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Politics Home | Getting cybersecurity on track: How to protect rail in the transition to Great British Railways

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Getting cybersecurity on track: How to protect rail in the transition to Great British Railways
Getting cybersecurity on track: How to protect rail in the transition to Great British Railways

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Martin Rhodes MP & Chris Parker MBE
| Fortinet

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As Britain’s railways move into public control under GBR, digitisation is transforming how the network runs. But with more connected systems comes greater cyber risk. With 1.7 billion passenger journeys a year, government and industry must embed cyber resilience into procurement, skills, incident learning, and cross-sector collaboration from day one.

Britain’s railways are changing more rapidly than at any point in a generation. The creation of Great British Railways (GBR) moves the operation of trains from private train operating companies into the hands of the state as franchises expire.

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Earlier this year, we saw the first GBR rolling stock down in Brighton. But behind the red white and blue paint, the operation of trains is changing too, with increasing digitisation of passenger information systems and operational technology.

A modern rail system is a good thing – but it brings new cyber challenges. Around the world, cyberattacks on rail infrastructure have caused serious disruption, such as in Germany, Israel and Denmark. In the UK, we need to guard against weaknesses as we transition to GBR, with over 1.7bn passenger journeys a year. Suddenly, the risk is owned by government, not private companies.

Analysis commissioned by the Department for Science Innovation and Technology found a hypothetical systemic cyber incident on the rail network could result in a total economic cost of approximately £1.8 billion for a week’s period of disruption. Meanwhile, the National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) continues to report a sharp rise in serious cyber incidents affecting the UK’s essential services and wider economy, underlining a growing risk to critical national infrastructure like rail.

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As the network becomes more digital, keeping trains moving safely and reliably increasingly depends on the resilience of the cyber systems that protect them. The transition to GBR presents a series of new challenges from procurement to skills and it is vital that GBR equips itself to be fit for the future. In Fortinet’s recent report on this subject, four key recommendations emerged.

The first is to establish a national cybersecurity incident reporting and learning system for the rail industry. Too often, organisations learn only from incidents that happen within their own network. Yet cyber threats rarely respect organisational boundaries. The NHS’s patient safety reporting framework is a model for how lessons from incidents and near misses can be captured centrally and shared quickly across an entire sector. The transition to GBR presents an opportunity to embed that culture of continuous learning from the outset, helping operators identify systemic vulnerabilities before they become major disruptions.

Second, cybersecurity must become an integral part of procurement rather than an afterthought. In Great Britain, passenger rolling stock typically has a service life of around 30–35 years, with some fleets already over 30 years old, meaning that contractual choices made now will shape the network’s cyber risk profile for a generation. Decisions taken today about rolling stock, signalling systems and operational technology will shape the railway for decades to come. If cybersecurity expertise is absent when those decisions are made, vulnerabilities can become locked into infrastructure with long asset lifecycles that are difficult and expensive to remedy later. Great British Railways offers the chance to make “secure by design” the default principle for procurement, ensuring resilience is built into every new system from the beginning rather than bolted on afterwards.

Third, the sector must address the growing cyber skills challenge. The National Skills Academy for Rail (NSAR) estimates that up to 75,000 workers could be lost to retirement or attrition by 2030, with acute shortages already emerging in areas such as digital signalling, data, and systems engineering. Yet the future railway depends on professionals who understand both operational rail systems and modern cyber risk. Those hybrid skills remain in short supply. A dedicated rail cyber skills taskforce could help coordinate training, attract new talent and ensure the workforce develops alongside the technologies it will be responsible for protecting.

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Finally, we need stronger collaboration across critical national infrastructure. The convergence of information technology and operational technology means that cyber resilience can no longer be considered in isolation by individual organisations. Transport operators, infrastructure managers, technology suppliers and Government all have a role to play in identifying emerging threats and sharing best practice. Trusted cybersecurity partners should be a central part of that collaboration. Building on NCSC Information Exchanges, sector specific working groups for major transport modes (rail, aviation, maritime and road) should coordinate cyber risk assessment, set shared resilience standards, run joint exercises and report regularly to ministers on emerging threats and recommended actions. This should, in time, be extended to critical national infrastructure sectors such as energy and health.

The Cyber Security and Resilience Bill, being debated in Parliament today, is an important step forward in setting a modern and updated legal framework, but it is only the start. By pairing clear statutory duties with an industry-wide learning culture, secure-by-design procurement, a skills pipeline that reaches every region and an open door between Government and industry, we can turn GBR into a global benchmark for safe, digital transport.

 

 

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Martin Rhodes, Member of Parliament for Glasgow North.

 

 

 

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Chris Parker MBE, Director of Government Strategy at Fortinet.

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I Got Sober, My Husband Still Drinks. This Is What We Tell Our Kids

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The author's two small children

I quit drinking when I was 26, when my firstborn was 18 months old, but before I got pregnant with my second child.

I wasn’t drinking every day, but every time I started drinking, I couldn’t stop. Hangovers would leave me crushed with nausea and anxiety for days at a time, until the next failed attempt to moderate.

There was no rock bottom or arrest, no DUI or ruined relationship that signalled the need to quit. It was a personal choice I made, based on how my relationship with alcohol was affecting me and my mental health. Eventually, it became clear that alcohol no longer deserved a place in my life.

My kids have never seen me drunk or hungover. My oldest was too young to remember what it looked like for me to fail horribly at moderation, commit to sobriety and then fail again, then learn how to be sober. They only know me as their mother who doesn’t drink alcohol.

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My husband is a “normal” drinker, which is to say that he is able to drink without it having an overwhelmingly negative effect on his mental health. He was supportive when I told him of my decision to quit.

Still, when I quit drinking, we had to navigate some changes in our relationship. First of all, if I wasn’t drinking anymore, what in the world were we supposed to do on date night? We met in college and drinking is, quite literally, what we did.

Did the beginning of my recovery signal the end of our marriage? Once we were able to confirm that it didn’t, we had honest conversations around what I needed from him as a partner to feel secure and respected in my sobriety.

I never expected my husband to quit with me, and I’m pretty sure he never even entertained the idea that he might. My husband continuing to drink was never triggering for me.

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We set up a few boundaries regarding alcohol in the house (no signage on the walls, no glassware in the kitchen, move it to the garage) and got on the same page regarding how alcohol and sobriety would be discussed in our home, and with our kids, who are now 5 and 2.5.

Because my husband still drinks regularly, we acknowledge alcohol in our house without villainising it. My kids know they can always drink out of my water bottle or have a sip of my cran & seltzer at the pool, but their dad’s drink might not always be fair game.

“Daddy’s drink has alcohol in it,” I tell them. We also talk openly and honestly about why there isn’t alcohol in my drink. “Mommy doesn’t drink anymore because it’s not good for her.”

Over three years of trial and error, we’ve found these boundaries to be the most helpful for me and my sobriety, the most impactful in our family, and hopefully the most beneficial for our children.

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First, we don’t advertise alcohol. The very first thing I did when I quit drinking was remove any beer, wine, whiskey or shot glasses from the kitchen cabinets and take down my wine-themed decor. All alcohol-themed decor or knick-knacks (magnets, cups, signage, etc.) were taken down. This quickly extended to clothing as well. (The “natural light” onesie we were gifted barely got halfway out the bag before my resolute “No.”) I also had my husband move all the alcohol out of the fridge in the kitchen and into the garage fridge.

One of the biggest “parenting turn-offs” for me is when I see parents posting pictures or videos of their kids involving alcohol. I’ve seen babies holding beer bottles, and I’ve seen tweens “practicing” beer pong.

Since removing myself from alcohol culture, I see this as problematic since, in my sober opinion, it normalises and glamorises drinking culture as aspirational. Beyond not taking pictures of the kids with alcohol in them, we also put down our own drinks (NA or not) when we take pictures without the kids.

Last summer we were at the lake with some family. It was the classic lake-day-with-kids setup – a semicircle of chairs, coolers stuffed with water, juice boxes, snacks, and drinks (both alcoholic and NA), and an explosion of sand toys in the middle. My husband asked his mother to get him a beer out of the cooler. She pulled out a can and asked my two-year-old to “hand this to your daddy, please”.

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My husband held our family boundary on my behalf when he quickly said “No need to involve her,” and reached across the circle to take the beer can from his mom himself.

The author's two small children

Photo Courtesy Of Sydney Allen

The author’s two small children

We are mindful of how we talk about drinking. For instance, beer is beer, not “daddy juice”. Last year, a neighbour referred to a High Noon as “juice” to my son. I shook my head, and said, “It’s beer.” (I know a High Noon is technically vodka, not beer. But to my five-year-old, any alcohol is “beer”. And it definitely isn’t juice.)

At dinner that night, I explained that some adults think it’s fun or silly to call beer “adult juice”. He couldn’t understand – and quite frankly, neither can I – why another mom would say something was juice (something he can have) if it was beer (something he can’t).

I was lucky to not be exposed to problematic drinking behaviour or obvious alcoholism growing up. But alcohol and drinking culture was the norm. Both my parents drank; there was always beer in the fridge for dad and wine in the cabinet for mom. My developing mind concluded that drinking alcohol is standard for adults.

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It does the kids no good for us to ignore alcohol, but it would also do them no good – and it would be a disservice to my own sobriety – if we approached alcohol with the same nonchalant attitude that I witnessed when I was younger.

My husband and I try to be aware of how we (and others) talk about alcohol as a coping mechanism or a treat. “I need a drink” has turned into “I would like to have a drink.” Alcohol isn’t something “for adults,” but rather something you have to be an adult to do.

We don’t allow alcohol to affect our plans as a family. The whole family should not be waiting on my husband to finish a drink at a restaurant or pour a drink at home. Our children should not feel like they are waiting on adults to get settled with a drink before they can be tended to.

Hangovers, infrequent as they may be, also don’t affect our plans. My husband is well aware of the expectation that we have a full day, no matter what time he went to bed the night before. This seems to mostly be motivation enough not to drink himself into a hangover.

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We are honest with our kids about the ways alcohol affects our bodies. When my kids ask why I don’t drink if daddy does, I often say, “I used to, but it made my heart hurt.” I didn’t identify as an alcoholic before I quit drinking, so I didn’t find it helpful to say I had an illness or that my body works differently.

In sobriety, I’ve begun to identify as an addict, which I will explain to my kids when they’re older. When it is age appropriate, I will explain that I had no “off-switch” with alcohol. This led me to experience an all-consuming anxiety and guilt each time I drank.

Beyond my body’s personal reaction to alcohol, we are open with our kids about the fact that alcohol is a drug. It is not healthy nor a “good” thing to do, but many adults still choose to drink it. It is, mostly, a personal choice.

My goal with this approach is not to convince my children that they should or should not drink alcohol. My goal is to give them the education, the self-confidence and the critical thinking skills to make the decision they know will be best for themselves.

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Yes, alcohol is bad for you. But drinking alcohol doesn’t make you a bad person. Many people drink alcohol, but that doesn’t warrant the celebration it often gets in homes across the nation.

Growing up steeped in drinking culture – even the normalisation of alcohol – can make it difficult to see through the fog. I just want my kids to grow up and know there is another option, because their mom showed them.

Do you have a compelling personal story you’d like to see published on HuffPost? Find out what we’re looking for here and send us a pitch at pitch@huffpost.com.

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Christopher Nolan Admits Using Actors’ Real Seasickness In The Odyssey

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Matt Damon in The Odyssey

The cast and crew of The Odyssey have made no secret of the fact that shooting Christopher Nolan’s new epic was an especially grueling experience.

And in a new interview with The Telegraph, the Oscar-winning filmmaker has shared just how much his actors were put through their paces on set.

While making The Odyssey, Nolan opted to shoot on location using practical effects as much as possible, rather than relying on sound stages and CGI.

As a result, the shoot took the director and his troupe of actors to Scotland’s Moray Coast, where they shot a scene on board a recreation of a 115-foot Norse warship in the middle of a storm.

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The conditions led to many of the shoot’s extras experiencing seasickness, which gave the Oppenheimer filmmaker an idea.

“Excuse me,” the outlet quoted him as saying. “But would you mind if we get the vomiting on camera?”

“Credit to them, they said, ‘Absolutely, bring it on’,” he recalled. “They were really game for it.

“And that day ended up being fabulous as well as miserable; it yielded some of my favourite shots in the film.”

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Matt Damon in The Odyssey
Matt Damon in The Odyssey

Matt Damon leads The Odyssey as its central hero, Odysseus, with the film follows his journey home to Ithaca at the end of the Trojan War.

Last month, the Ocean’s Eleven star opened up about just how gruelling the shooting could get, telling GQ: “The joke on the crew was we didn’t have a single easy location. Every time we’d go somewhere, we’d be like, ‘Well, Iceland will be easier’. And then it’s raining sideways and it’s fucking freezing. Iceland was like, ‘Yeah, easy? Hey, hold my beer.’”

Even though the last days of filming took place on a lot in Los Angeles, Matt admitted that even this came with its problems.

“Sure enough, we showed up [to the set in LA] and Chris has two jet engines blowing so much water at us,” he explained. “So it was kind of a fitting end.

“Even the controlled environment was cold, wet, and a little bit miserable.”

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Meanwhile, his co-star Robert Pattinson agreed that he had “never seen people look so exhausted” before beginning his work on The Odyssey, which finally sales into cinemas on Friday 17 July.

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Farage called out for turning down parliamentary security offer

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Nigel Farage and his security team

Nigel Farage and his security team

Reform UK politicians have been complaining that Parliament left Nigel Farage and his MPs without security. Now, it’s emerged that Farage literally turned down a security detail which would have matched that of Kemi Badenoch – the leader of the opposition:

Making things even murkier, Farage has also claimed that the undeclared £5m ‘gift’ he was given was for security – a claim which is now failing to hold up.

Farage not feeling safe and secure

As we reported on 13 July, Zia Yusuf was taken to task for his angry claims that Reform MPs receive “no protection whatsoever”. As it turns out, they do receive security, with one MP telling Kevin Schofield of HuffPost UK:

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Each MP is afforded personal security at their advice surgery and constituency engagements should they wish.

We’re also able to make use of physical security measures at our homes and offices – including cameras, door strengthening devices, and alarm systems.

And we’re able to carry personal alarms with us, which are provided by Parliament, and can be activated to alert a call centre – and the police – should we find ourselves in a dangerous situation.

Given the latest revelation, it seems that Farage just didn’t like what he was offered – all despite it being above what other MPs get. As Caroline Wheeler of the i paper said:

The Reform UK leader was offered the protection following police advice on the threats he faced.

He had already been receiving publicly-funded security prior to this, and felt that his package had been downgraded.

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It would have given Farage a similar level of security to Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch and some high-profile Cabinet ministers.

Farage declined the offer because he considered the protection to be inadequate.

Of course, Farage is fine to turn down whatever he likes. What he’s not fine to do is have his attack dogs claim he was offered nothing.

A Reform spokesperson claimed that Farage needs more protection that Badenoch or several Cabinet ministers because he’s:

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the most targeted politician in Britain and the only party leader who actually goes out to meet the public in huge numbers on the campaign trail.

The misleader of the opposition

Former Liberal Democrat councillor Bruce McDonald noted:

Farage declined the offer because he considered the protection to be inadequate. Yusuf and he have vilified the authorities ever since.

The Speaker and the Public Security Department for obvious reasons do not comment on individual cases

Farage and Yusuf have taken advantage of this policy to lie and lie again

Yusuf has been able to make his claims unchallenged because he’s not an MP, which means the speaker of the house can’t reprimand him for spreading misinformation. Oh, and the reason he’s not an MP is because he keeps getting turned down when he begs to run. Almost as if Reform can’t stand the wee gobshite either!

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Yusuf isn’t the only one making blatantly false claims anyway:

‘Stripped’ of his security, apparently.

And these people wonder why no one trusts them!

Backlash

As with everything else right now, this latest kerfuffle is connected to Farage’s £5m gift scandal. As we previously reported on that:

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Farage accepted the £5m gift from Harborne – a crypto billionaire – in 2024. At the time, he’d said he wouldn’t run in the general election, but this changed after he received the £5m. The problem is that after he became an MP, he was supposed to declare any ‘registrable benefits’ from the previous 12 months. Farage did not declare the £5m, and now it looks like he was purposefully trying to hide it.

Political commentator Don McGowan sifted through the available information and noted:

In a Telegraph article of 1st October 2025, Zia Yusuf claimed that his private security cost £1M but was being funded by private donors.

A million pounds, a year.

This has since been disputed, and even Farage told the BBC that Harborne’s £5M would cover his security for the rest of his life.

Which is it?

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Given the above, it’s clear why Farage has flip-flopped between claiming the undeclared £5m was for his security and claiming it was for whatever he liked. He must have realised at some point that the figures didn’t add up, and now that’s obvious to everyone. All because Reform decided to make a big stink about how unsecure dear leader is.

Reform politicians are having a hard time making sense of all this, anyway, with Liz Webster of Save British Farming noting the following of Richard Tice’s Newsnight appearance:

Richard Tice ties himself in knots on #Newsnight trying to explain Nigel Farage’s £5m “security” gift.

Farage rejected state-funded security because he needs considerable security.

He’s not spending the £5m because the need for security might fall away.

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And Reform is paying for his security anyway.

Clear as mud.

Farage and the whiff of corruption

Commenter Supertanskiii offered this explanation for Farage turning down state protection:

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We’ve no way of backing up this accusation, obviously but we can explain the context in which she made it. Farage has multiple ongoing investigations into his financial activities; his party also attracted controversy because a senior member was imprisoned for taking bribes to promote Russian interests. As a result, people have begun to view the party with a healthy degree of scepticism.

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Much like with Farage’s by-election stunt, it seems that Reform is just trying to deflect from its many scandals. All that Reform politicians are doing, though, is ensuring they’re the centre of attention. And that attention is doing them no favours whatsoever.

Featured image via the Canary

By Willem Moore

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Henry Nowak and the tyranny of state ‘anti-racism’

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Henry Nowak and the tyranny of state ‘anti-racism’

You thought the Henry Nowak atrocity couldn’t get any worse. You thought you’d heard every horrifying thing about this barbarous incident, when the state manhandled a dying boy who’d been stabbed and falsely branded racist. You thought Henry’s hoarse, agonised cry of ‘I can’t breathe’ was as bad as it could get. Think again. Now we discover Henry said something else, too. In his last moments, as he gagged on his own blood, he made a pained plea. ‘I am not a racist’, he whimpered.

Those five words should haunt our collective conscience. For they confirm that this kid was forced to confront not only the physical horror of his own impending death, but also the psychological horror of being tarred as racist. He was made to beg for his moral reputation alongside his mortal existence. He faced two death sentences that night: the literal death sentence of Vickrum Digwa’s knife attack, and the social death sentence of being damned as a racist. A white lad using his last breaths to bat back a malicious slur of racism – what a grim monument to the tyranny of woke racialism.

The new revelations came at the weekend, following the release of the full trial transcripts. The horror of Nowak’s death is well known. In Southampton, on the night of 3 December 2025, the 18-year-old student was stabbed four times by Digwa, a Sikh. Digwa then falsely accused Nowak of making racist jibes and attacking him. The cops arrived and took the word of the knifeman over the writhing, fatally injured teen. They cuffed Nowak. He told them he’d been stabbed. ‘I don’t think you have, mate’, came the staggeringly inhuman reply of one of the state’s brainwashed heavies.

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Millions have watched the bodycam footage of Nowak’s pitiless arrest. We’ve witnessed the full savagery of state wokeness, as cops drag and cuff a teenager as he pleads ‘I can’t breathe’ (nine times) and ‘I’ve been stabbed’ (four times). What we didn’t hear, though, was what Henry cried shortly before the arrival of the police. A witness told the court he heard a young man in distress say: ‘I am not a racist.’ Picture the raw terror of the scene: Henry had been stabbed at this point – four times – yet he felt compelled to devote his flagging energy to convincing onlookers he was not racist scum.

In the trial transcripts, we see the prosecution lawyer say to the jury that, ‘even as Henry is dying’, he is saying ‘I’m not a racist’. He also told the jury about the 999 call made by Digwa’s brother, Gurpeet, who claimed: ‘He’s verbally attacked my brother racially.’ Faintly, in the background of the call, a voice can be heard. ‘No, I didn’t’, it says. That was Henry, a young lad who’d just enjoyed a night out with friends yet who now found himself fatally wounded by a knife and morally wounded by a libellous slur of racism.

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What a chilling indictment of the DEI state – that a dying boy spent his final breaths defending his character against a fabricated slur rather than being comforted and cared for. That a boy was made to beg for both medical assistance and moral trust, and that he received neither until it was too late. Consider the existential weight of what Henry experienced. You’re 18 years old. Your life is slipping away. It’s the moment one’s thoughts turn to family, love, or to the terror of mortality. Yet in our cruel era of state-decreed racial suspicion, Henry’s last moments were spent litigating his moral innocence against a Kafkaesque lie.

The Nowak atrocity is a testament to the Stalinist bent of state ‘anti-racism’. It confirms that the accusation of racism is no longer a serious charge requiring rigorous proof of real bigotry, but a kind of magical spell. It has the neo-religious power to leave a man’s life in tatters. ‘Racist!’ is to the 21st-century West what ‘Witch!’ was to 17th-century Salem: a charge of heresy, of sinful thought, that might see you violently cast out from the society of the good. Like those ‘witches’ who pleaded their godliness prior to death, young Henry was made to cry ‘I’m not a racist!’ before he succumbed to his wounds.

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Digwa clearly understood the spell-like power of the accusation of racism. He knew it would distract the state’s attention from his own barbarous behaviour and focus it on the alleged speechcrimes of the dying boy. And he was right. The police, wholly inculcated with the dogma of DEI, treated a white boy in the throes of death as a secular sinner to be dragged across the dirt, handcuffed, disbelieved and even mocked: ‘I don’t think you have, mate.’ Their minds fried by the authoritarian diktats of state ‘anti-racism’, they approached the bloody scene in Southampton less as cool-minded investigators of crime than as the enforcers of a cultish ideology. A brown man and a white boy? They knew instantly who was the guilty party, who was deserving of the ritualistic humiliation of a rough arrest. Henry.

We can now see the life-destroying power of the accusation of racism. We can now see that in a society riddled with identitarian anxiety, the mere whisper of that word acts as a kind of moral switch-off, blinding institutions to the evidence of their own eyes and subverting basic human empathy. To see how cruel the racial myopia of our elites can be, how divisive and dehumanising their ‘social justice’ has proven, just listen to a boy cry ‘I am not a racist’ as his precious life drains away.

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Time for Labour to go big on the EU

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Time for Labour to go big on the EU

Gareth Thomas MP argues that the Labour government should make an ‘ambitious new offer to the EU’, using the EU’s updated agreements with Switzerland as a precedent.

The ten-year anniversary of the EU referendum produced a wave of commentary refighting old battles – from Brexiteers’ excuses for wiping 4%-8% off our GDP, to musings about Labour’s chances at the next general election if we promise to rejoin.

Yet the debate in Westminster is lagging behind the public, who mostly see Brexit as a failure, but are not keen to re-run the divisions of Leave vs Remain. It is also disconnected from the real-world problems that we and our European neighbours face.

The reality of Brexit is that the EU is taking big decisions without the UK being in the room. Our car industry is being shut out of the EU’s ‘Made in Europe’ scheme for electric vehicles. Our steel industry, where 78% of exports go to Europe, now faces doubled EU tariffs. Our defence companies are not eligible to lead projects funded by the EU’s €150bn SAFE defence loan scheme.

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This is not because the EU is trying to ‘punish’ us. This government has done the hard yards in restoring trust with our neighbours. Instead, it is the simple consequence of having left the single market, which the EU’s system is set up to protect. That’s why although the ‘reset’ has achieved some positive improvements, we need a fundamentally new deal with the EU that goes beyond incremental changes.

This ambitious partnership should have three main priorities: defending Europe in the face of Putin’s war in Ukraine and Trump’s disdain for NATO; responding to a disrupted global trading landscape dominated by the US and China; and planning for a future shaped by technologies, including AI, where Europe currently lags behind and where leading companies may not have our best interests at heart.

On security and technology, the UK has plenty to offer. We are a nuclear-weapons power with highly professional armed forces, top-tier intelligence services, and capabilities that Europe lacks. The UK attracts 39% of total venture capital in Europe, of which three quarters is in AI; we are a leader in biotech, accounting for 30% of the European VC market; and we are second globally for investment in fintech.

When it comes to trade, our position is unsustainable. Post-Brexit trade deals – worth only around 0.4% of GDP – cannot repair the damage caused by leaving the single market. Manufacturers in constituencies like Makerfield face what the OBR calls a ‘structural challenge’ from the paperwork and costs keeping us out of European supply chains. Our goods exports to the EU have fallen by 16%. In services, we no longer have mutual recognition of professional qualifications, and reduced business mobility throttles innovation.

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We are close to agreeing important deals on agrifood and emissions trading. But these agreements, worth about 0.3% of GDP, are not game-changing for the economy as a whole. And the EU has made clear that our red lines on the single market, customs union and freedom of movement rule out substantially lowering trade barriers.

So what can be done? Our ambitious new offer to the EU should play to our strengths, while making a step-change in our integration with the single market. The precedent for this new trading relationship was set last year in the EU’s updated agreements with Switzerland, which is almost entirely inside the single market for goods, and partially aligns on services. In return, Switzerland pays into the EU’s regional levelling-up funds, and has an agreement on movement of people.

The UK is not Switzerland, and we could not simply copy and paste their deal. But this kind of arrangement could add up to 2% to GDP – boosting industries such as chemicals, pharmaceuticals, automotives and machinery – while giving the EU a partner with a clear stake in the single market’s success for the first time since 2016. It could preserve areas of divergence where an immediate return by the UK to the single market might be challenging, such as financial services or AI. And it would keep the UK’s ability to negotiate trade deals outside of the EU customs union.

On movement of people, this kind of deal would clearly be in UK interests. Total freedom of movement, with anyone from any EU country able to come to the UK whenever they want, whatever their circumstances, and settle here, is never going to be acceptable. But that doesn’t mean every restriction on movement between the UK and Europe should remain. It’s right that we’re negotiating an agreement to allow young people to live and work in each other’s countries for a limited period.

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Scare stories about uncontrolled free movement show a complete misunderstanding of the controls that are applied to EU migration. For Switzerland – keen not to open up access to its generous benefits system – the EU deal was designed to apply only to the economically active.

EU citizens moving to Switzerland for more than three months need a residence permit and health insurance. To qualify, they must show either proof of employment, or evidence that they will not rely on benefits. The Swiss government can suspend free movement if it is shown to be causing “serious economic or social problems”.

A flexible labour force is good for UK businesses, and restoring the right to work in the EU would help Brits of all backgrounds. Lorry drivers would no longer face the 90-in-180 days limit that damages our logistics industry and leads to offshoring of jobs. Machinery manufacturers could more easily send staff for servicing and repair. Musicians in emerging British bands could tour in Europe, after years of being hammered by Brexit red tape.

The debate has moved on from 2016: polls consistently show that around three fifths of the British public would support free movement with the EU. And a referendum in Switzerland aimed at capping the population and bringing down the EU deal was voted down last month.

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None of this will be easy to negotiate with our European partners, and a new Prime Minister will need to show courage in setting out renewed ambition. But staying on our current path is not an option. The Brexit referendum caused us to look inwards for a decade, as the world outside passed us by. To rise to the challenge of the decade to come, we need a new partnership with the EU – and the task of building it begins now.

By Gareth Thomas, Labour and Co-operative MP for Harrow West, and formerly Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Department for Business and Trade.

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It’s time to talk about left-wing violence

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It’s time to talk about left-wing violence

I’m no fan of Wes Streeting. The wannabe UK prime minister, defeated before a Labour leadership contest was even declared, has been wrong on just about every issue going. But whatever you think of the former health secretary, we would surely all agree that there could be no justification for calls to harm him or his property.

Not any more. Bash Back, a militant transgender rights group, has singled Streeting out in its campaign to ‘smash transphobia’ through ‘direct harm’. The group has produced an online guide urging supporters to identify ‘transphobic’ individuals and then ‘hit them repeatedly until they desist from their activities’. Suitable targets, the chilling booklet suggests, include the ‘offices of transphobic MPs’. This is illustrated, by way of example, with a photograph of Streeting’s constituency office.

Also on Bash Back’s hit list are organisations including Sex Matters, the Equality and Human Rights Commission and the Free Speech Union. Activists are advised to target party conferences and ‘the property of transphobic public intellectuals’. And if there were still any doubt as to what all this is meant to inspire, the leaflet urges people to ‘choose your weapon’ above icons of a hammer, a mask and a fire extinguisher.

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If such a disturbing instruction manual had been produced by a right-wing group, there would be a national outcry. Instead, it barely registers as a news story. Yes, Bash Back might be a small group of violent nutters, but their threats are worth taking seriously. Not only do they highlight the risk to particular individuals – they also shine a light on the state of our political discourse. They show that for some activists, politics is no longer about attempting to win over your opponents or convince the public of your point of view. It is not even about taking part in rowdy or disruptive demonstrations. Instead, what passes for activism today is a potentially deadly temper tantrum: the promise of violent attacks, justified by hurt feelings.

The Bash Back guide contains one particularly revealing passage:

‘All of our targets have blood on their hands. We refuse to let them wash it off in peace. Welcome to a new era of trans rage.’

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This reference to ‘blood’ sums up the activists’ view that words wound, and that hateful speech is an act of violence. This view first emerged with critical race theory, but it has been taken up by trans-rights organisations that consider any challenge to gender ideology to be eliminating ‘the very idea of a transgender person’ and a denial of their ‘right to exist’. Some have now convinced themselves that actual violence is a reasonable response.


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Bash Back’s literal call to arms comes complete with tips on how best to avoid getting caught. It advises changing clothes after carrying out an attack and wiping down equipment with alcohol to remove DNA. Ironically, for a group in support of men who want to prance around as ladies, this ‘trans rage’ is very testosterone-fuelled. It’s Andrew Tate (‘Bang out the machete, boom in her face and grip her by the neck. Shut up bitch.’) in pastel-hued drag.

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It used to be hot-headed Islamists who issued fatwas to anyone who blasphemed against their dodgy religious principles. They are still a threat, of course. But now they’ve been joined by radical left-wing activists who spew out death threats to Nigel Farage and JK Rowling, while urging everyone to ‘Be Kind’. Sadly, these are not all empty promises. Last year, Bash Back really did attack Streeting’s office. They sprayed red paint on the building and wrote ‘child killer’ on the windows. And they also disrupted a feminist conference in Brighton by smashing windows and spraying paint.

This turn to violence is not limited to trans-rights activists. In 2024, Samuel Corner was one of four Palestine Action activists who broke into the site of an Israeli-linked arms factory, causing £1.2million worth of damage. When their protest was disrupted, Corner hit a police officer with a sledgehammer, fracturing her spine. These activists’ crimes ought to have been roundly condemned, but instead Green Party leader Zack Polanski said it was ‘gut-wrenching’ to see them jailed. Labour’s John McDonnell described their subsequent prison sentences as ‘truly shocking’. Again, it is impossible to imagine a similar defence of far-right activists being given legitimacy by politicians.

In other cases of political violence, people have been killed. Police have now declared that the murder of Ann Widdecombe, a prominent member of Reform UK, is being treated as an act of terrorism, despite previously telling the public there was no evidence her killing was politically motivated. It is, of course, hard to see any other reason for a person to allegedly drive across the country with what’s been described as a ‘wooden pole’. Then there are the MPs, Jo Cox and David Amess, who were both murdered for their views. Meanwhile, across the Atlantic, a court has heard that Charlie Kirk was killed by alleged shooter Tyler Robinson in part over his views on gender.

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We urgently need a reckoning with this outbreak of political violence. It should not have to be stated that words – no matter how offensive, hateful or upsetting – can never justify injuring other people or taking their lives. Solving disagreements with weapons rather than through debate takes us down a truly dangerous and disturbing path.

Joanna Williams is a spiked columnist and author of How Woke Won. Follow her on Substack: cieo.substack.com

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Here’s What To Know If You Ever Sit With Your Legs Crossed

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Sitting in any position for long periods can cause discomfort and even pain.

Sitting back and relaxing, or sitting at your desk, are mindless movements, but how you sit (and how long you sit) can impact your health.

Many people tend to default to certain seated positions, and one popular posture is crossing one leg over the other (seen here) – not like a pretzel, but with one leg draped over the other knee.

The position is casual enough to be done at football games yet formal enough to be done at job interviews. It’s a posture many people find themselves in for much of the day.

Physical therapists said there is nothing wrong with sitting this way, and there is a reason it’s so appealing. But there are a few things you should keep in mind if you often find yourself sitting with your legs crossed. Here’s what to know:

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There’s a reason a lot of people default to the cross-legged position

According to Valerie Rogers, a physical therapist at Mount Sinai Health System in New York City, this position “gives you a little bit of support.”

“So that when you go and lean forward, as you’re looking at a computer or something like that, you don’t have to use quite as many muscles to still keep you upright,” Rogers said.

This isn’t necessarily a bad thing, but it is a less active posture than simply just sitting up straight with your feet on the ground, she noted.

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If you sit this way consistently and for long periods of time, it could “eventually make your postural muscles not quite as strong,” Rogers explained. “But you can still sit in those positions with an engaged posture, too. So, it kind of works both ways.”

If you do it all the time, you may notice some muscle imbalances

When you repeatedly sit cross-legged, you can create a bit of a pelvic imbalance, said Ethan Triplett, a physical therapist with Orlando Health in Florida.

“When you cross your legs, your body is naturally going to go into a little bit more of a slouched posture all the way up from the back, even up into the neck,” Triplett explained. “Putting one foot over top, you can obviously see how that’s going to push one pelvis side up compared to the other, and so that’s going to put a little bit of different pressure on your glutes.”

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If you are constantly tilting to one side, your body has to compensate, he added.

“So, a lot of times, people will start to see that muscular discomfort, which is why we often tell people to change [their position] pretty frequently,” Triplett noted.

Sitting in any position for long periods can cause discomfort and even pain.

FreshSplash via Getty Images

Sitting in any position for long periods can cause discomfort and even pain.

This position can temporarily impact your blood pressure, but it’s not a concern overall

“There’s not a ton of robust research looking at this – what we do know is there is a temporary rise in blood pressure,” said Alex Hill, a pelvic health and oncology physical therapist and owner of OncoPelvic PT in Florida.

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It happens in the moment when you have your legs crossed, which is why doctors and nurses have you put your feet flat on the floor when taking your blood pressure in healthcare settings, Hill added.

“But … it’s not that having your legs crossed every day is going to cause hypertension or cause a chronic blood pressure issue,” Hill said.

Sitting in a legs-crossed position for extended periods is particularly not recommended for those who have lymphedema.

“There are some considerations, also with crossing your legs that could increase the pressure on the lymphatic and the blood vessels, so it can temporarily reduce fluid drainage efficiency,” Hill said. “With lymphedema, it is recommended to avoid crossing the legs for extended periods of time because it does occlude those vessels for that temporary time period.”

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In the end, staying in any one position for too long is damaging

“The phrase that I always tell my patients is, ‘your best posture is your next posture,’” Triplett said. Posture problems can be a big contributor for discomfort and pain.

“I don’t think sitting in any one position more than 30 minutes is good for the body,” said Ryan Galvin, a physical therapist with UofL Health in Kentucky.

Galvin recommends that folks set a timer for every 30 minutes or so to remind themselves to get up and move around.

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“The reason you want to create variability in your positions and your postures is so your body doesn’t get accustomed to one position and mold into that one position,” Galvin noted.

This is how “tech neck,” a forward head posture, happens in people who look down at computers or phones a lot, he said.

“If you spend too much time in one position repetitively, your body ends up creating a new posture,” Galvin said.

It’s easy to forget to get up and move if you work a desk job or are tuned into a particularly good Netflix binge, but if you aren’t getting up to move, it can become problematic, no matter how you’re sitting.

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“Those muscles can get weak, they can get tight, including those hip flexors, your hamstrings, your core stabilisers, and so over time that can lead to issues,” Hill said. “But sitting one day with your legs crossed isn’t the end of the world.”

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Nick Robinson Clashes With Robert Jenrick Over Farage Safety

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Nick Robinson Clashes With Robert Jenrick Over Farage Safety

BBC presenter Nick Robinson clashed with Robert Jenrick over his claims that the government is failing to give Nigel Farage the protection he needs.

The pair went head-to-head after it emerged the Reform UK leader rejected the same taxpayer-funded protection package given to Tory leader Kemi Badenoch when he was offered it.

That would have seen him receive a bodyguard, a car and a trained driver at all times.

However, Farage insisted it was not enough to protect him from the threats he faces and turned it down.

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He is now set to have a meeting with the Royal and VIP Executive Committee (RAVEC), an independent body which assesses the threat posed to high-profile people, to discuss his concerns.

The row has erupted in the wake of the alleged murder of Ann Widdecombe, the former Tory minister who became a Reform spokeswoman.

A 28-year-old man has been arrested and counter-terror police are now leading the investigation.

On Radio 4′s Today programme, Jenrick, Reform’s Treasury spokesman, accused the government of “downgrading” the protection given to Farage after he became an MP in 2024.

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“He initially was given a comprehensive plan that was commensurate with the threat that he faced,” he said.

“Then that was downgraded. I don’t know why, maybe that will be explained to Nigel when he meets the committee. But that feels to me to have been very unwise, to say the least.”

He added: “Sadly this is a man who is under great threat and think the authorities are just very blase about that, as are parts of the media.

“Just the other day parts of the media were happy to publish photographs which made it very easy to know where his daughter lived [and] his homes.”

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But Robinson told him: “Nigel Farage posed in front of his own homes for the cameras repeatedly.”

Jenrick insisted that Reform MPs face a greater threat than other politicians because they “raise issues that many mainstream politicians shy away from”.

He said: “If you talk about Islamist extremism, as I do and Nigel Farage has done for many years, you are likely to be in considerably more danger than those who don’t.”

Robinson hit back: “You can’t say that Mr Jenrick, there’s no evidence for that at all. There’s a threat from the far right in this country. Ask Diane Abbott, if she was in that seat, ask the family of Jo Cox. There are people on all sides of politics who have become a target.”

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He went on: “In the last few minutes, you have attacked the media, you’ve attacked the police, you’ve attacked the government, you’ve attacked the [Commons] Speaker, you’ve attacked the establishment who apparently want someone dead in the Reform party.

“What do you say to those who say ’yes, this is a terrible tragedy what happened to Ann Widdecombe, we don’t actually know why she was murdered yet, we don’t even know if she was murdered because of her connection with Reform UK. It could be. None of this is clear until the police complete their investigation.

“But it does suit you and Nigel Farage to change the subject nationally from the fact that Mr Farage took a vast donation of £5 million from someone living abroad and he wishes to connect that with his security when in fact it has nothing to do with it at all, it’s about a breach of parliamentary rules.”

Jenrick then accused Robinson of reading off “a pre-scripted final question to me” – something the presenter angrily denied.

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The Reform MP went on: “The point I am making is that the government chose not to give Nigel Farage the security he needed. They now have, as a result of Ann Widdecombe’s appalling murder, offered him a meeting.

“The home secretary could have offered him that meeting a year ago, two years ago, she chose not to. That is playing politics with the safety of politicians and I suspect that’s because they don’t like the views that Reform politicians take forward.”

Listen to Commons People, the podcast that makes politics easy. Every week, Kevin Schofield and Kate Nicholson unpack the week’s biggest stories to keep you informed. Join us for straightforward analysis of what’s going on at Westminster.

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The House | To fund the investment in national security we need, Burnham should steal our defence bonds policy

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To fund the investment in national security we need, Burnham should steal our defence bonds policy
To fund the investment in national security we need, Burnham should steal our defence bonds policy

HMS Prince of Wales departs Portsmouth en route to join in NATO exercises in 2024 (Mark Dillen/Alamy)


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The government has finally released its long-awaited Defence Investment Plan (DIP), after 14 months of delay. It was, as expected, too little and too late.

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With Vladimir Putin waging war in Europe and an unreliable Donald Trump in the White House eroding the essential alliances that underpin our security, we must be upfront with the public about the threats facing Britain. The Prime Minister himself has warned that Russia could launch an attack against Nato by 2030. In light of these unprecedented threats, we urgently need to invest in our national security. We need to give confidence to our Nato allies and international partners that we are serious about our collective defence and national resilience.

The resignation of the former defence secretary John Healey – in frustration at the settlement on offer from the Treasury – shone a harsh spotlight on the government’s struggle to fund our armed forces, following years of cuts by the Conservatives.

Despite Dan Jarvis, his replacement as Defence Secretary, winning an additional £1.5bn from the Treasury, there is still an enormous funding gap that needs to be filled by the prime minister in waiting, Andy Burnham. Of the £15bn uplift secured in the DIP – itself only just over half of the £28bn black hole outlined by military chiefs – £4.7bn is currently entirely unfunded.

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As a country, we need to be moving at pace urgently to inject finance into our national security, not dragging our feet. The Liberal Democrats have a clear plan to do this: by issuing ‘defence bonds’ to generate an additional £20bn over two years, hypothecated to spending on capital investment in our military. It’s an idea that Burnham is reportedly considering – and which I would encourage him to implement as a priority once over the threshold of No 10.

Our vision for defence bonds would see them back British industry, create jobs and foster innovation. They would also allow the public to have a genuine stake in our collective national security. This investment would supercharge our defence industry, all while sticking to the government’s fiscal rules, to which Burnham has committed. It would also allow us to support research and development to further stimulate our economy and generate growth.

There is strong evidence to support the value of defence bonds. Take ‘green gilts’, issued to raise money for capital investment with an environmental benefit in 2021. The very first sale raised £10bn.

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The DIP has shown that the current government does not have a credible plan to fund defence

We need to be this ambitious for our defence industry. Critically, we see defence bonds as part of a funding mix for defence. That mix would also include working with our international allies to generate innovative collective financing models – including Liberal Democrat calls for a European Rearmament Bank – and negotiating access to the EU’s €150bn Security Action for Europe (Safe) programme.

We would also scrap the government’s self-defeating and anti-growth red lines on Europe – and open negotiations to join the EU’s single market to stimulate the growth we desperately need. Growing the economy is how we can generate the funding necessary for our defence needs.

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The DIP has shown that the current government does not have a credible plan to fund defence. That sends all the wrong signals to industry – and to our allies and adversaries alike.

When Healey resigned, he said Keir Starmer was “unable” and the Treasury was “unwilling” to keep our country safe. This is unacceptable.

The Conservatives hollowed out our armed forces and Starmer failed to fund them. Burnham must now ensure any government’s first priority: to keep our country safe. Issuing defence bonds is an obvious first step towards funding our armed forces properly. 

James MacCleary is Liberal Democrat MP for Lewes and defence spokesperson

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How To Fireproof Your Garden In A Heatwave

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How To Fireproof Your Garden In A Heatwave

Right now, there’s an “exceptional” risk of wildfires in parts of the UK (especially the sunnier South of England and the lower parts of the Midlands).

Hot, dry conditions, influenced by the back-to-back heatwaves we’ve experienced so far, are continuing into the longest period of unusually hot weather in years.

That means that something as simple as a glass bottle or embers that travelled on the wind risk setting spaces like your garden aflame, the London Fire Brigade (LFB) said on its site.

A National Fire Chiefs Council spokesperson told the BBC: “When the weather stays hot and dry, it only takes one spark to start a wildfire. What can begin as a small fire can spread incredibly quickly, putting people, homes, wildlife and our countryside at risk.”

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One of the ways the LFB recommends reducing this risk is by getting rid of combustible materials (things that can easily catch fire) in your backyard.

This includes keeping your grass below a certain height.

Keep your grass below 7cm during periods of high wildfire risk

“By removing anything flammable, like dry grass or piles of rubbish, you’re removing fuel for any wildfires,” the LFB explained.

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Keeping your grass below 7cm can help with that, as can removing dead leaves from areas like your gutters, positioning things like sheds and garden furniture away from your home, and cutting back trees and shrubs near your house.

Ensuring your garden is watered can help, too, but be aware that many parts of the UK are currently facing hosepipe bans.

“If a hosepipe ban is in place, consider using water butts or wastewater from your home to water your garden,” the LFB added.

Where possible, try creating “firebreaks” around your property

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This involves clearing a 2-3cm space around every side of your home and garden to reduce the chances of fire spreading.

Anything else? Yes. Compost heaps can be a fire hazard in gardens, so it’s best to keep them away from buildings and structures like sheds.

Keep them moist and use a watering can if you’re worried it’s running dry.

A “good balance” of green (plants, kitchen scraps, natural fibres, and leafy garden waste) and brown (like cardboard and shredded woody prunings) materials helps too, as does turning the heap over often.

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