Connect with us

Politics

Gallery applauds as Tony Greenstein is unanimously acquitted of inviting support for terrorism

Published

on

Tony Greenstein

Tony Greenstein

Tony Greenstein’s trial at Kingston Crown Court has ended in a spectacular own goal for Sussex Zionist complainants and the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), as a jury of seven men and five women took just two hours and eleven minutes to clear the 72-year-old Jewish anti-Zionist writer and activist. The verdict left an openly hostile judge furious and the unfortunate CPS humiliated.

Greenstein, a veteran socialist, author, and founding member of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, was charged under Section 12(1) of the Terrorism Act 2000 with inviting support for a proscribed organisation following three social media posts published on 7 October 2023. Facing up to 14 years in prison for describing the breakout from the Strip as a “Gaza ghetto uprising”, Greenstein delivered a blistering closing defence to the jury that resulted in spontaneous applause echoing from the packed public gallery.

The Crown’s party political analogy

The CPS, represented by Kate Temple-Mabe, who was bound by the cab rank principle to present the state’s case, attempted to convince the jury that by linking to his blog and stating Greenstein was criminally inviting the public to support Hamas:

whatever criticisms one can make of Hamas, we should congratulate them on this well-planned and audacious attack

The prosecution tried to simplify their case by equating Palestinian anti-colonial resistance to a British party political analogy. The Crown argued that if an individual dislikes Party A more than Party B, knocking on doors for Party B makes them a supporter of Party B, no matter what their past ideological leanings. Under this logic, the prosecution claimed that praising the tactical efficiency of the October 7th military offensive constituted an endorsement for Hamas.

Advertisement

The prosecution also leaned heavily on online exchanges, including a reply to Peter Tatchell where Greenstein argued that October 7th was not the time or place to criticise Hamas for LGBT issues while bombs were raining down on Gaza.

Judicial interference and Greenstein’s excluded evidence

Throughout the trial, defence barrister Lawrence McNulty pushed back against the judge’s interference and did so in a way that made the jury highly aware of how the bench was attempting to steer the case. McNulty eventually stood down so Greenstein could address the jury directly in person, while solicitor Zafar Iqbal remained in court to instruct him.

The tension between the bench and defence reached a flashpoint before police witnesses were questioned. Clearly nervous about where the defence might lead and seeking to control the narrative from the outset, Judge Sarah Plaschkes KC demanded to know in advance what line of questioning McNulty intended to pursue with the police. McNulty pushed back immediately, asking the judge whether she planned to micromanage the defence. He even offered to hand over a full list of his questions if the bench formally compelled him to do so, a demand Plaschkes ultimately refused. As the standoff threatened to turn into a complete stalemate, the jury was eventually brought back into the courtroom, where McNulty proceeded to ask the officer just a single question: getting the police to confirm that the transcript from Greenstein’s second interview was so short that it had obviously been heavily redacted.

The jurors were asked to leave the courtroom quite frequently so that Judge Plaschkes could attempt to impose limits on the defence team, which they consistently managed to get around. Significant context was actively kept from the jury. Large sections of Greenstein’s voluntary police interview transcripts were excluded, and over half of the controversial blog post was omitted from the prosecution’s extracts. Furthermore, dozens of historical articles attacking Hamas across the 3,500 posts on Greenstein’s platform — including pieces written by guest bloggers as well as mainstream outlets like The Washington Post and Haaretz that he regularly published — were ruled inadmissible as evidence to the court or jury.

Advertisement

Greenstein pointed out the huge gaps in what the jury was permitted to see, noting that had any of the posts on his platform expressed praise or support for Hamas, the Crown would have rushed to include every single one of them. Instead, because his site served as an open forum documenting decades of trenchant opposition to religious fundamentalism by both himself and contributing writers, those articles were deliberately kept out of evidence to bolster the state’s fragile prosecution. Greenstein and his legal team made sure the jury became aware of this censorship, a revelation that decisively turned the room against the heavy-handed approach of the judge and prosecution.

Judge Plaschkes repeatedly halted Greenstein’s evidence when he sought to provide historical context, warning him against treating the court as a “political forum” and claiming the jury was “not concerned with events in the Middle East”. Greenstein rebuked the bench directly, retorting that turning a blind eye to genocide is the exact problem with the ruling class in Britain. As the judge attempted to silence him further, Greenstein fired back that he was talking about human rights, including her own.

Plaschkes went on to direct the jury to disregard the excluded blog posts and strictly instructed them to ignore Greenstein’s mentions of the 14-year sentence hanging over him. At one point during the trial, Greenstein remarked directly to the bench that it felt as though the prosecution had two people working for it, implying that the judge was ganging up with the prosecution.

Tony Greenstein’s closing address

Giving evidence, Greenstein described Gaza as a cage and a human prison where Palestinians had been locked up for 57 years, asking the jury to imagine living under an inescapable blockade with poisoned water and power cuts. He insisted that when a colonial power holds another people down, those people have the right to resist.

Advertisement

Addressing the jury directly in his closing speech, Greenstein dismantled the Crown’s party political analogy:

The prosecution used an analogy of supporting party A and not party B. This analogy is not sufficient for the context of colonial occupation. I support occupied people, but I have never supported Hamas. Kemi Badenoch might support Andy Burnham if he cuts benefits, but nobody would then accuse Badenoch of supporting Labour.

Greenstein anchored his anti-Zionism in his family history and Jewish heritage. He recounted how his family fled Poland while most relatives were murdered in the Treblinka extermination camp, and recalled how his father, Rabbi Solomon Greenstein, stood at Cable Street in 1936 against Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists. Raised as a religious Zionist who celebrated the 1967 war, Greenstein became an anti-Zionist in 1969 after researching the Nakba for a school debate.

Greenstein drew chilling parallels between historical and contemporary fascist rhetoric, pointing out how Israeli finance minister Bezalel Smotrich and Nazi architect Heinrich Himmler both used identical dehumanising language by referring to human beings as animals to justify mass slaughter.

In an impassioned section of his address, Greenstein confronted the jury directly with the realities of the ongoing genocide:

Advertisement

If the devil exists, it is amongst those who prohibit anaesthetics entering Gaza. It is amongst those who deliberately starve children to death, those who bomb tents and burn children alive, and those who call Palestinians “human animals”.

Explaining his use of the phrase “Gaza ghetto uprising”, Greenstein invoked Marek Edelman, the last surviving commander of the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. When Edelman died in 2009, he was accorded a state funeral with full military honours in Poland, yet he remained despised and boycotted by the Israeli establishment because he was a lifelong anti-Zionist who explicitly stated that Gazans were being treated just like Jews were in Warsaw, addressing Palestinian fighters as fellow partisans. Greenstein warned the jury that Britain’s Terrorism Act 2000 is written so broadly that it would have criminalised the Warsaw uprising itself, remarking that it is wide enough to drive a coach and horses through.

Turning to the state’s targeting of Palestine Action, Greenstein drew a direct historical comparison with the Suffragettes. He stressed that the Suffragettes engaged in far more violent direct action — not just smashing windows, but setting off bombs — yet today they are universally celebrated as having been on the right side of history. He told the jury that future generations will view Palestine Action in exactly the same way. He contrasted this with the grotesque abuse of counter-terror legislation, pointing out that while roughly 200 people were arrested for terrorism in 2024, that figure rocketed to 3,000 in 2025, with the average terror suspect now being a 50-something white woman.

He challenged the deep hypocrisy of the state and the architects of the counter-terror legislation. Greenstein pointed out the grim irony that Tony Blair and Jack Straw introduced the Terrorism Act 2000 while launching illegal imperialist wars across Iraq and Afghanistan, foreign invasions that directly bred Islamic State, destabilised the region, and brought blowback to the UK in the form of the 7/7 London bombings and the Manchester Arena attack. The very politicians who engineered modern terror legislation were the ones whose foreign policies brought terrorism to British soil.

He contrasted this with double standards in the establishment media, pointing out that mainstream figures like Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart interviewed Abu Mohammad al-Jolani — the former leader of the proscribed Syrian militant group HTS (formerly the Syrian branch of Al-Qaeda) who previously had a multi-million dollar CIA bounty on his head before becoming Syria’s president — without facing dawn raids or device seizures. He reminded the jury that Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan had once labelled Nelson Mandela a terrorist, noting that history always delivers its own verdict on such political classifications.

Advertisement

Citing John Stuart Mill, George Orwell’s maxim that liberty means telling people what they do not want to hear, and Benjamin Franklin’s warning on trading liberty for security, Greenstein likened the state’s prosecution to Idi Amin’s famous quip that freedom of speech exists, but not freedom after speech.

Drawing his address to a close, Greenstein quoted Lord Devlin on trial by jury being the lamp that shows freedom lives, and cited the 1670 Bushell’s Case commemorated on the wall of the Old Bailey, which established the constitutional right of juries to acquit according to their conscience without judicial intimidation.

The verdict and the Streisand effect

As Greenstein finished his closing speech, a round of applause broke out across the public gallery.

Before allowing the jury to return with their verdict, Judge Plaschkes addressed the court. She warned the public gallery that anyone unable to remain completely silent when the verdict was delivered would be forced to leave immediately.

Advertisement

The judge also stated that she was initially minded to initiate contempt of court proceedings against Greenstein for raising wider political issues and advising the jury on conscience-based acquittals. She invited the Crown to make a formal contempt complaint, but when Temple-Mabe declined, Judge Plaschkes dropped the matter, remarking that on calm reflection Greenstein’s address amounted only to a rambling speech delivered by an old man. She added her belief that the jury would have reached its decision regardless of his closing remarks. The comment provoked gasps of disapproval across the packed public gallery.

When the unanimous not-guilty verdict was delivered, Greenstein grinned visibly and looked emotional as supporters in the gallery celebrated.

The entire prosecution stands as a clear demonstration of the Streisand effect. Zionist complainants in Sussex sought to criminalise Greenstein and silence anti-Zionist speech. Instead, all they achieved was to amplify Greenstein’s anti-Zionist analysis, his book Zionism During the Holocaust, and his platform onto a national stage. It exposed the sharp contrast where establishment journalists interview former proscribed al-Qaeda leaders without police interference, while anti-war activists face dawn raids and frozen bank accounts. Above all, it delivered a resounding defeat for the state with the fourth jury acquittal out of seven recent Section 12 terrorism prosecutions against pro-Palestine speech — reaffirming that ordinary juries refuse to treat political opposition to genocide as terrorism.

Outside the court, Greenstein addressed a crowd of supporters, declaring the acquittal a shared victory for Palestine and democratic rights in Britain. He affirmed that opposing genocide is not a crime, whereas supplying arms to Israel to perpetrate a genocide is, concluding that the movement stands on the right side of history.

Advertisement

Following the verdict, civil rights groups welcomed the outcome, with human rights organisation CAGE International releasing a statement affirming that the jury’s swift decision demonstrates that Palestinian liberation is not a crime.

Featured image via Twitter

By Ranjan Balakumaran

Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Click to comment

You must be logged in to post a comment Login

Leave a Reply

Politics

Jolyon Maugham’s white-saviour complex – spiked

Published

on

Jolyon Maugham’s white-saviour complex

In a crowded field, Jolyon Maugham – the fox-bashing KC and founder of the Good Law Project – might have a claim to be the oddest man in British public life. As of 2015, he was a high-flying (by which I mean, rich) tax barrister. He lived in a windmill. He was like a kid’s cartoon character, who happened to advise rich people about their tax affairs. Postman VAT, if you will.

Then, around 2016, he turned his attention to politics and slagging off Brexit. He founded the Good Law Project (GLP) in 2017, which has since lent support to ‘progressive’ causes which are self-evidently ‘good’ – like forcing women to share toilets with biological men. Only bad people disagree with the work of the GLP after all.

He has faced ridicule for the sheer number of legal defeats suffered by the GLP. But it is Maugham himself who often attracts the most derision, most famously for his Boxing Day tweet in 2019, saying he had clubbed a fox to death that morning, while wearing his wife’s satin kimono. And now he’s doing something just as weird through his involvement in the Jason Arday story and especially his response to Arday’s death last Friday.

Advertisement

The GLP was involved in defending Arday as soon as the allegations of plagiarism against him first emerged several weeks ago, publishing an open letter accusing the ‘right-wing media’ of pursuing a ‘baseless’ racially motivated smear campaign. This in itself was a bit odd, given Arday already had lawyers, Carter-Ruck, who were reportedly fond of sending strong letters to anyone who questioned Arday’s dodgy credentials – as the Times Higher Education discovered last year, when it was forced to spike an investigation into Arday’s credentials following threat of legal action.

Now, Maugham has committed himself to exposing the journalists that apparently contributed to Arday’s death. This week, he published a piece on the GLP’s website, attacking the Guardian’s supposed role. Maugham claims that he circulated the open letter to journalists he assumed would be sympathetic. This included the Guardian’s Lanre Bakare, who happens to be mixed-race.

Advertisement

Enjoying spiked?

Why not make an instant, one-off donation?

We are funded by you. Thank you!

Advertisement




Please wait…

Advertisement
Advertisement

Bakare, rather than express unbridled support for the open letter, then sent a right-of-reply email to Arday, which implied Bakare was considering his own piece on the scandal. Arday then told Maugham that Bakare was ‘a journalist that I have not previously seen eye-to-eye with (we do not trust each other)’. In other words, Arday was claiming that Bakare was motivated by a personal animosity against him.

In response to a question from a member of the group working on the open letter, Maugham said: ‘So I don’t think there is a legal remedy, but you could write to [Guardian editor] Kath Viner making the point and asking whether it’s consistent with [the Guardian’s] ethics for someone with beef to write the piece.’

Advertisement

As a result of Maugham’s advice, an email was sent to Viner, asking her whether it was ‘appropriate’ for Bakare to write the piece – presumably on the grounds of the pair’s ‘beef’. Bakare’s Guardian piece was published anyway, under the title: ‘Playbooks, plagiarism and a pig’s head: new claims surrounding a star Cambridge professor.’ In Maugham’s eyes, Bakare had presumably committed a great betrayal by contributing to the scrutiny being placed on Arday.

Maugham’s piece goes on to criticise the Guardian in extremely strong terms. ‘Why were black and brown journalists at the Guardian asked to do the heavy lifting?’, he asks, which is an odd question. Why should the skin colour of a journalist matter at all? Was it wrong for black or brown journalists to cover the Arday story? Maugham then opined on what Bakare ‘now feels’ about the piece after Arday’s death, implying that Bakare ought to feel guilty about it.

He then posted an extremely odd video on X, in which he effectively called for the resignation of Viner. At the time, with no sense of irony, he called on his followers to stop the ‘abuse’ of other journalists ‘of colour’ at the Guardian, including Afua Hirsch, Nesrine Malik, Jason Okundaye and Joseph Harker, who had also written pieces that were not especially pro-Arday.

Advertisement

This bizarre sequence of events raises so many questions. Why was the GLP so unquestioningly certain in its support for Arday, to such an extent that it effectively helped him bat away awkward press enquiries? Why did Maugham think it appropriate to target black journalists, asking them to defend Arday before his death, and then shaming them for their refusal to do so after his death? And where on Earth did Maugham learn the meaning of the word ‘beef’?

What happened to Jason Arday was a complicated tragedy. But Maugham’s efforts to paint the journalistic scrutiny he received as racist hounding shows that he has been tied in knots by his own identitarian nonsense. He has used his position to target specific journalists, Bakare included, and then to hold them implicitly responsible for what has happened to Arday. Then, in the same rant, he paints himself as the white saviour of black journalists. ‘We need more black journalists’, he says in the video. But only, it seems, if their opinions have first been vetted by Maugham.

There is room in public life for lawyers who are political. Maugham should be allowed to express his views on whatever he likes. But his response to the Arday story shows him to be a tone-deaf, self-important bully. Neither Bakare, nor any other journalist who wrote about Arday, should ever be held responsible for his death.

Advertisement

This was an important story about a fabulist and alleged plagiarist who rose to the peak of academia, despite seemingly lacking any real academic ability. Lanre Bakare and others were right to write about it.

Let’s hope Maugham’s unhinged rant opens a few more eyes to what he really is – a nasty, self-righteous fool.

Luke Gittos is a spiked columnist and author. He is the author of Human Rights – Illusory Freedom: Why We Should Repeal the Human Rights Act, which is published by Zero Books. Order it here.

Advertisement

Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Politics

The truth about Jason Arday

Published

on

The truth about Jason Arday

The post The truth about Jason Arday appeared first on spiked.

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Filton jury asked judge if he planned terror sentences: ‘Not your concern’

Published

on

Filton

Filton

Filton — The judge in a trial of anti-genocide activists this week told the jury that it was none of their business whether he would impose terrorism sentences for the criminal damage charges they faced.

Claire Hinchcliffe is the mother of ‘Filton 24’ activist Zoe Rogers – who was acquitted for the second time in May 2026. She reported that jurors had heard about the sentencing of Rogers’s co-defendants on as terrorists — subject to longer sentences and decades-long restrictions even after their release — after they were convicted of criminal damage.

The judge in that trial had ordered lawyers and press to keep silent about the likely terror sentence during the trial. So the jury in this week’s trial sent the judge a note to ask whether he was planning to do the same. The judge’s response? ‘Not your concern’:

Filton — Sick farce

No doubt appalled at such a response, the jury refused to convict. The state machine is likely to demand a retrial, as they did with Zoe Rogers and her comrades.

The May trial was not the first instance of judges — some closely aligned with the intelligence services — trying to prevent jurors knowing the full facts and law applicable to the case. Peaceful demonstrators have been arrested and prosecuted simply for holding signs informing jurors — entirely correctly — that they have a legal right to acquit no matter what they judge and prosecution say.

Advertisement

And Filton lawyer Rajiv Menon is fighting contempt of court charges for telling jurors that point of law and the activists’ motives to resist genocide through their actions against an Israeli arms factory.

English law is a sick farce. ‘Friend of genocide’ home secretary Shabana Mahmood’s court failures in the Filton trial and the persecution of Jewish activist Tony Greenstein mean that Burnham’s supposed intention to bin his predecessor’s plan to scrap jury trials for most people is unlikely to survive. Juries are likely to have humanity and conscience — and that gets in the way of the UK state’s determination to protect genocidal Israel.

Featured image via the Canary

By Skwawkbox

Advertisement

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

17-year-old boy fatally shot by settlers in Sa’ir, north of Hebron

Published

on

Israeli settlers

Israeli settlers

Israeli settlers have murdered a Palestinian boy. They shot him in his chest with live ammunition, outside his home in the occupied West Bank.

IOF accompanied settlers on their killing spree

A group of around 50 illegal colonisers — some armed with military-issued assault rifles, and others riding on government supplied ATVs, attacked homes in the Hamroush area of Sa’ir, a town north of Hebron, opening fire at residents. They were accompanied by Israeli occupation forces (IOF).

The settlers shot 17-year-old Kareem Sanad Shalaldeh at close range, in the chest, according to his father Sanad.

Advertisement

Entry of emergency vehicles blocked

An ambulance was unable to enter the area and reach the injured, so private vehicles were used to transport them to hospital instead.

Advertisement

Doctors were unable to save Shalaldeh’s life, and he died in hospital. Also shot by settlers was Samir Tirwah, a man in his 70s. He is currently in hospital with a life-threatening injury, and is undergoing surgery.

Israeli settlers set fire to a home while residents asleep

After shooting the two men, the illegal settlers also set fire to a house which was under construction, firing live ammunition at those Palestinians who attempted to put the fire out.

Earlier the same morning, in Sa’ir, these settlers set a home ablaze while a mother and her daughter were asleep. They are lucky to still be alive.

Advertisement

Kareem Shalaldeh’s killing is the latest escalation in a long campaign of violence against Sa’ir’s residents. As settlers expand outposts on confiscated land and the army enforces “closed military zones” over olive groves, families are forced to make a choice. They can either endure the daily violence, or leave behind their homes and land, that stretch back generations — the same choice Palestinians across the occupied West Bank are increasingly being forced to make.

Advertisement

Featured image via author

By Charlie Jaay

Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Politics

6 months on, Irish renters crushed by effects of government housing bill

Published

on

Irish renters

Irish renters

Community Action Tenants Union (CATU), a group organising Irish renters to fight for their rights, has laid out the disastrous effects of an Irish government housing bill, six months on from the president signing it into law.

At the time the Residential Tenancies Bill (RTB) passed, we quoted People Before Profit’s Paul Murphy saying:

This is a bill for rip-off rents. That’s the purpose of it. It’s not an accidental outcome of it, that’s the purpose. The government strategy explicitly is to get rents to rise higher in order to attract more investment.

That appears to have proven correct, with large corporate landlords being the main beneficiaries. Ires Reit, Ireland’s biggest private residential landlord, achieved:

…a tripling of pretax profits to €48 million for the six months to the end of June.

Its CEO Eddie Byrne boasted of how:

Advertisement

…the company’s average monthly rent in the six months to June rose by 1.7 per cent to €1,884.

Irish renters — Evictions at highest levels “since the 1850s”

This is at a time when rents were already unaffordably high. Byrne went on to say that the RTB has “unlocked renewed capital flows into the sector”. This has come as a result of large international investors entering the market, buying up properties sold off by smaller landlords.

The bill introduced stronger protections for renters, such as minimum tenancy periods of six years, and the near-total banning of no-fault evictions. This scared off many landlords with fewer properties. This shows that even policies that appear beneficial to tenants can have disastrous consequences, when housing is treated as a commodity almost entirely left to the whims of the market.

Landlords anticipating this policy change caused a major spike in evictions during 2025. RTÉ report that:

Figures from the Residential Tenancies Board show that 5,405 notices of termination were issued in the third quarter of 2025, a 35% increase year on year.

Disturbingly, current eviction rates are at the highest they’ve been since one of the darkest periods of Irish history – the famine inflicted on the country by Britain. Data from the Residential Tenancies Board shows:

Advertisement

…roughly one eviction notice per 100 households (and higher if we only consider rented households) in both 2023 and 2024.

Even during the Land War of 1879-1882, when landlords retaliated with mass evictions against tenant organising, the rate was much lower at 0.48 eviction notices per 100 households. That means you need to go back to the mid-1800s period of Britain’s mass forced starvation to see equivalent greed from landlords. RTÉ go on to say that:

…the scale of displacement now being recorded would not look out of place in post-Famine Ireland and arguably tenants today have less rights and customary advantages than their counterparts in the late 1800s and early 1900s. There can be little doubt but that evictions, now as then, are a destructive feature of Irish life.

1800s mass evictions came about as a result of the massive power imbalance between landlords and tenants. Yet, shockingly it seems that Ireland is recreating this inequality from one of the most notorious chapters in its history. It forms part of a general regression to the 19th century, with poverty in Britain often characterised as Dickensian, and US billionaires now hoarding wealth at a level that surpasses the infamous Gilded Age.

Irish government favouring “vulture funds” over tenants

CATU go on to cite the recent case of an approved housing body failing to acquire 140 Dublin apartments as social housing. Instead, the homes have gone up at exorbitant rental prices, ranging from €4,500 for a three-bed, to €2,400 for a one-bed. A person working full time on minimum wage earns about €29,900. Renting the lowest priced apartment would use up 96% of their income, leaving them €1,100 for all other expenses.

Housing spokesperson for the Social Democrats, Rory Hearne, agreed with CATU, saying:

Advertisement

Minister for Housing James Browne and his Government were warned that these rental laws would cause evictions to skyrocket, increasing homelessness and leaving our young people with little choice but to emigrate.

They rammed through these cruel and deeply flawed laws anyway, which represents a complete capitulation to large investor funds and landlords and a complete disregard for renters. It was made clear that these changes would cause not just record evictions but record rents, but the Minister paid no heed.

He continued:

Government policy prioritises institutional landlords and vulture funds at a time when there has never been more children living out their youth in homelessness. 5,620 children now comprise 32% of all homeless people. There has been a 60% increase in child homelessness since Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael formed a Government in 2020.

CATU conclude by urging Irish renters to join a tenants union, as the “strongest defence against the housing crisis”. It was only a massive collective effort of tenants that secured land reform in Ireland in the late 1800s and early part of the 20th century. As the country slides back to that period of massive entrenched power, a similar united effort will be required to bring it down.

Featured image via IrishTimes

Advertisement

By Robert Freeman

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Amnesty International label ruinous Italy-Albania migrant detention pact “a wake-up call”

Published

on

Amnesty

Amnesty

Amnesty International have released a statement claiming that Italy’s agreement to detain migrants and asylum seekers in Albania is a danger to people’s “safety, liberty and human rights”. The campaign organisation also held that the pact:

continue[s] to expose the dangers of long-standing European Union (EU) migration policies that centre on exclusion and containment.

Evading responsibilities

On 23 February 2024, the Italy-Albania Agreement established two Italian-run ‘migration facilities’ in Albania. The agreement will run for 5 years, with over €670 m earmarked to fund it. After that point, it will likely be renewed automatically.

Amnesty described the conditions in the Albanian detention centres as harmful, to the point that they have “driven several individuals to self-harm or attempt suicide”. Eve Geddie, the director of Amnesty International’s European Institutions Office, explained that:

Offshore detention is ultimately aimed at deterrence and trying to shift and evade both the responsibilities of responding to people migrating and the obligation to provide asylum to those who need it. Italy’s deal with Albania shows yet again the unavoidable human rights costs of this approach.

Just before the deal entered into force, Amnesty International sounded the alarm on the harmful impact it would inevitably have on the rights of people in distress at sea, and of people transferred to Albania. Clearly, these concerns have now materialized.

Advertisement

42 critical incidents in one month

Italy first began its use of the overseas centres by picking up 74 individuals in international waters and forcibly transferring them to Albania. However, multiple Italian court orders eventually ended the practice.

Then, in March 2025, Italy instead altered the agreement in order to permit the detention of men with expulsion orders in Albania. These individuals were already under detention in Italy, and were therefore subject to transfer across borders in a manner “outside of provisions in domestic and European law”.

The results were as rapid as they were devastating, as Amnesty explained:

As a result, hundreds (reportedly over 500) predominantly racialized men have been forcibly transferred to the Albanian detention centre in Gjadër over the past 15 months.

Between 11 April and 16 May 2025, 42 critical incidents were recorded in the Gjadër centre, including at least two attempted hangings, a protest where three people were injured from shattered glass, and various self-harm incidents.

Advertisement

The men detained in Albania also struggle to access legal help. Likewise, the Italian government has restricted both parliamentary and independent oversight for monitoring purposes.

The Ministry of Interior cited security and public order concerns when it denied Amnesty’s request for entry into the Albanian centres.

As such, the human rights organisation instead had to base its research on court documents, government correspondence, and information from the Tavolo Asilo e Immigrazione civil society network.

It also conducted interviews with representatives from UN agencies, along with lawyers acting on behalf of the detained individuals. One lawyer described being given no time to meet his client or prepare a defence. He also opined that the detainees showed signs of having been intimidated.

Advertisement

Amnesty — ‘A wake-up call’

Amnesty’s Eve Geddie stated that:

It is abundantly clear that the Italy-Albania model is impossible to implement in line with Italy’s human rights obligations. This reality must be a wake-up call for the EU to put any future plans to expand the use of offshore detention and other externalization tools, firmly on ice.

Italian authorities must immediately end the agreement with Albania, implement alternatives to migration detention, which under international law must remain the last resort, and ensure access to effective and non-discriminatory asylum procedures and dignified reception on Italian territory to all people seeking international protection. All refugees and migrants should be able to access effective legal safeguards and benefit from independent monitoring.

In a UK context, it’s hard not to hear the echoes of the Tories’ infamous Rwanda migrant deportation plan. Earlier this month, August 2026, Kevin Hollinrake — the chair of the Conservative Party — had the nerve to call for the renewal of that failed, deeply racist scheme.

At the same time, Reform UK proposed a Trump-like scheme to transfer ‘foreign national’ prisoners to hellish jails in El Salvador. However, even ‘left-wing’ Labour’s hands are far from clean. The party reportedly considered its own Rwanda-style deportation deal with — wait for it — Albania, just last year.

Advertisement

These politicians, whether in Italy, the UK or the EU, know that the migrants and asylum seekers they deport will face shocking conditions and the degradation of their human rights.

For some, this cruelty is the point. Others simply don’t care, as long as they can make these fellow human beings another country’s ‘problem’.

This distinction, however, is pure semantics — the effect they have is identical, and the blood stains both hands all the same.

Featured image via HumanRightsWatch

Advertisement

By Grace

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Terrifying climate crisis report predicts 4 Billion Dead by 2050

Published

on

Climate crisis

Climate crisis

Climate crisis — A new climate-focused campaign group, 4 Billion Dead, has launched in response to a buried report that its name could become reality. It urges people to wake up to our impending disaster of untold proportions.

4 Billion Dead takes its name from a 2025 report by the Institute and Faculty of Actuaries, in conjunction with the University of Exeter. Its superficially cheery-sounding name glosses over its worst predictions:

Planetary Solvency – finding our balance with nature:

Global risk management for human prosperity

The report comes from professionals whose entire careers and profits are based on being able to accurately predict and “risk price” the future. It flew almost entirely under the radar.

Advertisement

This wasn’t helped by the fact that the report downplays its true findings, burying the worst deep in the appendix. Ultimately, it’s not in corporations’ interests to induce panic in the world. But it is needed.

It was written for the insurance industry, the sector whose entire business depends on pricing risk accurately. At 3°C of warming by 2050, the report puts mortality risk at up to four billion people. That’s an “extreme” trajectory, albeit one that ongoing corporate and government policies globally broadly align with.

If it sounds alarming, it is. If it sounds alarmist, that doesn’t make it any less true. Burying our heads in the sand now will cost us potentially billions of lives in decades to come. We cannot afford to dither.

Advertisement

Climate change missing from most UK media reports on June heatwave

Climate crisis — ‘Catastrophic impacts’: we risk everything

This is a formal risk assessment from the profession that prices catastrophe for a living, and it’s had almost no public attention. (Full report is available here.) Its executive summary makes clear the risks:

Increasingly severe climate and nature driven impacts are highly likely, including fires, floods, heat and droughts. This is a national security issue as food, water and heat stresses will impact populations. If unchecked then mass mortality, involuntary mass migration events and severe GDP contraction are likely.

Planetary Solvency, the report, defines “catastrophic impacts” as:

  • Economic contraction, GDP loss of over 25%;

  • Mass human mortality events resulting in over 2 billion deaths;

  • Warming of 2°C or more, triggering high number of climate tipping points;

  • Breakdown of some critical ecosystem services and Earth Systems;

  • Major Extinction Events in multiple geographies;

  • Ocean circulation severely impacted;

  • Severe socio-political fragmentation in many regions, low lying regions lost;

  • Heat and water stress driving mass migration of billions; and

  • Catastrophic mortality events from disease, nutrition, thirst and conflict.

Even in the scenario where global warming is limited to 2°C by 2050, the report still predicts “decimation.” That means 10% of humanity, or around 800 million people would be wiped out.

Advertisement

At this level, which we’re almost certainly on track for without major reversals in greenhouse gas emissions, the consequences are still unfathomably drastic. The report predicts that at 2°C by 2050 we’ll see:

  • Severe reduction in several critical ecosystem services.
  • Major extinction events in some geographies.
  • Frequent global food and water crises.
  • Severe socio-political fragmentation in regions exposed to climate and/or nature impacts.
  • Failure of vulnerable states and mass mortality events in impacted areas.
Image shows a table ranging from limited, through decimation, to extreme climate crises. At the upper extreme end, 3°C by 2050, four billion people die and half of global GDP is wiped out. Alongside ecological disaster it predicts high levels of extinction of higher-order life on Earth and frequent large scale mortality events.
Screenshot of the predictions table from the report — via the Canary

Right-wing press blame anything but human-made climate change for deadly wildfires

Climate consciousness or mass death

Australian Senator Nick McKim referred to the four billion deaths in a speech recently. McKim called out his Government for failing in its basic duty to protect citizens by siding with fossil fuel interests.

Roger Hallam co-founded and co-ordinated campaign groups including Just Stop Oil, Extinction Rebellion and Insulate Britain. His tireless, “revolutionary” campaigning efforts have made him globally famous and also a target of the British state. He’s been imprisoned multiple times for his peaceful activism and arrested countless more. Upon launching this newest campaign, 4 Billion Dead, Hallam said:

Advertisement

This is just the beginning of something that will become very big. Because, as we have been saying for years now: there comes a point when people want the truth — when people become revolted by being lied to. For years now we have been told you can only mobilise people if you tone it down, if you give hope, because otherwise people will not be able to cope. The idea is that people are actually children — they have to be protected. They have to be told fairy tales.

We are entering a time when millions of people have become sick of feeling sick. We finally realise we are going to get hurt anyway — that we are hurting so much already — that the pain of hearing the truth actually becomes a release.

This call is a moment of liberation. At points like this history is made. Regimes fall. New ways explode into being. We all sense this is going to happen. Things cannot carry on as they are. Humans are not designed to just roll over and die. We are better than that.

Hallam’s words are a reckoning and a call to action. Our governments and ‘leaders’ have let us down for far too long. It’s up to all of us to demand a better, greener, liveable future. It’s on all our heads.

Advertisement

Burnham’s climate COBRA meeting was a massive let down

Featured image via the Canary

By Cameron Baillie

Advertisement

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Power behind racist Cofnas revealed as US threatens Ghent university

Published

on

Ghent university

Ghent university

Zionist Nathan Cofnas, the ‘shit-flooding’ supposed academic behind the press pile-on that hounded Prof Jason Arday to death, has constantly positioned himself as ‘always the victim’. He is an Israel supporter, after all. But his ‘poor little me’ shtick fell apart after the US ambassador to Belgium threatened Ghent university for suspending the literal ethno-supremacist after the Canary revealed his colleagues’ assessment of his competence.

Bill White launched a Trumpian ad hominem rant threatening the university with defunding and other harm. He even ended it with Trump’s posturing phrase “Thank you for your attention to this matter”:

The United States Mission to Belgium condemns, in the strongest terms, Ghent University’s retaliation against an American scholar following his accurate whistleblower reporting on academic fraud.

The United States government regularly funds and supports research, academic exchanges, and other engagements with overseas universities. Dishonest, corrupt institutions that engage in, or reward, scapegoating mob behavior are not desirable partners for us. This is particularly true where the purpose and effect of the scapegoating is to punish accurate journalism unearthing academic dishonesty. We are therefore reviewing any relationships we have with Ghent University.

Bad-faith idealogues will try to make this a referendum on the content of Cofnas’s scholarship – or polemical distortions of it. That’s wrong. Free speech means that controversial views are protected. And Cofnas’s views were known to Ghent University when he was hired.

Advertisement

The ultimate purpose of freedom of speech is to overturn lies, fraud, and false ideologies. This is precisely what Cofnas was doing, and precisely the reason his home institution wants to silence him.

Thank you for your attention to this matter.

There was, of course, no hint of shame at accusing others of “mob behavior” after Cofnas did exactly that – and expected to be rewarded for it.

Ghent university — ‘The puppet is still talking but we see the hands behind the strings’

The race-war significance of this didn’t escape observers like anthropologist Diego Ballastero — nor did the US’s erasure of Cofnas’s victim, Jason Arday:

And the power dynamic was further revealed when the supposedly-cancelled ‘academic’ was immediately given a platform in the Wall Street Journal to whine and raise funds:

Cofnas already admitted targeting Jason Arday to make a point against Black academics and to get revenge on Cambridge University for dismissing him.

But Arday looks more and more transparently like a victim of the billionaire-backed US far-right network to which Cofnas is linked:

Advertisement

Featured image via the Canary

Advertisement

By Skwawkbox

Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Politics

Politics Home Article | Boney M In Talks To Play At Reform Conference

Published

on

Boney M In Talks To Play At Reform Conference
Boney M In Talks To Play At Reform Conference

Seventies band Boney M is understood to be in talks to appear at Reform UK conference in several weeks (Alamy)


2 min read

Exclusive: Disco band Boney M is in talks with Reform UK to perform at the party’s conference next month, PoliticsHome understands.

Advertisement

The band, which rose to fame in the 1970s with songs like Rasputin and Daddy Cool, is being lined up to appear at the afterparty in Birmingham, set to be held on the Friday evening of the conference. 

A Reform spokesman told PoliticsHome: “Several exciting acts are under consideration for our conference after-party. This will be confirmed and announced in due course.”

Reform’s annual conference will take place in just under a fortnight from 3 September to 5 September.

Advertisement

Last year, Marlon and Jackie from The Jacksons made a surprise appearance at the Reform conference, performing songs including Blame it on the Boogie and Can You Feel it for around an hour. 

At the same event, Reform supporter Andrea Jenkyns, formerly a Conservative MP, performed self-written song Insomniac.

Attendees of this year’s Reform conference can purchase a ticket to the afterparty for £25. The party is marketed on the Reform UK website as an opportunity to “join Nigel Farage and special guests for an unforgettable evening”.

Boney M, formed in what was then West Germany, still performs today with changing lineups and is set to tour the country later this year, in cities including Liverpool and London. 

Advertisement

Original lead singer Liz Mitchell and dancer Maizie Williams have both taken part in recent performances. However, it is not clear what Boney M lineup is in talks to perform at Reform conference next month.

Reform figures will hope that the conference helps the party regain momentum after a tricky few months which have seen the polling of both the party and leader Farage dip. 

Last month, Farage comfortably won a by-election in his Clacton constituency, a contest he triggered after standing down as an MP amid growing pressure over a £5m donation he received from crypto-billionaire Christopher Harborne.

Advertisement

No other major party contested the by-election, arguing that it was a waste of time and resources.

 

 

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

The House | Clacton and Makerfield show we are living in an era of high-stakes politics

Published

on

Clacton and Makerfield show we are living in an era of high-stakes politics
Clacton and Makerfield show we are living in an era of high-stakes politics


4 min read

High turnout is often seen as a sign of a healthy democracy, but it can also be a symptom of polarisation and existential threat.

Advertisement

Clacton had all the ingredients for a low-turnout vote: a summer by-election, a seemingly inevitable Nigel Farage victory, and a main opponent wearing a dustbin on his head. Turnout usually falls between a general election and a by-election. But at 43 per cent, turnout was higher than expected, and on the hottest day of the year.

And it wasn’t a one-off: by-election turnout is no longer dropping as much as it used to. In Gorton and Denton, it nearly matched the general election; likewise, the Caerphilly by-election turnout beat the record for any national Senedd election. 

Makerfield saw the second-highest by-election turnout since 2000, and it was the first constituency since 1987 to surpass the previous general election in a by-election turnout. 

It’s a common, but perhaps flawed, truism that high turnout is a sign of a healthy democracy, an empowered and engaged public. Low turnouts, on the other hand, are seen as a sign of disillusionment. In 2001, Britain recorded its lowest turnout in almost a century – triggering worried speculation about the state of our democracy. Independent MP Martin Bell called the 59.4 per cent turnout “the saddest statistic of the whole election”.

Advertisement

A key feature of high-stakes politics is voting against, rather than for

The positive aspect of high turnout was often on display in Makerfield, where some voters said it felt like a “privilege” to choose the next prime minister. Ed, an engineer, told us: “More people knocked on our door and more leaflets have come through our door in the last two, three weeks than in my 40 years of voting in elections.”

Advertisement

But high turnout can also have a dark side. It is often a symptom of polarisation and existential fear of the other side winning: the 2020 US presidential election saw record turnout at a time of deep division, and it remained high in 2024.

Likewise in Britain, many of the by-elections with surprisingly high turnout have been examples of high-stakes, high-threat politics. In Gorton and Denton, we spoke to left-leaning voters terrified by the prospect of a Reform UK win, and willing to vote for “literally anyone” to prevent it. But with no clear safe anti-Reform choice, we heard from people trapped in a kind of tactical paralysis, combing online forums and Facebook groups for evidence of whether Labour or the Greens stood the better chance. On the day of the result, Issy, a training manager, told us she had been “pretty much up all night wondering, oh my God, did I make the right choice?”

A key feature of high-stakes politics is voting against, rather than for. Back in Clacton, Mike, a retiree, recalled meeting friends at the pub. When the by-election came up, he said: “There wasn’t one person who knew who they would vote for. They knew who they wouldn’t vote for.”

This has real consequences for Farage and his party. In Clacton, he proved he could motivate 22,000 people to show up against expectations and vote for him. But that nearly 10,000 turned up to vote for a man dressed as a bin is a sign the anti-Reform vote is mobilised too. Many voters across politics feel Reform is too great a risk, and would hold their nose and back a different candidate to keep them out of government.

Advertisement

A few months ago, Labour also risked being punished by the tendency to vote against: many on the right were willing to rally behind Reform to get Starmer out of government. But with the left looking more united and the right more divided, the stakes now appear highest for Farage himself.

It seems questionable that high-stakes politics is really a sign of a healthy democracy. Perhaps the right response to 2001’s abstentionism came from the then home secretary Jack Straw, who said the low turnout reflected “the politics of contentment” – a time that seems a long way from our turbulent politics of today.

 

Luke Tryl is the Executive Director of More in Common UK

Advertisement

Source link

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2025