited, which committee report after committee report, anti-poverty organisations, equality organisations have demonstrated in report after report, isn’t currently working for children and families in Wales.

“What I want to do, and we have to do this in a phased way because it’s so complex, is make sure that we have a uniform, universal offer funded for all families between nine months and four years,” she says.

She would have said that before the election, I put it to her, so now she is in office and has spoken to officials, has seen the books, is it still realistic? “It is realistic,” she says, pointing to a recent announcement about extending childcare. But surely that was that something that would have happened anyway?

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“This was a programme that was initiated, first of all, under the cooperation agreement [with the last Labour government] because we put that first and foremost as one of our policies, along with free school meals.

“It was initiated in the last government. It wasn’t completed. It didn’t have adequate focus or funding. So what we saw [is] it wasn’t achieved so the first step that we wanted to do was make sure that that was achieved because the local authorities already have plans in place for that. They just haven’t been given the direction or funding that they needed in order to be able to complete it,” she says.

She references one of the key questions, aside from finding the money, which is finding a workforce.

“This is one of the work streams that we have obviously. We absolutely know that the workforce are key to this expansion,” she says.

“But there’s also other things that we can do. We know that at the moment people have to move settings, for instance, in order to be able to access their entitlement under the two years so what we want to do is look at the whole system. I’m not just talking about adding hours here and there – I want to transform this system so it is one system and that it is in the best interest of the children and families who need to access that system.”

“I couldn’t just announce funding and say: ‘There will be more hours’. We absolutely recognise that. It is about working in partnership with local authorities. We’ve got a skills audit happening.

“My colleague Cefin Campbell is looking at post-16 education making sure that we are preparing the pipeline. But we also know that it is about giving assurance to providers and to local authorities – all the partners that are key and fundamental in this, the education sector – bringing people in who currently their qualifications aren’t recognised for instance,” she says. For our free daily briefing on the biggest issues facing the nation, sign up to the Wales Matters newsletter here

She adds there is nothing she has learnt since getting into office that makes her think she will deliver a policy different to what was spelled out in the manifesto.

The new government has been criticised for ordering data, reports, and audits. “I think it’s about doing things sustainably and responsibly and there is a lot of data gaps.

“We’ve got a certain focus on our key priority areas as a party and in order to make progress on those we need to have an absolutely comprehensive view of what we’re dealing with.

“We need to work to better understand what some of those data gaps are,” she says.

“We have made it very clear we want to work on the basis of evidence. We also want to work transparently and we need to work responsibility, ground all our policies in the reality that is in front of us, not make empty promises”.

The childcare policy will, she says, make a difference. “This can help all children get the best start in life and get the best start towards their education journey.

“We know that’s not a level playing field. It can also help families who are currently in poverty to be able to increase their income, that’s economic inequality, and then we know of course gender inequality.

“This mainly impacts women and I’ve had experience of this myself. I was earning more than my husband when we had children. I didn’t catch up until I was 49 and I had my first when I was 30. So we know that this impacts women mainly and I’m really clear about the effect that it can have on our society broadly and especially obviously our children, the difference that this policy can make.”

She has already spoken in the Senedd chamber about Cynnal, a Welsh child payment, providing £10 a week for children aged from birth to six in households claiming universal credit. “Evidence has shown that this is one of the key interventions that can be made.

“Scotland has shown the way on this – it’s undeniable evidence. So we want to show the difference that a policy like this can make. Because of the fact that we don’t have the same powers as Scotland currently over the benefits system and welfare payments we have to do this as a pilot but I think that we can demonstrate the impact this can have and it’s about reaching those children who are in the deepest poverty,” she says.

She hopes it will help 15,000 children across different backgrounds and areas of Wales. For some families it will mean being able to go to a cinema or theatre, to have swimming lessons, to be able to say yes instead of no to a birthday party because you can’t afford to buy a present.

“Those everyday childhood experiences that every child should have this hopefully could just make an impact around that and we know it’s those direct cash payments that make the difference,” she says.

For most people, a hot summer’s day is uncomfortable. For someone with scarred lungs, it can become a medical risk.

People living with interstitial lung disease (ILD) are especially vulnerable during extreme heat. As climate change drives more frequent and intense heatwaves, people with ILD will need better protection from hot weather and related health risks.

ILD is an umbrella term for more than 200 lung conditions. These conditions cause inflammation, the body’s immune response to injury or irritation, and fibrosis, which means lung scarring. As scar tissue builds up, the lungs become stiffer and less able to transfer oxygen into the bloodstream, making breathing harder.

Many ILDs, particularly idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) – a form of lung scarring that develops without a clear known cause – affect people over 65. Older adults with ILD often also live with other long-term conditions, such as heart disease, diabetes, high blood pressure or chronic kidney disease. These can reduce the body’s ability to cope with stresses such as extreme heat.

Hot weather forces the body to work harder to stay cool. The heart pumps more blood towards the skin, breathing can become more difficult, and oxygen demand may increase. For people with ILD, whose lungs already struggle to supply enough oxygen, this can lead to worsening breathlessness, fatigue and reduced exercise tolerance.

Dehydration, which is common during heatwaves, can cause weakness, dizziness or low blood pressure. This can be a particular problem for older adults taking medicines such as diuretics, often known as water tablets, which help the body get rid of excess fluid.

Heatwaves can also bring environmental hazards. Higher levels of ground-level ozone, a harmful air pollutant formed when sunlight reacts with emissions from vehicles and industry, can irritate the lungs. Wildfire smoke and airborne particles, meaning tiny pieces of pollution in the air, can also worsen breathing symptoms. A 2026 review concluded that these exposures may trigger flare-ups and could contribute to disease progression by increasing inflammation and biological processes linked to lung fibrosis.

Risk reduction

There are practical steps that can reduce the risks.

People with ILD should check local weather forecasts and heat-health alerts during hot weather. It can also help to make a simple plan: who to contact if symptoms worsen, where to go if the home becomes too hot, what to do during a power cut if using oxygen equipment, and how to get medical advice.

During extreme heat, people with ILD should avoid being outdoors during the hottest part of the day. For people with moderate to severe ILD, fatigue is often already a limiting factor. Essential activities are best planned for the early morning or evening, when temperatures are lower.

Keeping indoor spaces cool is equally important. Closing curtains or blinds during the day, improving ventilation during cooler evenings, and using air conditioning where available can help maintain a safer indoor temperature. Fans may also help some people manage breathlessness. A small pilot study of handheld fans in people with ILD found that some patients considered them useful for breathlessness relief, although they should not replace medical care. Where air conditioning is unavailable, public buildings such as libraries, community centres or shopping centres may provide a cooler refuge.

Staying hydrated is another important measure. Drinking water regularly helps replace fluid lost through sweating, although people with heart failure or kidney disease should follow advice from their healthcare team if they have fluid restrictions.

People with ILD should continue taking prescribed medications exactly as directed. Antifibrotic medicines, which are drugs used to slow lung scarring in some types of ILD, remain important during hot weather and should be stored according to the manufacturer’s recommendations.

Those using home oxygen should ensure they have an adequate supply. People who use an oxygen concentrator, a machine that takes oxygen from room air and delivers it through tubing, should know what to do during power cuts. Oxygen equipment should also be kept away from heat sources.

Some people with ILD use home spirometry to monitor lung function between clinic visits. Spirometry is a breathing test that measures how much air a person can blow out and how quickly. While home spirometry can provide useful information, it should not be interpreted in isolation, especially during a heatwave. Qualitative research has shown that patients value home spirometry but can find fluctuating results difficult to interpret without support. Heat, dehydration, fatigue or difficulty blowing out the fullest possible breath may also affect readings.

Instead of focusing on spirometry alone, people should pay attention to the bigger picture. Increasing breathlessness, needing more oxygen than usual, walking shorter distances, worsening cough, unusual fatigue or finding everyday activities more difficult may all be signs that the body is struggling with the heat. These changes should prompt discussion with a GP, specialist nurse or ILD team.

Because many people with ILD are older and may live alone, support from family members, neighbours and carers becomes important during heatwaves. A simple phone call or visit to check that someone is staying cool, drinking enough fluids and coping with symptoms can make a significant difference.

People should also know when to seek medical advice. Worsening breathlessness, increasing oxygen requirements, chest pain, confusion, fainting, fever or symptoms that do not improve with rest should never be ignored. Early assessment can help identify an exacerbation, also called a flare-up, which is a sudden worsening of the condition. Prompt treatment may help limit serious complications.

As the climate continues to warm, healthcare will need to adapt to protect people who are especially vulnerable to heat. Helping people understand environmental risks, prepare for extreme weather and recognise changes in symptoms will become an essential part of living well with ILD.

An amber warning for extreme heat is currently covering the region – and certainly not ice.

While on a trip to Tockholes, photographer Henry Lisowski spotted the sign.

During a blazing heatwave peaking at over 30C, he spotted Belmont’s roadside sign, stating plain and simple, “Ice.”

It was accompanied by an image of frost.

Henry said: “I was actually taking a photograph of the Black Dog, the pub, because it had the football flag on.

“So I just stood there, and then I thought, hang on a minute. That snow sign, ice warning sign’s still there.

“They usually have electronic signs that flash to warn you. Well, this has just been up.

“You’d have thought they could just cover it up with summer and then, you know. It just looked bizarre.

“You know, it was like 30 degrees, and there’s a sign there that says ice warning.”

The sign is usually there because of the higher altitude of Belmont, causing icier weather in the colder months.

It is to warn motorists and residents about the conditions that may be up ahead, especially going towards Rivington.

The hilly area going towards Egerton on Egerton Road, and upwards towards the top of the village, can cause danger if not paid attention to by motorists in cold weather.

Manchester United are aiming to build a squad capable of dealing with Champions League football on top of the Premier League and Bruno Fernandes’ future could be key to that

It has already been a busy transfer window for Manchester United, but the Red Devils are far from done. A number of senior stars have confirmed transfer exits, and there could be more on the way.

As far as incomings are concerned, Ederson looks like being the first of many, with a deal to sign the Atalanta midfielder all but done. Several permanent exits have been announced already, with Rasmus Hojlund and Casemiro chief among them, while Andre Onana’s departure looks as though it will be another loan.

Last summer brought plenty of headlines about Marcus Rashford and Bruno Fernandes, and it’s more of the same right now. Rashford’s Barcelona loan didn’t bring a permanent deal, leaving his future up in the air, but we could soon have a resolution regarding captain Fernandes after he opted against a Saudi Pro League switch in 2025.

We’ve also got more on another of United’s midfield targets as the rebuild begins following Casemiro’s exit. Here are our latest lines from around Old Trafford.

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Fernandes ‘decides to stay’

Bruno Fernandes has told his Manchester United team-mates he plans to stay, according to talkSPORT. A final decision on the captain’s future isn’t expected until after the World Cup but there is not thought to be any fear that he might leave.

Fernandes was targeted by several Saudi clubs last summer but decided to stay put. There are reports of renewed interest from clubs in the gulf this year, especially Al Nassr, who could have Portugal boss Roberto Martinez in the dugout next term, but the midfielder’s decision to stay put is believed to be family-related and therefore unlikely to change.

The 31-year-old has started both of Portugal’s first two World Cup group games, grabbing an assist in the 5-0 victory over Uzbekistan. Martinez’s team need a win in their final group game against Colombia to top their group but are still guaranteed to progress as runners-up if they draw.

Nmecha asking price set

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Germany star Felix Nmecha is among the midfielders linked with United as they look to restock their midfield after Casemiro’s exit and a potential departure for Manuel Ugarte. However, they’re unlikely to get the 25-year-old on the cheap.

Nmecha, who spent time with Manchester City as a youngster and played for England at youth level, would qualify as a homegrown player. According to Kicker, though, he is valued at £86million by his club Borussia Dortmund and doesn’t have a release clause in his deal.

The 25-year-old didn’t start any of his country’s World Cup qualifiers but has been a mainstay for Julian Nagelsmann at the tournament proper. He started all three group games, scoring on his major tournament debut as Nagelsmann’s team beat Curacao 7-1.

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The expanded men’s World Cup in 2026 has given fans the chance to cheer on the exploits of first-time qualifiers, some of which many people might previously have struggled to locate on the map. Standout moments have already included Curaçao’s goal-keeping heroics in earning a draw against Ecuador and Cabo Verde’s upset by pegging back reigning European champions Spain.

But one story has largely gone under the radar: the participation of Uzbekistan. According to some pundits, Uzbekistan should have collapsed into violent chaos years ago. Instead, it has become the first central Asian state to play on football’s grandest stage. Behind this lies a fascinating tale of geopolitics and peace.

In the 1990s, overwrought geopolitical analysis portrayed the region as dangerous and in desperate need of western salvation. This was particularly true of the US. In 1997, Zbigniew Brzezinski, national security advisor to Jimmy Carter and an éminence grise of the US foreign policy establishment, dubbed central Asia “the Eurasian Balkans” on what he called the “grand chessboard” of great-power competition.

At the intersection of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan sits the Ferghana Valley. With its complex patchwork of borders, enclaves and ethnic minorities, it became the focal point of this discourse of danger. A 1999 policy report written by American academics warned that, without US help, the valley could become “a breeding ground of terrorism” and “a hotbed of religious and political extremism”.

Like most parts of the world, Uzbekistan has had its problems. Rapid economic growth has led to serious urban pollution, and youth unemployment is high, thanks to the growing population. Like other countries in the region, a lack of political pluralism limits its ability to effectively grapple with these problems.

But the dire scenarios predicted by western analysts have not come to pass. For my research on borders, nation-building and geopolitics in the Ferghana Valley, I interviewed policymakers across the region. They all stressed the region’s ability to draw on historic cultural ties and practices of statecraft to manage the difficult transition from Soviet republics to independent nations.

After Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan gained their independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, the Ferghana Valley states inherited a set of complicated and disputed borders originally drawn as internal Soviet boundaries in the 1920s. These have proved contentious – yet in recent years the three countries have made a series of deals to transfer territory and fully delimit their boundaries.

The Khujand Declaration of March 2025 defined the boundary between the three valley states and put an end to decades of tension. In terms of international experience, this counts as remarkably quick progress.

Resolving border tensions

It is in the Ferghana Valley itself where progress is most visible. I saw border tensions ratchet up in the late 1990s and early 2000s. But in the past decade, a new generation of leaders has not only resolved territorial disputes but pushed a significant growth in cross-border economic, social and cultural connections. They have reopened dozens of previously closed border crossings, relaxed red tape and incentivised cross-border trade. This has led to significant increases in regional trade and has eased ethnic tensions.

In October 2025, the first Ferghana Valley Peace Forum brought governments and civil society together under a new platform for dialogue. A key organiser of the event, Akramjon Ne’matov, the first deputy director of the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies, an influential state-affiliated thinktank in Tashkent, emphasised that “the forum’s goal is to strengthen trust and good-neighbourly relations, promoting a shared vision of the region as a space of cooperation and mutual benefit”.

According to Ne’matov, it serves as a robust response to the vision presented in Brzezinski’s “grand chessboard”. This outdated narrative was not only flawed but risked becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy. It sowed mistrust rather than fostering development.

Despite initiatives like the ill-fated Central Asian Union, central Asia has not succeeded in creating formal EU-style regional institutions. Western academics have routinely dismissed such attempts as mere “virtual regionalism”. But research from St Andrews University shows that informal arrangements between authoritarian governments to respect each other’s sovereignty and not allow single external powers to dominate have led to the emergence of an effective, informal regional order premised on personal diplomacy, stability and coexistence.

Shared destiny

This digs deep into historical notions of shared destiny. As a politician in Tashkent put it to me: “The important thing to keep in mind is that we are one home in central Asia, one culture.” As the dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, and the wars in Armenia and Azerbaijan and Russia and Ukraine wars suggest, central Asia has arguably been more successful at resolving post-cold war ethnic and border disputes than Europe.

In March this year, I joined a sell-out crowd at an Uzbek Super League match, cheering on Ferghana Neftchi as they beat Tashkent Lokomotiv 3-1. The game took place in an impressive modern stadium in Ferghana. This confounded the predictions of 1990s analysts who saw the Ferghana Valley as the supposed locus of all the region’s ills.

Fellow fans were already looking forwards to the World Cup – although one wryly repeated to me a quip by comedian Hojiboy Tojiboev that the Uzbek team would “go there, eat ice-cream, and then come back”.

On the pitch, this first foray onto football’s biggest stage has been challenging for the “White Wolves”, as the Uzbek team is known. But away from football, in our age of border closures and ratcheting geopolitical tensions, the west can learn a lot from Uzbekistan about how to manage regional tensions and plan shared futures.

Donald Trump has threatened to impose a 100 per cent tariff on all goods from any country that imposes a digital services tax on US tech giants, posted on social media

Donald Trump has issued a stark warning that he’ll impose a “100% TARIFF” on all goods from any nation that introduces a digital services tax targeting US tech giants.

“Numerous European Countries have been discussing the imminent implementation of a Digital Services Tax on American Companies,” the US president declared in a Truth Social post on Friday.

“Some of these Countries are close ⁠to actually doing this. Please let this statement serve to represent that any Country that imposes such a Tax will immediately be met with a 100% TARIFF on any and all Goods sent to the United States of America.”

Trump emphasised that the proposed tariff would take precedence over any existing trade agreements with the US, “whether implemented, signed or not”.

The announcement follows French President Emmanuel Macron’s declaration last week that France would stand firm against Trump’s pressure and maintain its digital tax on American tech firms, reports the Mirror.

His remarks came just hours before the two leaders convened at the G7 summit in Evian-les-Bains, France.

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Prior to departing for the summit, Trump had cautioned that the US would “have no choice” but to slap 100 per cent tariffs on French wine unless Paris withdrew its digital tax.

“I asked [Macron] not to charge American companies, and if they do, I have no choice but to charge a 100% tariff on all champagnes and all wines coming out of France,” Trump told The New York Post. “All [Macron] has to do is get rid of the sales tax, and he wouldn’t have that kind of pressure.”

France has imposed a 3 per cent digital services levy since 2019 on revenues generated by firms earning over €25 million domestically and €750 million globally.

Trump has consistently resisted international attempts to tax or regulate America’s technology behemoths. Last year, he warned of potential tariffs against any nation implementing such policies, declaring on Truth Social in August that digital taxes and regulation “are all designed to harm, or discriminate against, American Technology”.

This latest warning arrives before Trump’s July 4 deadline for both the European Union and the United States to finalise a tariff agreement capping duties on most EU exports at 15 per cent.

The transatlantic deal was reached in July last year, when discussions between Trump and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in Scotland concluded months of commercial uncertainty.

Digital taxation wasn’t included in that arrangement and continues to be a contentious issue between Washington and the European bloc.