Politics
Taylor Swift’s Cleveland! Lyrics Reference Travis Kelce Wedding
Taylor Swift has unveiled the Encore edition of her Life Of A Showgirl album – which includes one song that references her recent wedding to Travis Kelce.
More than a decade on from her signature hit Shake It Off, the Grammy winner has unveiled another new track poking fun at the public’s perception of her in the Encore cut Cleveland!.
Riffing on the comments that have frequently been made about her over the years, Taylor opens the song singing: “She’s not as hot as she was, but she was only a four She was never a girls’ girl, she was just a…
“And with all of that money, why’s she dressed like trash? When she smiles, it’s annoying, and have you seen her? Stumbling clumsily? Would you even call that dancing?”

Shrugging off these criticisms, Taylor then continues in the chorus: “I guess there’s something we all can agree on, but my baby likes what he likes.
“He already took me to Cleveland, and showed me The Heights, so hate all you like, this is the love of my life.”
It’s probably worth pointing out that Taylor’s NFL star husband grew up in Cleveland Heights, Ohio and also fronts a podcast with his brother Jason Kelce titled The Heights.

Towards the end of the song, Taylor makes light of her public persona even further when she declares: “You only need to find one person in this entire world who doesn’t find you completely insufferable, and I have an important announcement to make: I found mine.”
As the song reaches its climax, she tweaks the chorus’ lyrics to say: “He already took me to Cleveland, now I’m wearing white, so hate all you like, this is the love of my life.”
Taylor and Travis have lived much of their romance in the public eye, but have successfully managed to keep details out of their July wedding out of the spotlight.
What we do know is that they tied the knot in an elaborate ceremony at the New York venue Madison Square Garden, attended by a 1000-strong crowd of friends, family and A-list celebrities, with Adam Sandler officiating the ceremony.
Photos of her wedding dress have not been made public, but it was designed by Jonathan Anderson for Christian Dor, with performers at the reception including Sir Paul McCartney, Stevie Knicks, Haim and Avril Lavigne.
Politics
I Was A Terrible Politician But I Still Changed The Country

Johnny Mercer has unloaded on his former colleagues in a scathing book about his time in politics (Alamy)
3 min read
Johnny Mercer is scathing about virtually everyone he worked with during his nine years as an MP. In his new book charting his time in Parliament, he’s also critical of his own abilities as a politician.
The former Tory veterans minister spoke to this week’s episode of The Rundown about what he describes as the broken Westminster system, being lied to by successive prime ministers, and how he eventually helped create the Office for Veterans Affairs, the mission he had set for himself after leaving the armed forces and entering the House of Commons in 2015.
Mercer, who lost his Plymouth seat to Labour in 2024, said he wrote No Way to Run a Country because he wants “better” people to pursue careers in British politics, saying he wished such a book existed when he first stood for election over a decade ago.
“I want them to know what it’s like and learn from my mistakes, of which there were plenty”, Mercer told the podcast.
Asked if he felt he had been a bad politician, he replied: “Terrible. I was terrible. I didn’t spend any time on relationships, and I wish I had because you get more done, and there’s some good people in there.
“I was pretty straight all the time, and I don’t think that’s always helpful, and I didn’t enjoy it. So no, I don’t think I was a very good politician. But ultimately, I changed the country.”
After serving, and then resigning, from Boris Johnson’s Conservative government, he was the first person to serve as veterans minister at cabinet level in the summer of 2022, a position he then held for two years under Rishi Sunak.
Referring to himself as just “a very ordinary bloke”, he spoke with pride about creating a new department which spends millions of pounds a year on the UK’s veterans community, and having “changed the law in this country on more than one occasion to better look after veterans”.
“If I can do that, imagine what someone who’s actually vaguely good at this stuff could actually do,” he said.
The former Conservative MP admitted he “torched relationships and friendships” during his time in Parliament, but said he found being a “pain in the arse” to be the most effective way of getting things done in Westminster.
“I’ll always think, could I have got more done in a more collegiate way, but I did try that, and I tried that a lot, and the truth is I got a lot more done when I made myself a pain in the arse.
“Because if you work collegiately, and then people turn around and do the opposite thing that they’ve said they were going to do, what are you supposed to do?
“So no, I tried both, and one was far more successful than the other.”
The Rundown is presented by Alain Tolhurst, and is produced and edited by Lulu Goad and Ewan Cameron for Podot
- Click here to listen to the full conversation with Johnny Mercer on the latest episode of The Rundown, or search for ‘PoliticsHome’ wherever you get your podcasts.
Politics
Steff Aquarone: dispatches from a Liberal Democrat fighting Reform
Steff Aquarone’s North Norfolk seat has a strong Liberal Democrat pedigree. His predecessor, Norman Lamb, represented the constituency for almost two decades before standing down in 2019, having defied the party’s collapse four years earlier at the 2015 general election.
In many ways then, Aquarone’s own electoral story is a familiar one. He unseated a Conservative incumbent in 2024 as part of the Liberal Democrat resurgence under Ed Davey, reclaiming a former party stronghold with a swing of 16.8 points. But the ground has shifted fast beneath him since then, and Aquarone now finds himself fighting a different kind of battle. “It is us or Reform in my constituency”, he tells me.
“I know it’s a Reform-facing seat, partly because of the local election results and polling, but partly because I knock on 100 doors a week. I get to hear about the sorts of things people are talking about.”
Reform UK did not finish second in any seat the Liberal Democrats won in 2024. But it finished third in 42 of them, including in North Norfolk.
The threat Reform poses in Aquarone’s pitch is personified by his constituency neighbour: the leader of Restore Britain and former Reform MP, Rupert Lowe. The Liberal Democrat leadership has spoken at length about the influence of Elon Musk on British politics, including at the party’s recent conference; Aquarone shares a seat boundary with the tech billionaire’s favourite British parliamentarian. No other Liberal Democrat MP neighbours an MP elected as a Reform candidate in 2024.
At the 2026 Norfolk County Council elections, Reform won 40 seats (up 38), finishing just three short of a majority. Great Yarmouth First, the local arm of Restore Britain, leapfrogged both the Conservatives and Labour to become the council’s fourth-largest party. The Liberal Democrats roughly held their ground, winning 13 seats and performing strongly in North Norfolk.
Significantly, Reform finished second in 12 of the 13 Liberal Democrat wins in Norfolk – including all seven of the party’s wins in North Norfolk.
Despite North Norfolk’s Liberal Democrat roots therefore – they also run the district council – the constituency does not conform to the modern stereotype of a party stronghold. The “Gail’s strategy” caricature does not apply here; in fact, the closest Gail’s is in Ely, Cambridgeshire, some 65 miles away. For Aquarone, a national strategy targeting the custodians of bourgeois bakeries simply will not do.
Representing a seat in arguably the most politically diverse part of the country comes with unlikely company. “There are issues around our coastline which unite occasionally even me and Rupert Lowe”, Aquarone admits.
“I agree with him that when there are marine disasters, the local member should be informed and kept up to date as a key stakeholder. Maybe we don’t agree on much beyond that, but we do agree on that.”
In purely geographical terms, Aquarone leads a politically isolated existence. It is some distance from his nearest Liberal Democrat colleague in, yes, Ely and East Cambridgeshire (Charlotte Cane). He is even further removed from the party’s southern centre of gravity – the orange corridor that runs from North Devon and Sidmouth up through Oxford, briefly encroaches on London, and reaches the coast again at Eastbourne.
As such, Aquarone’s fighting posture in North Norfolk tells a different – but no less significant – story about the future of the Liberal Democrats.
***
This conference season, Ed Davey has argued that Nigel Farage’s route to No 10 is paved with constituencies occupied by Liberal Democrat incumbents. In this rendering of Britain’s electoral landscape, Aquarone finds himself on the frontline.
There is a tactical rationale to Davey’s soaring anti-Reform rhetoric. This presentation – that Reform UK represents an existential threat to Britain – is designed to court left-leaning tactical voters and moderate Conservatives who fear the prospect of a Farage-led government. Aquarone endorses this framing, calling it “the choice voters will face in my country”.
But the thrust of our conversation revolves around whether the Liberal Democrats can balance a tactical message aimed at those alarmed by the march of Reform with a positive case for those persuaded by Farage’s platform, who might yet be convinced not to vote for it.
Aquarone, a former councillor, brings the same hyper-local instincts as any Liberal Democrat to his exclave in East Anglia. This doorstep work shapes his approach to immigration, an issue he insists the party cannot afford to ignore.
Aquarone believes that to “dodge” the issue of immigration would be “irresponsible.” He praises the Liberal Democrat home affairs spokesperson, Max Wilkinson, for “starting to speak up about what a liberal solution to stopping the boats looks like. It’s vital for credibility for the first start.”
The liberal answer, he argues, is re-establishing legal routes for asylum, so that the state can “justify being far, far more forceful on our coastal borders”.
Aquarone explains: “Beneath a lot of the bluster and rhetoric and rumour around immigration is a genuine concern which I share about how incompetent this country has become at maintaining the pretence that it’s controlling its borders.
“No matter who’s coming across the channel, no matter how many migrants we have… there’s this sense that things aren’t working, and the sense of unfairness and injustice that’s fuelling some of the more severe responses to migration is also because it seems like nothing’s working in this country.”
That sense of dysfunction, Aquarone maintains, is felt acutely in coastal communities like those in North Norfolk. “Reform are right about one thing: that this country isn’t working”, he says. “What I fear is their solution of total trash and burn is not going to work any better for anyone, apart from perhaps some people who are interested in deregulating cryptocurrency.”
What the Liberal Democrats offer instead, Aquarone argues, is a “belief in radicalism, in rebuilding things, rewiring things, reworking things.”
He adds: “I think that for Reform-leaning people, I find myself totally agreeing with the circumstances. This country does not have a fair tax burden. It is not fair that certain communities do not get equal access to healthcare, to education, to training, to opportunity…
“We have to take these concerns seriously – but it’s my job as a Liberal MP, hell-bent on changing this country, to show that creative destruction, not just destruction for its own sake, is what’s needed at this point in time.”
When asked what the country at large requires, Aquarone has a formulation in mind. “I think we need a progressive Thatcher in British politics within the next 10 years who’s prepared to have the vision”, he says.
“That’s the problem that Liberal Democrats have. We’ve got to get over this idea that we’re wet or weak. I want to see strong liberalism – one that’s prepared to make difficult choices and face down vested interests.”
Aquarone saw Thatcher as someone who grabbed the “apparatus of the state” and made it work to serve a vision. “As I say, I think she broke a lot of stuff, and I think she created untold harm and damage because I did not share her political vision. But we need somebody with that degree of conviction.”
This prescription ties into Aquarone’s analysis of state failure. “This place is run by very clever people”, he says. “They’re not scheming or scurrilous, but the degree of compliance and conformity is incredibly overwhelming and overpowering. This is a place built on conformity and the repression of change and innovation.”
Aquarone insists that his party’s current role, under the first past the post electoral system, must be more measured: growing its 72 seats. “Then we get to talk about all this bigger stuff”, he adds.
Nevertheless, Aquarone’s emphasis on vision arguably colours how he reviews the more theatrical side of recent Liberal Democrat campaigns. As a candidate contesting a target seat with 40 miles of coastline, you will not be surprised to learn Aquarone found himself in the water alongside his leader in 2024. “I just thought that whole campaign was exactly what the country needed, and we were rewarded by it, especially at the time”, he says.
But this era, he suspects, has passed. “I think the stunts have kind of gone.” Now, he says, “part of what we are afforded to do, as long as we keep our seats and grow our numbers, is talk about our vision for the country.”
***
Until recently, Aquarone served as chair of the Liberal Democrats parliamentary party – an internally elected post with, by his own description, mostly modest formal power. Aquarone chose not to seek re-election, handing the role to his colleague Roz Savage earlier this month.
I ask him about his own election in September 2025, against Anna Sabine, then Ed Davey’s parliamentary private secretary (PPS). Some observers read the contest as a proxy battle between backbenchers and leadership. Aquarone rejects the framing. “I wasn’t a backbench steward, and Anna wasn’t a leadership stooge. So none of those, none of those sort of caricatures is true.
He adds: “There was definitely some motivation – not to stick it to the leadership at all – but to be able to have someone who wasn’t perhaps associated with them.”
Aquarone’s role, he explains, was mainly administrative. His chief responsibility was to chair a meeting for an hour and a half a week of Liberal Democrat MPs. But his tenure also coincided with an important moment in the party’s recent history. Going from 11 MPs to 72 almost overnight following the 2024 general election, he argues, demanded infrastructure the party simply did not have in place. “I was pleased to play a role at the point in time when, after the sort of chaos of growth, there needs to be some codification, some establishment of process, a little bit of tinkering with the balances, and I was glad to have that opportunity”, he says.
The role, as he describes it, faces in two directions at once, providing something of a bridge between backbench colleagues and the leadership. Asked whether he found himself a conduit for colleagues’ frustrations, he demurs: “A bit, but not much.”
The party, he says, has “plenty of ways in which colleagues can vent their anger and upset at what things that they think the party should or shouldn’t be doing.”
He adds: “Was I at the coalface of all of the grumbling about the stunts? No, I’m glad to say I wasn’t. But I saw that as an indication that colleagues needed to feel heard in general, not that the stunts should stop or Ed Davey should be dispossessed of his wetsuit or anything.”
His proudest achievement in the post, he says, was commissioning a “skills audit” of Liberal Democrat MPs – mapping the professional backgrounds and expertise of a much-enlarged parliamentary party. He suggests that the scramble of a sudden intake left some colleagues feeling under-appreciated. “I think not feeling perhaps as though that was sort of known or seen or understood was perhaps where some of the frustration was coming from.”
Asked what the Liberal Democrats must do before the next general election, Aquarone once again calls for a clear sense of conviction. He points to the need for sharper positions on “uncomfortable questions” regarding tax, welfare, defence and Britain’s place in the world, as well as a clear engagement with the trade-offs involved. His own contribution in our conversation is on offshore tax evasion, which he calls “a sitting prize for anyone prepared to see it through”.
Aquarone concludes: “For me, we’ve got to be bold and radical about the extent of change this country needs. I’d like to see a Lib Dem position on every issue of salience.”
Politics
Tom Cruise Opens Up About Digger Transformation And Prosthetics
Tom Cruise has insisted it was no walk in the park to undergo the physical transformation required for his latest film role.
During a new interview on The Graham Norton Show, the Oscar nominee opened up about what went into making his new movie Digger – including six hours’ worth of makeup and prosthetics work.
“Let me make it clear – none of that is me!” he quipped. “The makeup was taking so long that I decided to get it down from six hours to one – it was like a ballet getting everything in place.”

“It was just like Formula 1,” he added, joking: “I had someone else hold the stopwatch!”
Speaking more generally about the role, Tom teased: “My character is outrageous and unpredictable. He says things that others may be thinking and never say.”
He continued: “It’s a timeless story about power, greed, and ego framed in a very timely manner by Alejandro G. Iñárritu – one of the greatest filmmakers of all time.
“I’ve never read a script like it, and I have never seen a character like Digger.”

Details about Digger are largely being kept under wraps until its release – but what we do know is that it’s about a fictitious figure described as the “most powerful man in the world”, who is called on to prevent a disaster of his own making before it destroys the world.
Co-starring John Goodman, Sandra Hüller, Jesse Plemons and Riz Ahmed, the film was helmed by Alejandro G. Iñárritu, whose past work includes the Oscar-winning Birdman and The Revenant.
Tom is already at the centre of Oscar buzz for his performance in the disaster movie, although early reactions on social media indicate that the film itself could be about to become one of 2026’s most divisive big-screen offerings.
Watch Tom Cruise’s full interview on The Graham Norton Show on Friday 25 September at 10.40pm on BBC One. Digger hits cinemas on Friday 2 October.
Politics
Senior Tory Criticised Over Benefit Cut Proposal
A senior Tory was told “you don’t like poor people” as she was monstered over her party’s plans to slash welfare.
Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch said the long-term unemployed who haven’t contributed enough tax into the system will see their Universal Credit payments cut by nearly a third if she becomes prime minister.
The new “subsistence level” benefit they do receive would be loaded onto a pre-payment card, which would ban spending on cigarettes, alcohol and betting.
Shadow work and pensions secretary Helen Whately defended the policy on BBC Question Time on Thursday.
She said: “Fundamentally, we have a problem that our welfare bill is out of control and we can’t afford it as a country.
“We also have a problem of people who are long-term unemployed, and I’m talking about people who should be working but aren’t.”
Whately insisted the policy was “about stopping people living a lifestyle on welfare”.
But she was condemned by business secretary Jonathan Reynolds, who accused the Tories of reheating the policies of some of their previous leaders.
He said: “You can tell how old you are by how many times you’ve heard Tory MPs announce this policy before.
“Iain Duncan Smith announced this, I’m pretty sure William Hague might have mentioned it. You can probably go back to Michael Howard.
“The reason you never do it is that frankly there is no evidence to suggest unemployed people spend all their money on fags and booze. It just isn’t there.”
To applause from the audience, he added: “It’ll never happen. It’s just a way of you saying you don’t like poor people.”
Listen to Commons People, the podcast that makes politics easy. Every week, Kevin Schofield and Kate Nicholson unpack the week’s biggest stories to keep you informed. Join us for straightforward analysis of what’s going on at Westminster.
Politics
Politics Home Article | No choice but childhood

Health Surveillance Assistant Dingase measures 8-month-old Sosten’s arms while his mother, Leah, holds him outside their home in Northern Malawi. Photo credit: UNICEF/UNI919830/Elephant.
Investing in childhood and supporting the most vulnerable children around the world isn’t just the right thing to do – it’s one of the smartest choices the UK government can make
Childhood is being cut short by conflict, eroded by poverty and harmed by climate change. With a new Prime Minister and Cabinet, the government must take the opportunity to put children at the top of its foreign policy and international development agenda.
Children are among those most affected by aid reductions worldwide. Without a deliberate and strategic focus on children within the FCDO, spending decisions will ignore their unique needs and vulnerabilities. It’s vital that UK development policy prioritises children’s rights, wellbeing and access to essential services.
The UK has contributed towards significant progress for children globally. But cuts to UK aid will undermine these efforts. In 2024, 4.9 million children died before their 5th birthday – almost half in their first month of life.
While official statistics will be released next March, early modelling predicts that 2025 will be the first year this decade that the under-5 mortality rate increases. UK Official Development Assistance (ODA) allocations published in March reveal that more than half of current funding to African countries will end by 2028-29, despite these being the countries facing the highest burden of child mortality.
Countries like Malawi, which has some of the highest mortality rates in the world, stand to lose 90 per cent of their UK ODA funding. This will undoubtedly have a detrimental impact on health systems that are working to protect children from infectious disease.
Humanitarian funding has been cut by 20 per cent at a time when there are more children impacted by conflict than ever before. One in five children are living in conflict – that’s one in five childhoods upended by fear, violence and displacement.
The climate crisis is a child rights crisis. 1.1 billion children globally are exposed to at least three climate hazards. Climate driven health risks, such as infectious diseases, threaten children’s survival while increasing pressure on health systems that impact economic stability and resilience for all. Sustained child-focused UK investment and leadership is critical.
Investing in children has one of the best returns on investment. Vaccinated children who are in education, well-nourished and protected from conflict and climate shocks are more likely to grow into adults who contribute to society, drive economic growth, and support a more stable world.
Every £1 invested in children through ODA leads to £10 in benefits to their community. Cutting aid does the opposite and risks reversing decades of progress on child immunisation, health, nutrition, and education. The UK must not allow progress to row back any further.
Children don’t choose to be born into conflict, hunger or poverty. But the UK government can choose how to respond. UNICEF UK is calling on the government to choose childhood and prioritise children in its international approach by investing at least 25 per cent of the ODA budget on childhood, with a focus on health, nutrition, and education.
If caring about childhood is ‘yes’ in principle, it should be ‘yes’ in practice. By choosing childhood, we can build better futures for children and help make childhood unstoppable.
Please join us at our stall, at Stand H3, in the Exhibition Hall at Labour Party Conference to learn about UNICEF UK’s work to protect children’s rights around the world.
Politics
I Thought Parents Could Solve Their Kids’ Screen Time Troubles. I Was Wrong
Before I spent 13 weeks interviewing experts about children and screens, I was convinced the rules existed.
Someone had them. Some brilliant researcher, psychologist, educator or parenting expert had cracked the code and could tell me exactly how much screen time was acceptable for an 11-year-old with ADHD and anxiety.
I wanted a number. I wanted a schedule. I wanted someone with several impressive letters after their name to say: Let him have this many minutes. Turn it off at this exact time. Allow these activities. Block these apps. Follow these steps and his attention, sleep, mental health and development will all be fine. Your child will develop a healthy relationship with technology and never scream, “BUT I WASN’T DONE!” when the timer goes off.
Instead, after 13 weeks of conversations with internationally recognised experts, I had accumulated a notebook full of nuance, a phone full of additional research and approximately 700 new questions.
The 13 weeks of interviews were both a professional project and a very personal attempt to understand how I could protect and guide my own son. I am a neurodivergent single mother raising an 11-year-old son with ADHD and anxiety. Screens are not a simple subject in our house because my child’s relationship with technology is not simple.
Technology gives him access to things that are genuinely good for him.
He can explore an interest for hours, teach himself how something works, create, problem-solve and connect with other kids. He can experience competence in digital spaces on days when the nondigital world has mostly reminded him about the things he forgot, misplaced or failed to finish.
A screen can help him regulate after holding himself together through an exhausting school day.
It can also make the next transition approximately 4,000 times harder.

FOTOGRAFIA INC. via Getty Images
The same game that gives him connection and confidence can become the thing he cannot stop playing. The same video that teaches him something fascinating can lead directly into 36 more videos selected by an algorithm that has never once said, “You know what? That’s probably enough for today.”
Technology can be a tool, an accommodation, an escape, a social space, a creative outlet and a complete pain in my ass. Sometimes it is all of those things before dinner.
That is why generic screen-time advice has never completely worked for us. “Just take the device away” sounds simple until the device is also where his schoolwork lives.
“Let him experience the natural consequence” sounds reasonable until the natural consequence is missing an assignment posted on one of several platforms I was apparently supposed to check.
“Encourage offline interests” is wonderful advice. We do. But offline interests do not erase the fact that his friends communicate online, his teachers assign work online and much of the world he is learning to navigate exists online.
I cannot raise him for a childhood that no longer exists. I also cannot pretend every digital experience is harmless just because technology is unavoidable.
So when I began those 13 weeks of expert conversations, I was looking for certainty. What I found was context.
Not all screen time is the same. Twenty minutes spent creating something is not necessarily equivalent to 20 minutes of passive scrolling.
Talking to a real friend is different from interacting with a chatbot designed to imitate one.
A video that helps a child understand a maths concept is different from an endless feed engineered to remove every natural stopping point.
The same digital activity can also affect two children very differently. That is particularly important in neurodivergent families. A child who struggles with impulse control, transitions, time awareness or immediate rewards may experience certain technology differently from a child who can easily put down a device when asked.
Even within the same child, the answer can change. A game might be fine on Saturday morning and disastrous after a long school day when his nervous system has already used every available coping skill. A video might help him decompress one evening and keep him awake another. A device might support learning during school and completely derail homework 20 minutes later.
I kept waiting for the experts to remove the uncertainty. Instead, they kept giving me more things to consider. What is he doing on the screen? How does he feel while he is using it? How does he respond when it is time to stop? Is it replacing sleep, movement, responsibilities or connection? Is it helping him participate in his life, or helping him avoid it?
Those are good questions. Considering them also requires much more work than setting a timer. A universal limit would have been easier. I could have followed it, enforced it and congratulated myself on being a responsible mother. Context requires me to pay attention.
It asks me to notice patterns, adjust expectations and accept that a rule that worked last month may suddenly fail because my child changed, the platform changed or some developer introduced a new feature designed to make leaving less appealing.
And there it was again: responsibility returning to the parent.
Create the family media plan. Research the app. Check the privacy settings. Activate the parental controls. Monitor the messages. Watch for behavioural changes. Know what the algorithm might show them. Keep up with every new platform, feature, threat, trend and workaround. Then repeat the entire process every time something updates.
At some point, I began to wonder whether I was researching healthy screen boundaries or training to become my family’s unpaid trust-and-safety department.
This work rarely looks dramatic. It looks like standing in the kitchen reading app reviews while pasta water boils over. It looks like researching whether a chatbot is safe after your child is asleep. It looks like receiving another school notification while you are trying to work and checking a screen-time report from the supermarket car park.
It looks like attempting to remember which parental-control PIN belongs to which device while your child stares at you like you are the sole obstacle standing between him and happiness. It is dozens of tiny decisions scattered across the day. And like so much invisible family labour, it frequently lands on mothers.
A 2026 Pew Research Center survey found that in different-sex couples where both parents work full time, 52% said the mother performs more parenting tasks. Only 10% said the father does more. Full-time working mothers were also roughly twice as likely as fathers to say they frequently manage parenting responsibilities while working.
The survey did not specifically ask who stays up late researching whether a child’s new app allows strangers to send private messages. I have some theories.
Mothers are told that good parenting requires vigilance. We should know what our children are watching, who they are talking to, what they are searching for and how long they have been online.
If our kids spend too much time on screens, we have failed to establish boundaries. If they are excluded socially because they cannot use the platforms their friends use, we have failed to understand their world. If something harmful reaches them, we should have been monitoring them more closely. If we monitor too closely, we invade their privacy and prevent independence.
Cool. That seems manageable.
For most of my 13-week campaign, I believed the solution was for parents to become better at this impossible job. Then California enacted a package of 13 laws addressing technological risks to children.
The measures address multiple parts of children’s digital lives, including addictive social-media features, AI companion chatbots, AI-enabled toys and school-issued devices.
Assembly Bill 1709 prohibits covered platforms from providing addictive features to users younger than 16 and requires them to take reasonable measures to keep those features away from young users. The legislation does not merely focus on what children view. It addresses how platforms are designed to keep them engaged, including features such as addictive feeds and autoplay.
Senate Bill 1119 requires operators of companion chatbots to assess and mitigate risks to children. It includes requirements involving crisis responses, advertising, children’s data, accessible safety controls and independent audits.
The laws are not perfect. Age-verification systems create legitimate privacy concerns. Restrictions can have unintended consequences for disabled children, LGBTQ+ youth and other young people who rely on online communities for information, accessibility and connection.
Technology companies will challenge regulations. Enforcement will be complicated. New risks will appear faster than lawmakers can name them. But reading about those laws, I felt something I had not experienced during my entire search for the perfect screen-time rules. Relief. Not because California had solved the problem. It had acknowledged who created it.
For once, the official response was not simply another list of things parents should do. Lawmakers were placing responsibility on the companies designing the products. That distinction matters.
Parents absolutely have a role in helping children develop a healthy relationship with technology. I am not suggesting we hand an 11-year-old an unrestricted phone, wish him luck and blame Silicon Valley for everything that happens next.
But no amount of excellent parenting can transform a deliberately persuasive product into a neutral one. No timer can eliminate an algorithm designed to anticipate what will hold a child’s attention next. No family media plan can make a chatbot safe if the company operating it has not adequately assessed how it affects a vulnerable child.
We have been treating children’s technology as a private parenting challenge when it is also a product-design and public-policy problem.
I spent 13 weeks talking to experts because I believed the right rules would remove my uncertainty. What I learned is that uncertainty is part of parenting a real child in a rapidly changing digital world.
We still need boundaries. But we also need products designed with children’s well-being in mind. We need meaningful default protections, transparent data practices, independent safety testing and laws that recognize parents cannot personally outsmart every algorithm placed in front of their children.
Most importantly, we need to stop treating every digital risk as evidence that a mother somewhere failed to pay enough attention. No mother can personally monitor every interaction occurring inside every device while also working, cooking dinner, answering school emails and occasionally attempting to use the bathroom alone. I can set boundaries without pretending those boundaries are powerful enough to correct every decision made by a multibillion-dollar technology company.
I never found the perfect screen-time rules. But I finally stopped believing their absence made me a bad mother.
Danielle Kelly is a neurodivergent writer, single mother and host of Chaos & Caffeine, an ADHD parenting podcast reaching more than 10,000 monthly downloads. She writes honestly about raising her 11-year-old son with ADHD and anxiety while navigating the beautiful, exhausting reality of neurodivergent family life.
Do you have a compelling personal story you’d like to see published on HuffPost? Find out what we’re looking for here and send us a pitch at pitch@huffpost.com.
Politics
Foods That May Benefit Children With ADHD, According To Psychiatrist
We know a healthy, balanced diet can benefit people with attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) – particularly children – and might even improve some of their symptoms.
It’s estimated almost 882,000 children in the UK have ADHD, which is typically characterised by symptoms such as struggling to pay attention, hyperactivity and impulsive behaviour.
Once diagnosed, it’s typically managed with lifestyle changes (like prioritising activity and healthy eating), adaptations at school and at home, and/or medication.
But are there specific foods you should be aiming to prioritise in their diets to manage overall wellbeing?

ADHD is widely considered a neurodevelopmental disorder, which means it affects how the brain develops. Dr Kripalani highlighted that the brain needs nutrients including iron, zinc, magnesium, vitamin D and omega-3 to function properly.
Yet research suggests people with ADHD might be more prone to deficiencies in omega-3 fatty acids, zinc, magnesium, and iron, compared to those without ADHD.
Iron, zinc and magnesium are all involved “in regulating or making the neurotransmitters that affect attention and concentration”, according to UCLA Health, while omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids “show promise for improving hyperactivity, impulsivity and attention”.
“ADHD is a complex condition, and diet isn’t a treatment in itself but it can help,” Dr Mukesh Kripalani, a consultant psychiatrist at The ADHD Centre, told HuffPost UK.
Dr Michael Milobsky, a father-of-seven and paediatrician, shared a video in which he discussed which foods specifically might be beneficial for children with ADHD.
In his view, it’s important to offer red meat for iron, which he said is “the building block for dopamine” (ADHD may be linked to the dysfunction of dopamine); pumpkin seeds “for zinc and magnesium”; and plain Greek yoghurt for protein, which “can help maintain focus”.
We know fruit and veg is important generally for health – and it might be crucial for limiting ADHD symptom severity, too. One study suggested eating fewer fruits and veggies was associated with more severe ADHD symptoms. So, prioritising those five-a-day is (as always) key.
“Eating a balanced diet with plenty of protein, such as eggs, fish, yoghurt, beans and lentils; alongside vegetables, wholegrains, nuts and seeds is a good place to start,” said Dr Kripalani. “Oily fish is also a good source of omega-3.”
Oily fish, like salmon, mackerel, sardines and fresh tuna, can be an acquired taste at the best of times, so it might help to disguise these in fishcakes, homemade fish fingers or pasta dishes.
Pumpkin seeds could be ground and sprinkled on porridge or yoghurt, or mixed into pancake batter or homemade muffins.
Children with ADHD who struggle with impulsivity may be prone to binge-snacking on sugary foods which can increase blood sugar levels and worsen their ADHD symptoms. While it’s not really about cutting these out, moderation is key.
“There isn’t good evidence that everyone with ADHD needs to avoid sugar or particular foods. However, it’s important not to underestimate the importance of following a healthy diet,” said Dr Kripalani.
He ended: “Eating regularly and not relying too heavily on ultra-processed foods and sugary drinks is much more useful than following a restrictive ‘ADHD diet’.”
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Ed Davey: how the middling have fallen
Ed Davey is a twat. Everyone knows that.
Many still believe the Lib Dem leader has sub-postmasters’ blood on his hands, thanks to his sorry role as minister for postal affairs at the height of the Post Office scandal. Be that as it may, his recent catalogue of woeful adventures in toytown politics is of a much softer hue – and would make a delightful bath-safe vinyl picture book for younger children.
Look! Ed is on his paddleboard! Splosh! Oh no – Ed is in the lake! And has thus ironically raised the sewage level above the approved safety limit. (Acceptable level of Daveys in British lake water? 0 ppm.) His bungee-jumping escapade made Boris Johnson – waving his little Union Jack as he dangled like a sack of laundry from a jammed zip wire – look like Lord Palmerston accepting the Prussian surrender (not an actual historical event) by comparison.
If this week’s annual party conference in Brighton was anything to go by, Davey is getting worse. His feeble attempts to invoke the spectre of fascism in the wake of the illegal-migration protests in Dover and Portsmouth, before leading a chant of ‘We Care! We Fight!’ that would barely have woken a sleeping janitor, were hard to watch.
It ‘feels different this time’, he warned darkly of those protests. Well, yes it does – but not (as Davey claims) because immigration concerns are being amplified by Elon Musk, the new Moriarty or Fu Manchu of the Lib Dem imagination. Rather, what ‘feels different’ is the more than 200,000 people who have entered the country illegally since 2018, the ‘Boriswave’ of nearly four million legal migrants since 2021, the exodus of many thousands of Brits over the same period, and the sudden, almost violent reconfiguration of our demography, our high streets and our schools.
This is what is alarming people, not Elon Musk’s tweets. It’s the collapse of the share of the native population in our major cities to below half. It’s areas like the Lake District – where no significant Muslim population exists – accommodating huge mosques, like grappling hooks from which the population hoping to worship in them can then be winched into place. The past few years, especially for residents of places like Crowborough and now Piddington, have been vastly more horrific than the most alarmist projections that past anti-immigration campaigners felt able to throw at the wall and hope to make stick.
So-called centrists should at least be centred. Yet Davey is perhaps the most eccentric, off-beam figure in the entire House of Commons.
His vibe at the Lib Dem conference was desperate. He called to mind a beleaguered deputy headmaster of a failing school, in the final scene of a comic novel by Kingsley Amis or perhaps Michael Frayn, gallantly trying to wrap up the annual prize-giving with the unpopular school hymn, pressing on unawares while scenes of a hilariously cascading catastrophe unfold behind him.
Given that they have always been regarded as something of a joke, it is remarkable to consider how far the Lib Dems have fallen. In the bad old days, when such things were both infra dig and technically illegal, the Liberals often seemed to attract the politically ambitious who sadly had a lot to lose should their private lives come under too much scrutiny. David Steel’s 12 years as leader – from 1976 to 1988 – were at least free from the kind of notoriety that Jeremy Thorpe had brought to the party.
I remember it being all too easy to characterise the Liberals’ conferences in that decade as preoccupied with legalising Class-B drugs and other student-activist concerns. Then the arrival of the Social Democratic Party – which would later merge with the Liberals to form the Lib Dems – elevated their esteem to a degree it is easy to forget. Steel’s rallying cry from the 1981 SDP / Liberal Alliance conference – ‘Go back to your constituencies and prepare for government!’ – sounds pathetic in hindsight, but, without the Falklands War, it is not inconceivable that they might have been in with a shout.
Then came Paddy Ashdown. Regardless of his own blind spots and occasional misjudgements, this was a leader of such gravitas, experience, confidence, proven nerve and character that I am tempted to say that he was like Hyperion to a satyr next to Ed Davey. After he left the House of Commons, Ashdown was a plausible candidate for the secretary-general of NATO. Davey would hardly be credible as a candidate for moderator on Mumsnet. His main experience of the North Atlantic would be falling in it.
Charles Kennedy, too, was a man for whom I am unapologetic in my admiration. Though he was well to the left of me politically, his sharpness (when sober) was never less than impressive. The speed with which he responded to a facetious suggestion from Billy Bragg on Question Time – that he join forces with Boris Johnson – was, I think, the single most quick-witted reply I’ve ever seen on that show. The last Kennedy–Johnson ticket, he said, had proven inauspicious.
Tragically – I think that is not too big a word – Kennedy’s drinking problem did for him, and the subsequent loss of his seat to Ian Blackford in 2015 was a disaster, if only because it brought to parliament the biggest windbag in Scotland (and I include in that category actual bagpipes).
Since then, it has been like watching once plucky contenders for a Champions League place start to slip down into the lower tiers. Although still popular among certain bien-pensant constituencies in the south-west that have yet to be ‘Piddingtoned’, Davey is now widely regarded as a joke outside of his clique. And, judging by the lack of enthusiasm with which the Lib Dems joined in his painfully weak ‘We Care! We Fight!’ chant, increasingly within it, too.
How the middling have fallen.
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Gosport protests: how the migrant crisis ripped up the social contract
The post Gosport protests: how the migrant crisis ripped up the social contract appeared first on spiked.
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