Politics
Associate Membership: What might work across the Atlantic is unlikely to work across the Channel
Fabian Zuleeg argues that even if Canada becoming an Associate Member of the EU is successful, which depends on it becoming an ambitious, clearly defined and well-managed structure, it is not a future model for the future UK-EU relationship.
The very ambition that could make Associate Membership meaningful for Canada makes it difficult for Britain. A successful EU–Canada partnership could instead provide the kernel for a broader alliance of like-minded countries.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has proposed that Canada should become the EU’s first “Associate Member”. If there is to be a first, presumably there can be a second, so why not the United Kingdom?
Geopolitically, the case is compelling. The UK is a large European democracy, one of the continent’s most important military powers and a crucial supporter of Ukraine. Economically, the EU and UK remain deeply interdependent. They face the same threat from Russia, similar challenges from China, instability in the European neighbourhood and growing uncertainty about the future direction of the United States.
Indeed, the geopolitical logic is in some respects even stronger than for Canada.
Yet the reaction in Britain has been telling. Associate Membership is simultaneously dismissed by some as an empty label and viewed by others as potentially offering Canada the kind of bespoke relationship the UK could not secure after Brexit. Both cannot be true. But the reaction illustrates how difficult the politics would be.
The rapidly changing geopolitical environment already requires the EU and UK to move beyond managing Brexit towards systematically defining and acting on shared strategic priorities. But that does not necessarily make Associate Membership the right vehicle.
The terminology is difficult, even for the EU and Canada, let alone the UK. Inside the EU, governments question what membership means if a non-European country can become an Associate Member without being part of the Union or its established enlargement process. The term membership invokes notions of shared sovereignty and decision-making under the EU treaties but this is not on offer. For Canada, it could imply a relationship with the EU that goes further politically and institutionally than many Canadians envisage.
Regardless of the label, the immediate priority must be to ensure that Associate Membership represents a genuinely meaningful form of integration. It needs ambitious content, clearly defined rights and obligations and credible governance.
It should encompass economic security, defence and defence production, trade, technology, energy, critical minerals, finance and democratic resilience. It must also specify where cooperation means coordination and where it entails common rules, institutions or sovereignty-sharing. Without this, Canada’s Associate Membership risks becoming another impressive European announcement that delivers little in practice.
However, the starting point for the UK is very different. Canada is seeking to diversify trade away from the United States and towards Europe. There are also substantial complementarities, including energy, critical minerals and other resources. The British position is fundamentally different. The EU is already the UK’s most important economic partner. The challenge is not diversification but reintegration after deliberate disintegration. That makes defensive economic interests and distributional conflicts much more likely to predominate.
Most importantly, the UK was a full member for 47 years. It did not merely cooperate with EU decision-making. It participated in it. Any meaningful Associate Membership would inevitably involve accepting common rules, constraints and institutions without regaining an equivalent vote over their creation.
The EU has its own sensitivities. It remains wary of British cherry-picking and “cakeism”. Both sides need greater flexibility, but differentiated integration also has to protect the integrity of the EU.
The Withdrawal Agreement and Trade and Cooperation Agreement add another layer of complexity, as do the slow, incremental steps towards closer cooperation since Brexit. EU–UK relations already have a dense legal and political architecture that cannot simply be replaced by a new label.
What might work across the Atlantic is therefore unlikely to work across the Channel. Even if Associate Membership proves successful, it should not simply be replicated for Britain.
Yet the geopolitical logic behind EU–Canada integration applies in spades to the UK. The problem is the institutional vehicle, not the strategic imperative.
A successful EU–Canada Associate Membership should provide the kernel for a broader Economic Security Alliance (ESA) of like-minded countries.
Such an Alliance would provide a mechanism through which liberal democracies can collectively manage economic interdependence in an era of coercion and systemic rivalry. The EU, UK and Canada could form its core, alongside other like-minded partners such as Norway, Japan, Australia and South Korea.
Its purpose would go far beyond free trade. Members could coordinate investment screening and export controls, secure critical supply chains and infrastructure, cooperate on critical technologies and data, integrate aspects of defence procurement and finance, and develop collective responses to economic coercion. They should also work together to uphold and, wherever possible, defend the global rule of law and multilateral system on which open economies and liberal democracies continue to depend.
This would not mean cooperation without obligations. Deeper integration must entail common rules, governance and reciprocal commitments. But these would be negotiated collectively among participating countries rather than constructed as a lesser version of EU membership.
The UK would not be returning as a second-class member of an organisation it chose to leave. It would be joining the EU, Canada and other like-minded countries in building a new structure designed for a new geopolitical era.
For the EU, this would avoid muddying the waters for Ukraine, Moldova, the Western Balkans and others seeking actual EU membership. Associate Membership should not become a convenient substitute for enlargement where full membership has been promised.
Associate Membership therefore needs to succeed on its own terms. It must become an ambitious, substantive new relationship between Canada and the EU, not another label in search of content. It makes sense to strengthen bilateral political cooperation, quickly, whatever label is applied.
But what might work across the Atlantic is unlikely to work across the Channel.
Its significance for Britain could instead be to demonstrate what deeper integration among like-minded democracies can achieve, providing the kernel for an Economic Security Alliance in which the EU, UK, Canada and others participate as partners to convert convergence in strategic interests into collective power.
By Fabian Zuleeg, Chief Executive and Chief Economist at the European Policy Centre.
Politics
Why was a male flasher allowed on a women’s psychiatric ward?
Back in the day, if a male hospital patient wanted to show his willy to female patients, he had to be cunning about it. First, he’d have to get past the nursing sisters. If caught, he’d be back on the male ward – under a stern matron – before you could say: ‘Put that away, sir.’ Probably flanked by a couple of burly hospital porters.
Today, a man need only say he is a woman to access a female ward – and even showing his fellow patients his crown jewels may not be enough to get him removed.
Think I’m exaggerating? A doctor is bringing legal action against Greater Manchester Mental Health NHS Foundation Trust after a bearded male patient with ‘full male genitalia’ was admitted to one of its women’s psychiatric wards. When women complained that he had exposed himself, he was moved to a male ward – only for trust managers allegedly to intervene and send him back.
Many of the women there had been detained against their will under the Mental Health Act 1983. This meant they couldn’t simply leave if they felt unsafe. Some were also victims of sexual violence.
Sadly, none of this surprises me. Having interviewed more than a dozen NHS employees for a recent Telegraph investigation, I’ve learned just how spineless their bosses can be.
One nurse raised concerns about a male colleague using the women’s changing room years before the Supreme Court ruled, in 2025, that ‘man’, ‘woman’ and ‘sex’ in the Equality Act refer to biological sex. After the ruling, the nurse’s trust instructed staff to use facilities corresponding to their sex. Yet even now the same man is still undressing alongside female colleagues. Apparently, his managers are still too gutless to tell him to get the hell out of the ladies’ changing room.
Elsewhere, a hospital receptionist I spoke to was subjected to an 18-month investigation after saying she did not believe transwomen were women. Cue months of Big Brother-style monitoring – including an allegation that she had been caught on CCTV removing ‘Introduction to Pronouns’ posters from hospital walls.
The internal documents that had been drawn up about the receptionist read like an ideological re-education programme. They describe her views as ‘worrying for somebody working in the NHS and patient-facing’. Emails speculate that she is a ‘TERF’ – a trans-exclusionary radical feminist. A definition circulated internally at the hospital claims TERFs believe transwomen are ‘actually men who are trying to invade women’s spaces’. It also characterises TERFs as having an ‘obsession with “biology”’. Somewhat ironic in a healthcare setting.
Even the Suffragette colours on her email profile were treated with suspicion. An LGBT network lead described them as ‘the TERF logo’ and demanded ‘immediate action’ to have them removed.
Many other NHS employees describe a ‘culture of fear’, wondering which colleagues it is safe to speak honestly around. A Pride lanyard or rainbow badge prompts caution, they say: might this be someone who objects to what they say – or to the basic truth that men cannot become women?
Several have seen colleagues who challenged trans ideology being pushed out – or so ground down that they left the NHS. The process is the punishment, of course. ‘I go to work, keep my head down and just try to stay out of trouble’, one ambulance worker told me.
While this culture of fear does not excuse the response at Greater Manchester, it may help explain how a man was returned to a female ward after behaviour that could potentially constitute a criminal offence. Whatever his mental state, exposing himself to female patients should have raised serious safeguarding concerns.
A ward manager reportedly pointed out that if a man wandered through the connecting corridor from the male ward into the female ward, there would be a ‘high-level investigation’. But if the same man says he is female, he can apparently be returned to the women’s ward – even after exposing himself to the women on that ward.
The senior psychiatrist bringing the legal action also asked whether a male member of staff who identified as a woman could be allowed to observe a vulnerable female patient showering, using the lavatory or changing a tampon. She says she was told that the female patient would have to advocate for herself and explain why she wanted same-sex care.
Meanwhile, when the male patient was placed back on the ward, the consultant in charge reportedly responded: ‘But what can you do about it?’ Well, quite a lot, actually. Unless you’re the kind of organisation that places men’s feelings above the safety, privacy and dignity of women.
Nearly 17 months after the Supreme Court clarified the meaning of sex in law, NHS leaders are still behaving as if the law is optional. Trans ideology may have been defeated in the courts, but the culture that produced this madness clearly lives on.
Politics
‘Britain is a dangerous place for anyone who thinks independently’
Poll after poll tells the same story: Britons are losing faith in their country, trust in their institutions and hope for the future. And no wonder. The economy is stagnant, the social fabric is fraying and politicians appear powerless to act. Mail on Sunday columnist Peter Hitchens was sounding the alarm over Britain’s decline long before it was fashionable to do so. He recently joined Brendan O’Neill on his podcast, The Brendan O’Neill Show, to discuss what has gone wrong, why and whether we might ever recover. What follows is an edited extract from the conversation. You can watch the full episode here.
Brendan O’Neill: Is there a danger that, as law and order breaks down, as Britain’s borders are no longer enforced, we will start to see more vigilante-style action, as we’ve seen in Portsmouth and Dover recently?
Peter Hitchens: If you don’t enforce the law, then people will try to enforce it themselves, and then you get chaos. I hate chaos and I am not sympathetic to chaos from whatever direction it comes because it’s terrifying. I’m marked for life by visits to Mogadishu when it was being run by the gangs some years ago. I’ve seldom been so totally abjectly terrified in my life as living in a city where there was no order and where anything could happen. If you didn’t have bodyguards with submachine guns, and if you didn’t live in a guarded compound, then you would probably be dead in the morning. This is what happens when chaos comes.
So I’m terrified by outbreaks of disorder and it really does gravely worry me. I’m also terrified of the micro-disorder that affects so many people. The sort of thing we’ve seen in Middlesbrough recently has nothing to do with politics. It is to do with the fact that authority, law, punishment, deterrence and respect for anything are just vanishing. A lot of this is driven by the drugs which have been effectively legalised for many years, after a very assiduous campaign by the liberal classes beginning in the 1960s.
O’Neill: What’s your view on the state of free speech in Britain?
Hitchens: In my first book, The Abolition of Britain, I quoted, as I often do, the editor of Oz in the 1960s, Richard Neville. He’s a very clever man and he said – and it’s always stuck in my mind – there is an inch of difference between the Labour Party and the Conservative Party, but it is in that inch of difference that we all live. The result of the Blairisation of the Conservative Party under David Cameron was that that inch closed, and one of the main features of life since the Cameron takeover has been an almost total collapse of true freedom of speech and thought.
Now, if like me you think that it’s not in Britain’s national interest to pursue war with Russia, then basically you’re treated as a traitor. There is no room for debate about this. Whereas all the previous conflicts and troubles of the post-war period – from Suez to Vietnam – it was perfectly legitimate for people who were patriots to say that they opposed these things, and they weren’t dismissed as traitors or told they were Lord Haw-Haw, or pumping out Russian propaganda, which I would never dream of doing. Now you are, and it’s quite extraordinary. Anybody who can think will find themselves very rapidly on the dangerous edge of things.
Well, that’s all right in a free society, but in a society that has almost entirely forgotten how to be free and doesn’t much want to be, it becomes increasingly alarming.
O’Neill: How much of this is down to the lingering influence of Covid authoritarianism?
Hitchens: I was accused of killing my own readers. On one occasion, I was actually specifically accused of helping to bring about the death of an individual who I had never met or heard of. It was extraordinary. I don’t know what the word really is for it, but Salem comes to Britain in many ways. Any lingering beliefs that I’d had that the British people had a special desire for liberty and a special readiness to stand up to authority were almost wholly dispelled by that period.
This is another thing about the use of what I do or say. Every few days, as it happens, somebody will approach me in Marks and Spencer or on the street and say, ‘I really wanted to say how grateful I am for what you said’ during what they still tend to call the lockdown. I call it The Panic. And I understand what they’re saying. They were really, really concerned that there was no other voice, that they were beginning to think they’d gone crazy because no one was saying anything publicly in opposition to it. By opposing it, I at least gave them some comfort and that to me is something I’m always very pleased about, because they really mean it and it obviously did make a difference. Imagine being in such a circumstance and there being no voice against it. So it is worth it, but it doesn’t achieve anything material.
Peter Hitchens was speaking to Brendan O’Neill. Watch the full episode of The Brendan O’Neill Show here:
Politics
Why is the Church of England fawning over a hardline Muslim?
When future historians comb through the wreckage of the woke era, for clues as to what went wrong, one artefact in particular will startle them. It’s a photograph. It was taken on the 25th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks. And it shows the Archbishop of Canterbury, Sarah Mullally, sporting a smug liberal grin as she hands an award for ‘interfaith cooperation’ to some big Muslim fella. Who is he? Only someone who once gushed over Osama bin Laden, even bestowing upon him the honorific of ‘Sword of Allah’ for his lifetime of ‘fighting for Islam’.
Take that in. On the 25th anniversary of the apocalyptic barbarism unleashed on America by Osama bin Laden and his fash ‘mujahideen’, the spiritual leader of the Church of England was rubbing shoulders with a one-time OBL praiser. As our American cousins wept for loved ones who were burnt alive by al-Qaeda, England’s top bishop was smirking in the company of a bloke who once celebrated al-Qaeda’s leader as a ‘mujahid’ loved by God. If you were to put such a scene in a novel satirising the suicidal lunacy of woke, your editor would chastise you for overkill.
The man in the pic is Hafiz Muhammad Tahir Mehmood Ashrafi. What he lacks in principle he more than makes up for with names. He’s chairman of the All Pakistan Ulema Council. The CofE’s justification for giving him the Hubert Walter Award for Reconciliation and Interfaith Cooperation is that he once intervened in the case of a Pakistani Christian girl who’d been falsely accused of blasphemy. It was ‘outstanding work’, chirped the church, demonstrating Ashrafi’s ‘unwavering commitment to promoting religious tolerance’. Are you on drugs? Does Lambeth Palace not have the internet? Did not one person in the archbishop’s orbit think to spend three minutes on Google to check if Ashrafi really is a drippy hippy in a smock?
If they had, they’d have discovered that ‘religious tolerance’ is not quite his bag. They’d have found that Ashrafi and his batshit council were so horrified when the ‘blasphemer’ Salman Rushdie was knighted in 2007 that they retaliated by exalting bin Laden. Ashrafi said at the time: ‘If a blasphemer can be given the title “Sir” by the West despite the fact that he’s hurt the feelings of Muslims’ – ya big baby! – ‘then a mujahid who has been fighting for Islam against the Russians, Americans and British must be given the lofty title of Islam: Saifullah.’
There are old news reports about Ashrafi’s tit-for-tat honouring of the Islamofascist butcher of al-Qaeda all over the internet. I don’t know what’s worse: the CofE’s spiritual lethargy or its digital incompetence. What’s more, while Ashrafi may have sided with a Christian girl being menaced by a mob of Koran-bashers, he still fervently backs Pakistan’s barbaric blasphemy law. ‘There is no problem with the law’, he said in 2012. This is a law that makes it a capital offence to diss Muhammad. It’s a law under which more than 2,000 people have been prosecuted since the 1980s. And Ashrafi is fine with it.
Lambeth Palace has now rescinded the award, citing Ashrafi’s ‘previous comments’. This is not good enough. It was a sickening betrayal of our American allies for the spiritual leader of the English church to use the anniversary of 9/11 to fawn over a man who once honoured bin Laden. And it was an act of moral treachery against the Christians of Pakistan. Imagine you’re a Pakistani follower of Christ, your beliefs violently hated by Islamo-nutters, and you see no less than the Archbishop of Canterbury gurning with a man who backs the laws that make your life a misery and a minefield. If the church has even the tiniest remaining fibre of moral decency, it won’t just withdraw the award: it will put the archbishop herself in front of the cameras to explain her grotesque moral failings.
Then there’s the photograph. Mark my words, it will one day be treated as a historic document of the West’s descent into the bottomless chasm of cultural relativism. Doolally Mullally hands the award to a grinning Ashrafi. His wife is in the pic too, but we have no idea what expression she is wearing because she is wrapped head to toe in the misogynist black bag called a niqab. You can just about see her eyes peeping through her ninja get-up. Much was made of Mullally being the first-ever female Archbishop of Canterbury, yet here she is smiling next to a woman whose sinful flesh has been cloaked upon the orders of Islamic obscurantism. It feels jarring, chilling.
What has become of the Church of England? One by one it has sacrificed its beliefs at the altar of woke. It has eased up on Hell, calling it a mere state of non-being rather than eternal torment. It started blessing same-sex unions but said it’s still ‘dishonourable’ to have gay sex. It later removed the word ‘dishonourable’. Confusing much? It has all but abandoned Christianity’s core belief – that Christ is the only route to salvation – and now says ‘God’s grace’ can be found in other religions, too. Presumably even in religions that stone to death apostates and put women in binbags. And it now obsessively flagellates itself over the long-gone crime of slavery, its hallowed halls having clearly been infiltrated by the whackjob cult of Western self-loathing.
Remember this image of one of the highest moral stewards in Christendom decorating a hardline Muslim cleric as his cloaked wife is barely able to look on. For it embodies, in all its grimness, the moral suicide of the West, our wilful immolation of our traditions and beliefs to appease the false god of multiculturalism. In more serious times, the archbishop would have considered his / her position following a spiritual scandal as vast and nauseating as this. Let’s see what Mullally does.
Politics
Politics Home Article | Hook, Hold, Harvest, Hide: how social media learned from gambling

AI generated image
Derek Webb explains the parallels between the business models of social media and online gambling – and the harms they can produce.
The opening salvo of the case by US states against Meta’s social media platforms for allegedly harming children included a fascinating description of their business model. The modus operandi of the Facebook and Instagram giant, prosecutors argued, could essentially be reduced to four stages: hook users, hold their attention, harvest their data, and hide the harms.
A Meta witness had reinforced the state’s “hide” case by being unwilling to disclose how many users had taken advantage of the so-called “protection” measures. The alleged unintended consequence was of course harm, and Meta agreed to pay up to $18bn (£13.3bn) to settle the claims.
This model seems eerily similar to the online gambling business. The adverts, free bonuses and spins are the hook. The repeated direct marketing and further offers are the hold. The use of algorithms and behavioural data is the harvest. The unwillingness to disclose how operators define and act on gambling risk, the “safer gambling” rhetoric, and the pretence that all is well, are the hide. The known consequence is the increasingly well-documented harm.
This similarity is no coincidence. Documents uncovered in earlier California litigation against Meta show a senior Meta data scientist warning that the drive to keep users returning could make its products more addictive, saying “think slot machines”.
Recent research shows how the harvest is allowed to continue despite the oversight of the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO), with nearly nine out of 10 British-licensed online gambling operators reportedly failing to comply with basic data law.
As with so many of the problems of the modern gambling market, we can trace the origins back to the Gambling Act 2005. The 2001 Budd report was the basis for the Act, which came into force in 2007 just as the first iPhones were being released. Budd recommended online gambling operators should maintain an onshore presence, including servers and registration in Britain, but these essential provisions failed to make it into the Act. It is doubtful those omissions would have been made without any sector lobbying.
This provided a valuable loophole gift to the gambling sector. It allowed companies to stay offshore and avoid UK taxes in “white-listed” locations such as Gibraltar and the Isle of Man while offering “white-label” sub-licences to questionable operators. These jurisdictions granted licences that allowed companies to enter markets with minimal scrutiny.
A recent report by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) says that illegal gambling has grown to rival the legal market in some countries, creating significant money laundering and terrorist financing risks. Another investigative report highlights the jurisdictions that support such transnational licensing.
Even licensed companies can find their products reaching British consumers through unlicensed operators. In July, a British licence holder, Evolution, agreed to pay almost £5m after its games were found to be used on unlicensed websites accessible here.
It also still infects our top tier football, with half of the Premier League clubs having sponsorship or advertising deals with unlicensed gambling companies. The unlicenced site Stake sponsors Everton FC, and Sunderland FC has signed a multi-year deal with the unlicensed crypto casino Shuffle. Stake and Shuffle are not legally available here.
Other illicit sites operate with near-impunity, ripping off the branding of companies such as Tesco and Barclays, as well as the faces of celebrities such as Lewis Hamilton and Tyson Fury without their consent.
Recent reporting suggests the GB licensed operator Bally’s, whose proposed acquisition of William Hill owner Evoke would make it a major high-street player, continues to benefit from millions of dollars from a previously sold Japanese facing business, serving a market where online casinos are illegal.
Earlier this year, the managing director of the Bally’s-owned operator Gamesys, Kane Purdy, was appointed as Chair of the trade body the Betting and Gaming Council which works with the government’s Illegal Gambling Task Force.
When we seek to crack down on British-facing illicit gambling, the history of acceptance of this behaviour by our licensees weakens our credibility and authority.
There are so many actual unintended consequences of the 2005 Act. Yet opponents of gambling reform invoke theoretical unintended consequences to argue against change. One of the objectives of the Act is that gambling should be “fair and open” – not that it should hook, hold, harvest, hide and harm.
There is an urgent need to get politics right on social media, crypto and AI. On gambling we let liberalisation and vested interests have priority over common sense and the public good twenty years ago. Under Andy Burnham, Labour has an opportunity to correct the mistakes. The Prime Minister’s planned reform of the “Aim to Permit” rule will be very welcome.
Politics
Politics Home | Usdaw urges the government not to break Labour’s manifesto commitment on secure guaranteed contracts

(Credit: Adobe Stock)
Retail trade union Usdaw has called on the government to honour Labour’s 2024 manifesto commitment of a guaranteed hours contract for everyone who wants one
Ministers are currently considering their response to a consultation on the details of the guaranteed hours contract part of the Employment Rights Act, but have already expressed a preference to narrow the right to workers contracted for less than 20 hours – this threshold does not meet Labour’s 2024 manifesto commitment to “everyone”.
The right to a contract that guarantees the hours you normally work is a matter of basic fairness and security. Many of our members are regularly working hours that aren’t guaranteed in their contract, which has a massive impact on their lives. The right has the potential to provide much greater security for millions of low-paid workers and must apply to everyone, up to and including full-time workers. We absolutely cannot have loopholes that make this meaningless.
We need an economy with better jobs and higher living standards, where more people have money to spend, giving a much-needed boost to our high streets. Good employers have nothing to fear from these rights, which will help to prevent them from being undercut by employers who exploit workers on insecure contracts.
A legal right to a guaranteed hours contract will simply require employers to properly plan staffing and shifts in advance. Workers who want a zero-hours or flexible contract will still be able to have one. They will just have a right to more secure hours if they want them.
We don’t accept the scaremongering from those who wrongly claim that decent employment rights will cost jobs. We heard similar arguments when the minimum wage was introduced. They were wrong then and they’re wrong now.
Usdaw’s consultation response includes legal rights to:
- A guaranteed hours contract for all workers with a contract of up to 48 hours, calculated over a 12-week reference period.
- Fair notice of shifts of at least 4 weeks, so that everyone can plan their lives around work.
- Compensation, equivalent to the workers’ actual wage, if shifts are cancelled with less than 7 days’ notice.
Hypothetical illustration of the consequences of the government’s preferred 20-hour threshold loophole:
Jane is contracted to 21 hours a week, Amina 18 hours. Both actually work at least 30 hours every week, providing essential income to help make ends meet, particularly in the cost of living crisis. However, before the law comes into effect, their employer suddenly stops giving extra hours to Amina, to avoid having to put them in her contract, which she wants. The hours are now given to Jane and her colleagues on contracts over 20 hours because they can’t access the new right. If everyone is entitled to a guaranteed hours contract, the employer would have no incentive to treat people differently based on the number of hours they are contracted to work.
Read Usdaw’s full response to the consultation here.
Sign the petition to protect all workers from insecure contracts here.
View the government consultation on ending one-sided flexibility here.
Read Labour’s 2024 manifesto here – Page 5 – zero hours contracts and one-sided flexibility.
Politics
Bill Cassidy on vaccines, RFK Jr. and the fight for public trust
Politics
Paloma Faith’s deranged tirade against Ed Sheeran
The post Paloma Faith’s deranged tirade against Ed Sheeran appeared first on spiked.
Politics
‘We told you so’: Key New York lawmaker calls for more AI rules
AI BILLS BILLS BILLS: One of the architects of New York’s pioneering legislation to put guardrails around artificial intelligence says ominous warnings from industry leaders prove states need to act aggressively.
“I’m very rarely one to say, ‘I told you so’ or ‘We told you so,’ But this is exactly … the things we had warned about,” said Democratic state Sen. Andrew Gounardes, who sponsored the RAISE Act.
The law is slated to take effect in January, requires the largest AI companies to report safety incidents to the state and establishes penalties for violations. New York lawmakers passed that bill last year, despite pushback from industry lobbyists. But now leading AI executives are ramping up warnings about the risks of their technology.
“These are the exact same concerns that we were flagging: biological weapons, nuclear weapons, catastrophic harms,” Gounardes said in an interview with Playbook. “Not only were we right, but some of the very same people that were telling us that we were wrong are now the ones saying that we need to be doing these things.”
President Donald Trump has dismissed AI safety concerns as a “HOAX” and Congress appears unlikely to act on the issue anytime soon.
So lawmakers in New York and other states are weighing how they can respond. California Gov. Gavin Newsom has floated the idea of a special session devoted to the issue, but New York’s Legislature isn’t slated to return to Albany until January.
Gounardes said he’s had an increasing amount of engagement with AI safety advocates, industry experts and others in recent weeks.
He’s focused on two bills he’s sponsoring — one requiring third-party safety audits, similar to a measure enacted in Illinois, and another strengthening safety reporting requirements.
“They’re good bills, they’re important bills, they should pass as is. But I think we can go further,” Gounardes said.
There’s a clear appetite among other key policymakers to pass more measures to bolster protections for New Yorkers.
Gov. Kathy Hochul told reporters Tuesday she’ll be looking for additional action the state can take to reduce AI safety risks.
State Sen. Kristen Gonzalez, chair of the Internet and Technology committee, said she plans to push for a “rights-based” framework and focus on potentially high risk uses of AI. Her bills for next year include a data privacy measure and the New York AI Act, which seeks to address concerns about algorithmic bias in employment, courts, finance and other contexts.
That measure also includes whistleblower protections for employees of AI companies. New York Attorney General Letitia James today urged AI workers to report safety risks or violations of current state laws, offering an anonymous tip line.
Gonzalez also has a bill pending on Hochul’s desk that would regulate AI chatbots and assign liability to companies who develop them.
“There are so many bills, and together, if we were to pass all of these that track out liability, we would be able to actually start fighting these companies, not just through slowing their development … but also mitigating more in court and having a foundation to claim damages,” she said. — Marie J. French
From the Capitol
MERGER WATCH: The state Public Health and Health Planning Council voted today to approve a merger between NYC Health + Hospitals and Maimonides Health, a private hospital in Brooklyn.
“We all need to get behind this and make it work,” PHHPC member Ann Monroe said during today’s meeting.
The merger was set into motion last year, after Hochul awarded $2.2 billion from the state-funded Safety Net Transformation Program to facilitate the deal. Maimonides has for years relied on substantial state support to keep its doors open, and state health officials expressed optimism that the combination would stabilize the hospital’s finances.
The transaction was expected to close by April 1, but a judge ruled earlier this year that NYC Health + Hospitals and Maimonides first needed to obtain PHHPC’s approval.
Read the full story from POLITICO Pro’s Maya Kaufman
FROM CITY HALL
PENSION PADDING: Several top officials from former Mayor Eric Adams’ administration are raking in inflated NYPD pensions that should be lowered, a report from New York City’s corruption watchdog recommended Thursday.
The Department of Investigation report revolves around the use of so-called 821 waivers under the Adams administration.
The waivers allow NYPD employees to be “on loan” to other agencies, including the mayor’s office, so they can maintain a police title that comes with pension benefits while working in another capacity.
In its report, DOI found the NYPD documented the waivers in an inconsistent way during Adams’ tenure, resulting in the city’s Police Pension Fund awarding overly large retirement benefits to former cops who served in top roles under Adams. But the watchdog agency determined the NYPD wasn’t squarely to blame for this, given that the pension fund also seemingly ignored 821 restrictions “in a manner inconsistent with the law.”
The DOI findings come after a string of corruption scandals roiled the Adams administration and the NYPD. Adams himself faced federal corruption charges in 2024 before President Donald Trump’s Department of Justice stepped in to spare the former mayor from prosecution.
The DOI’s latest findings don’t allege criminal wrongdoing, but the report lays out a number of recommendations for how the NYPD and the pension fund can prevent similar missteps. It also calls for all the allegedly inflated retirement benefits to be recalculated so the former cops in question aren’t getting taxpayer-funded benefits that are overly generous.
Among the former NYPD cops who netted padded pensions are Kaz Daughtry, who served as Adams’ deputy mayor for public safety; Louis Molina, Adams’ commissioner of correction and citywide administrative services; and Juanita Holmes, Adams’ probation commissioner.
“NYPD officials were treated inconsistently and some received a higher pension than they would otherwise have been eligible for, with taxpayers footing the bill,” Department of Investigation Commissioner Nadia Shihata said. “Those pensions should be recalculated and adjusted properly.”
Read the full story from Chris Sommerfeldt in POLITICO.
PREDICTED PROTESTS: NYPD Commissioner Jessica Tisch said today she expects “multiple protests every day” next week as the city hosts the United Nations General Assembly.
No credible security threats have been identified, she noted, though the department will remain on high alert.
“The NYPD, as you know, handles thousands of protests and demonstrations each year, and there is no organization better trained to facilitate First Amendment activity,” Tisch said at a press conference with Mayor Zohran Mamdani. “Every year around the UN General Assembly time, we do see an uptick in the amount of protest activity, and this year I do not expect to be any different.”
The NYPD did not provide specific details on the number of protest permits filed or the exact number of demonstrations expected.
Some of the largest and most tumultuous protests are expected to take place ahead of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech on Sept. 24.
Despite his strident anti-Israel rhetoric, Mamdani plans to skip next week’s protests, Chris Sommerfeldt first reported yesterday. When asked why he’s staying away, Mamdani cited a desire to focus on New Yorkers’ day-to-day transportation concerns during the assembly, which will cause significant traffic disruptions and road closures in Midtown.
Mamdani will not skip the UN proceedings altogether, though. He said he’s in the process of setting up meetings with foreign officials in town for the assembly, but did not elaborate on which ones. His press team did not immediately share any further details either. — Molly Reinmann
IN OTHER NEWS
— POINTING FINGERS: Some City Council members blamed Mamdani for a crime spike in the Bronx. (New York Post)
— SURVEILLANCE AND MURDER: Federal prosecutors accused five men of being part of a Kremlin-orchestrated network that planned to assassinate Russian dissidents and others in the United States and abroad. (The New York Times)
— DATA CENTER DIVIDE: Despite hesitating on the issue himself, Rep. Mike Lawler launched a seven-figure ad campaign attacking his Democratic challenger, Cait Conley, for her position on data centers. (New York Focus)
Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.
Politics
Democratic advisers are warning their candidates not to go too hard at AI
Democratic consultants are privately encouraging their battleground candidates to avoid talking about AI regulations out of fear that powerful tech groups will unleash a tidal wave of spending against them ahead of November.
That guidance came from strategists in three separate top-tier House races, according to people involved in those races, who were granted anonymity to discuss internal conversations. And it follows a surge in AI panic on Capitol Hill as industry leaders warn about existential threats posed by their rapidly developing technology.
Voters are increasingly worried about AI: About two-thirds of Americans say there’s a risk advanced AI could destroy humanity in a new POLITICO Poll. President Donald Trump has called that concern a “hoax,” leaving an opening for Democrats to seize on the issue. But they still are grappling with how hard to go after big tech.
Senior Democrats and candidates are worried that if they go too hard in criticizing AI, industry-affiliated super PACs could drop millions more dollars against them, according to interviews with more than a dozen Democratic lawmakers and strategists. They are especially worried about a slate of competitive races, including Reps. Don Davis in North Carolina, Marcy Kaptur in Ohio, Henry Cuellar in Texas and a handful of South Texas and Pennsylvania races, getting hit with even more spending on topics like AI.
The party is already struggling to keep up in the outside spending battle as Trump and his allies including Elon Musk, a major AI investor, flood the airwaves, though Musk’s spending isn’t primarily driven by AI concerns.
“We do need to be able to make sure that we’re regulating [AI] and addressing those real fears,” said one senior Democratic strategist working on Senate campaigns, who was granted anonymity to candidly discuss strategy. But “we don’t want AI money coming in.”
“Like any industry, there should be a conversation about guardrails,” said Cuellar, who is trying to hold onto a GOP-leaning South Texas seat. “But, every member needs to make their own decision based on their district and beliefs.”
Rep. Pramila Jayapal, the former Progressive Caucus chair, said she was also worried that pro-AI groups will start targeting key Democrats.
“You know, these AI groups — they come out and they say that they’re concerned, that they want regulation. But then they spend huge amounts of money on defeating anybody who wants legislative regulation,” Jayapal said in an interview.
With AI regulation on congressional Democrats’ agenda if they take power next year, Jayapal said AI groups will be “spending for candidates that they can count on to just allow them to write the bill.”
Some top Democratic candidates and their campaigns are quietly trying to avoid crossing any red lines for tech super PACs — even as it’s unclear exactly what those lines would be, after Musk and two of the biggest AI CEOs called for more regulation on the technology last week.
Democrats are especially wary of Leading the Future, a pro-AI industry super PAC that spent over $25 million in primary races this year and is backed by investors and executives of OpenAI. The rival super PAC network, Public First Action, pushes for AI regulation and is funded by OpenAI’s chief competitor, Anthropic.
Asked by POLITICO, Leading the Future declined to name a specific policy on AI it opposes.
“The only people that have both threatened and carried out spending and intimidation tactics against Democratic members of Congress over their positions on AI are Public First and other groups funded by Anthropic and effective altruists,” said Leading the Future spokesperson Josh Vlasto. “Our agenda is and has always been Congress passing a strong and smart national regulation which has broad and building support in Congress and across the country.”
On Wednesday, Leading the Future launched its first round of ads in the general election through its Republican PAC. The group is spending $2 million to boost GOP Senate candidates Julia Letlow in Louisiana, Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith in Mississippi, Sen. Darline Graham in South Carolina and Sen. Mike Rounds in South Dakota — four Republicans in marginally competitive races that are unlikely to determine Senate control.
The two AI groups have been at odds. They spent in different primary races and went up against each other in the primary for retiring Rep. Jerry Nadler’s seat, where state Assemblymember Alex Bores’ AI-centered campaign ignited a spending war. A person familiar with Leading the Future’s strategy, who was granted anonymity to discuss internal deliberations, told POLITICO in June that the group was unlikely to target another candidate this year with the kind of multi-million dollar negative ad deluge it dumped on Bores, and a person close to the group said that hasn’t changed. Democrats believe the groups could battle against each other again in key races.
Brad Carson, the co-founder of Public First Action, said the network will “absolutely” get involved in the general election.
Public First Action uses two “litmus tests” to weigh whether or not to jump into races, Carson said. If someone seeking office shows “strong support for export controls and strong opposition to the preemption of state laws regarding AI, absent a federal framework,” then they are a prime candidate to receive the group’s support.
And if a candidate were to hold the opposite position — opposition to export controls and support for the preemption of state laws — his group would be inclined to jump in and spend against them.
“It’s really about finding the people who want to step out and be heroes for you,” Carson said.
On Wednesday, Anthropic’s policy chief Sarah Heck said at POLITICO’s Decoded summit that the United States “needs to stay in the lead on AI” over China, arguing “you can’t do safety from second place.” She agreed AI firms can’t be left on their own to ensure safety within their own companies, but declined to endorse bipartisan legislation for external regulation.
Some Democrats want to go hard on regulating AI in spite of the risk of antagonizing pro-industry groups.
Abdul El-Sayed, Democrats’ Senate nominee in Michigan, previously called for a regulatory crackdown on AI and is now advocating for a “full pause at the frontier of research.” He told POLITICO in an interview on Wednesday that he’d “rather be on the truth than dodge [AI industry] money.”
Still, El-Sayed hasn’t committed to running ads on the issue. Battleground Democratic Reps. Susie Lee (Nev.) and Greg Landsman (Ohio) also told POLITICO they weren’t planning ads on AI safeguards, even as they advocate for more regulations. It’s a sign that even as voters concerns’ rise about the technology, it’s not yet become a top issue for the November election.
Meanwhile, Republicans are hoping that the AI super PACs might come in and help boost them in other states — like Georgia, where Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff has been aggressive in criticizing the industry, or Texas, where the GOP nominee, Attorney General Ken Paxton, has been slightly behind in most recent polls.“We could use the help in some races like that,” said one GOP senator, granted anonymity to candidly discuss the internal conversations.
Politics
Robert Hayward: Remembering Paul Barnes – a true believer of equality
Robert Hayward, Lord Hayward, is a member of the House of Lords.
The story of equal rights in Britain is usually told through landmark votes, famous campaigners and great changes in the law. Political progress also depends on people who work more quietly. Those who shape arguments, persuade their own side and make once-unthinkable positions gradually seem the norm. My friend Paul Barnes, who died recently, was one of those people.
Paul played an integral part in an extraordinary period of Conservative history. He was involved from the beginning of the Tory Campaign for Homosexual Equality, TORCHE, which succeeded the Conservative Group for Homosexual Equality in 1992, and served as its chairman from 1993 until 1997.
The name was important. Paul was not arguing for tolerance or special treatment, but for equality.
At the time, this was far from an easy case to make within the Conservative Party of the early 1990s. Gay men still faced a higher age of consent and gay people could not serve openly in the Armed Forces. Section 28 remained on the statute book and same-sex relationships had no legal recognition. Adoption by gay couples and equal marriage seemed remote ambitions.
Paul was exceptionally well equipped for the task at hand. A gifted public affairs professional, he understood that political change depends not simply on having the better argument, but on judgement, timing, relationships and an instinct for how people can be persuaded. He knew how institutions worked and, crucially, how to frame an argument in a way that allowed people to change their minds.
The case he made for equality was therefore rooted firmly in Conservative principles: individual liberty, privacy, personal responsibility and equality before the law. He was not asking Conservatives to abandon their beliefs, but to apply them consistently.
That approach mattered during the parliamentary battle over the age of consent in 1994.
Parliament reduced the age of consent for gay men from 21 to 18, while rejecting equality at 16. Paul and TORCHE continued to argue for the principle that eventually prevailed. He took a similar approach to the exclusion of gay people from the Armed Forces, challenging the contradiction of decriminalising homosexuality within the services while continuing to dismiss gay personnel.
Lobbying, briefing, conversation and persuasion – these will examples of the painstaking political work which was required. Paul understood that changing minds often meant continuing to talk to people with whom you profoundly disagreed.
His contribution was, of course, part of a much larger movement. Many other organisations and campaigners played decisive roles in transforming Britain, and Paul would never have claimed otherwise. Movements need people working from within institutions as well as pressure from outside them, and Paul was particularly skilled at that form of advocacy.
He was persuasive without being hectoring, determined without becoming doctrinaire, and political without allowing politics to consume every relationship. He was also warm, funny, loyal and immensely good company. Those qualities were not incidental to his effectiveness, but were a part of it.
The Britain in which Paul died is profoundly different from the one in which he began campaigning. People serve openly in the Armed Forces, Section 28 is gone, the age of consent is equal and same-sex couples marry and raise families with protections earlier generations could scarcely have imagined. For me, one of the happiest parts of Paul’s story is that he lived to enjoy the freedoms he had spent so many years campaigning for, not least in marrying his wonderful husband, Carlos, whom he adored.
To younger people, those freedoms may seem entirely ordinary. I hope they do, because making equality ordinary was the point.
Paul helped make that happen. Britain is a freer country because people like him were prepared to make difficult arguments before they became easy ones. His recent death is a great loss to those of us who knew and loved him, and I shall miss him enormously.
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