Politics
International Women’s Day is an insult to women
Following Zero Discrimination Day and World Seagrass Day earlier this month, I still think International Women’s Day (IWD) is up there with the most inane of the global ‘awareness days’. First marked well over a century ago by a group of socialist women in Austria, Denmark, Germany and Switzerland, who declared it a ‘day of glory’ for women around the world, it has since devolved into a nauseating 24-hour corporate virtue-signal-athon.
Yesterday, on its 115th birthday, IWD claimed to be as committed as ever to raising awareness about ‘gender discrimination’, forging ‘gender parity’ and celebrating ‘women’s achievements’. Yet I have yet to meet a woman who has ever felt ‘celebrated’, ‘glorified’ or even mildly appreciated by the existence of this annual celebration. In fact, in recent years, International Women’s Day seems no longer to have much to do with women or women’s rights at all.
This point was rammed home when Let Women Speak founder Kellie-Jay Keen was removed from an IWD event at the Albert Hall in Nottingham yesterday. Keen had been interviewing staff members from Nottingham Women’s Centre, asking them if they offered single-sex spaces in accordance with the law. After being informed by police that these conversations had caused ‘alarm and distress’, she was frog-marched from the premises.
Indeed, how can we celebrate an international day for women or defend women’s rights when we cannot agree on what a woman actually is. If anyone who feels compelled to wear a dress can be considered a woman, regardless of biological reality, the event becomes redundant. We might as well hold a day for Anyone Who Feels a Bit Girly Lately – which happens to be the approach many organisations have taken. The Women of the World Foundation hosted a handful of events under the mission statement of seeking an ‘inclusive future for women, girls and nonbinary people’. Meanwhile, the Daily Gazette, a local paper in Essex, marked the occasion with a perfect ‘How can I make this about me?’ meme, publishing a stunning and brave first-person account of a local councillor’s transition from male to ‘female’.
The frustrating reality here is that men didn’t force their way into IWD as much as they were handed the keys. The biggest proponents of trans ideology remain young women. And until gender-critical women are given the right to state their case without retribution or ostracism, that isn’t likely to change. Far more concerning, however, is IWD’s apparent disdain for genuinely vulnerable women.
On Saturday in London, protesters demanding an end to violence against women and girls marched side by side with a ‘Feminists for Palestine’ rally. As they arrived in Trafalgar Square, they came face to face with a group of anti-ayatollah protesters, who were flying Israeli, British and the old Iranian lion-and-sun flags. Apparently, this lot had missed the memo that modern feminists are supposed to support Hamas and the Islamic Republic. It would be terribly un-progressive to speak out against, say, the rape and mutilation of young women at music festivals or theocratic regimes in which women are beaten in the streets for daring to reveal their hair.
All of this speaks to the distinctly Western, upper-middle-class nature of those who claim to be ‘for women’. They see no issue with inviting men into women’s spaces, because they are not the ones in need of private spaces, whether that be changing rooms in a workplace or a rape-crisis centre. They feel no remorse for their selective sisterhood. And they are entirely content to stick their fingers in their ears and sing ‘la-la-la’ while they sacrifice countless women and girls in pursuit of their SJW fantasies.
International Women’s Day may once have been about women’s liberation, but today it has become a celebration of men who think they’re women and men who want to oppress women. The feminists of old must be spinning in their graves.
Georgina Mumford is a content producer at spiked.
Politics
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Politics
Covid day of reflection sees Lisa Nandy skewered
Lisa Nandy shared some trite words on the government’s Covid-19 Day of Reflection. And rightly, disabled people ripped her to fucking shreds.
Covid Day of Reflection: lockdown through rose-tinted specs
According to the government, on March 8:
the nation will reflect and come together to remember those that lost their lives and to honour the tireless work and acts of kindness shown by many during the pandemic.
Of course, what actually happened was a few bullshit words and brushing the fact that COVID-19 still exists under the carpet.
Case in point, Lisa Nandy tweeted:
Today marks the national Covid-19 Day of Reflection.
Every one of us was impacted. My thoughts are with people who experienced loss and still carry the effects of the pandemic.
We also honour the dedication of our NHS staff, key workers and volunteers who helped us through.
Every March now, disabled people experience untold anger at the way “the pandemic years” are portrayed through rose-tinted glasses by politicians, the media, and even a lot of the general public.
They reminisce about banging pots and pans for the NHS instead of the government actually giving healthcare workers extra funding.
They laugh over socially distanced street parties while families couldn’t even hug at funerals. And get misty-eyed over Zoom games nights, talking about being “trapped” indoors.
When disabled people, who were actually abandoned in their homes, are ignored and still to this day derided.
Even though we know just how many of our community died and how many more disabled people Covid-19 is still creating.
Lisa Nandy ripped to shreds
A lot of hatred was rightly heaped onto the Tories for their handling of 2020, but it’s the way Labour is treating disabled people now that should also be in the spotlight.
Which is why Lisa Nandy’s tweet hit a nerve:
Today marks the national Covid-19 Day of Reflection.
Every one of us was impacted. My thoughts are with people who experienced loss and still carry the effects of the pandemic.
We also honour the dedication of our NHS staff, key workers and volunteers who helped us through.
— Lisa Nandy MP (@lisanandy) March 8, 2026
She’s correct in saying every one of us was impacted, but some of us far more than others. Nandy’s vast, wide-ranging hypocrisy was swiftly pointed out in the quote tweets.
Nandy turned off comments. Judging by the amount of anti-vaxxers in the quotes, this almost makes sense. But it also sent a clear message to disabled people that Labour don’t want your outlook either.
Some pointed out that COVID has not gone away, and Labour are doing nothing to stop it
You can catch Covid TODAY and get long term health effects from that infection starting NOW and UK Labour have done nothing to address airborne infection control backsliding in hospitals or run public health campaigns. You’re a joke https://t.co/ofRtYuvw9G
— null space (@null_nullspace) March 9, 2026
People are STILL losing their lives to Covid & others becoming disabled every day, including children. We need prevention; ventilation, filtration in all public buildings. Until then, 😷 @UKLabour have failed us, at least @TheGreenParty have an against covid policy. https://t.co/tPtKO8Lzfw
— Lara – Covid is Airborne (@fillthewhole) March 8, 2026
What are you doing TODAY for people catching covid, dying from it, and having long covid from past or recent infections? Presenting the pandemic is over is not a strategy. https://t.co/03TMGMmFhy
— Biology – 🧬 🔬 (@BiologyAwesome) March 9, 2026
But others, angry at the Labour planned cuts, pointed out just how dangerous Nandy’s party are for disabled people since COVID-19 started
What are you doing TODAY for people catching covid, dying from it, and having long covid from past or recent infections? Presenting the pandemic is over is not a strategy. https://t.co/03TMGMmFhy
— Biology – 🧬 🔬 (@BiologyAwesome) March 9, 2026
Labour want to slash benefits of people struggling with long term COVID. This MP has played lip service to the COVID struggle and blocked replies. Why bother being on here if you can’t take criticism? https://t.co/ZhPo5FBH8O
— McBea (@Mcbeath_on_sea) March 9, 2026
This, from a former NHS key worker, is heartbreaking:
I was one of those key workers.
Since COVID left me Disabled, @UKLabour have made me feel like a burden and a scrounger, even though I lost my health working hard to look after others.
Now you plan to slash benefits for people like me, while letting C19 rip.
Reflect harder. https://t.co/Q9aJZrEltl
— Nico Reznick 🏳️🌈🏳️⚧️🇪🇺🌍 (@NicoReznick) March 8, 2026
This is who the Labour Party really is
For all their platitudes about ‘honouring’ key workers and protecting people, they don’t give a fuck about disabled people. If they did, the DWP wouldn’t be trying to make it harder to claim PIP and slashing Universal Credit for new claimants.
At the end of the day, if successive governments hadn’t spent years demonising disabled people, it wouldn’t have been so easy for people to accept so many disabled deaths by COVID-19.
And that is the uncomfortable truth Labour needs to live with. Enough of the bullshit, politicians caused all these deaths. Now they get to have them on their conscience.
Featured image via the Canary
Politics
G7 Decides Against Deploying Emergency Oil Reserves
The G7 will not dip into its stockpiles of oil and gas after a call between its constituent nations’ finance ministers, according to French Finance Minister Roland Lescure. They spoke – including Reeves – in the past hour to discuss the possibility… The International Energy Agency co-ordinates activity of the G7 Strategic Petroleum Reserve. During…
Politics
Why Trump’s War In Iran Is Set To Make Us All Worse Off
Donald Trump’s war in Iran is set to have a trickle-down effect on prices around the world – meaning we could all end up worse off as a result.
The US president caused international chaos after he decided to work with Israel to launch strikes against Iran more than a week ago.
In retaliation, Tehran released missiles and drones on the neighbouring Gulf countries which are home to various US military bases.
It also effectively closed the Straits of Hormuz – the narrow stretch of water between the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman – by attacking the ships which travel through it.
About 20 million barrels of oil moves through the strait each day. That’s around a fifth of the world’s supply.
With the oil industry under threat, the global energy market is on unsteady ground – meaning everyone’s pockets are about to be hit.
Here’s what you need to know.
Petrol Prices Set To Go Up
The disruption in the Middle East is already sending the cost of Brent crude oil up.
It exceeded $105 (£78) a barrel on Monday, which is its highest price point in almost two years.
Gas has not increased in price this quickly since Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, a time when the west tried to rapidly wean itself off Moscow’s cheap oil exports.
Higher wholesale energy prices result in higher prices at the petrol pumps.
The average cost of a litre of unleaded petrol was at 137.51p on Monday, while diesel cost 150.97p, according to the automotive services RAC – but both prices are expected to rise.
However, motorists have been urged not to panic-buy as this could be short-lived.
RAC’s head of policy Simon Williams told The Times: “We really shouldn’t see a shock jump in prices because wholesale fuel costs have only been rising gradually.
“Even though the price of Brent crude has risen, the impact of this shouldn’t be felt for more than a week.”
Still, he predicted that unleaded would reach an average of 140p in the next week or so while diesel may go up to 160p.
Meanwhile, the Petrol Retailers Association has already written to chancellor Rachel Reeves requesting she drops plans to hike fuel duty later this year.
Trump – who is a multi-billionaire – has tried to downplay the impact of rising oil prices.
He wrote on TruthSocial: “Short term oil prices, which will drop rapidly when the destruction of the Iran nuclear threat is over, is a very small price to pay for USA, and World, Safety and Peace.”
Energy Bills Expected To Rise
Changes in the oil market will hit energy bills too, as so many businesses and households are reliant on fossil fuels.
Wholesale gas prices in the UK have already increased by as much as 50% after Qatar stopped producing liquified natural gas as a result of the conflict.
The UK is more reliant on gas than many of its European allies though it has been moving towards renewable energy since the Ukraine invasion.
It produces less than half of the gas it needs and imports the rest, meaning UK bills will still be impacted.
The good news is these higher wholesale costs will not trickle down to household budgets until July.
Energy regulator Ofgem controls how much companies can charge customers who are on standard variable tariffs for each unit of gas and electricity with a new amount every three months.
The cap has already been confirmed for April to June – £1,641 per year, for homes which use both oil and gas.
However, the investment firm Stifel has warned that European wholesale gas prices could triple if the Strait of Hormuz closes for more than six weeks.
That would take the cap to £2,500 a year.

Interest Rates Expected To Go Up
Approximately 1.2 million borrowers will have their fixed mortgage deals end between now and September, meaning they will be looking to take out a new agreement with the bank.
Mortgage rates were declining and the Bank of England was expected to cut its base rate of interest from 3.75%.
But, the conflict in the Middle East means rates are now likely to go up.
Since Trump first initiated attacks on Iran, swap rates – the rate of interest lenders pay to institutions in return for fixed funding – went up by 0.2 percentage points.
That’s a cost which is likely to be passed onto homeowners.
For savers, a hike in interest rates is normally a positive as it means they get more returns on their savings.
The stock market has stumbled in recent days but investing usually helps to defy the impact of high inflation rates.
Yet, the FTSE 100 – the Financial Times Stock Exchange 100 Index – fell nearly 200 points at one point on Monday, though it has already slightly improved.
Overall Economic Impact
Prominent economist Paul Johnson told Times Radio that the Iran war will likely take “at least half a point off growth” within the economy this year, if the conflict continues.
He said: “That doesn’t sound like much, but that is quite a lot.
“That’s going to create problems for the public finances, and it’s going to make us all worse off.”
He added: “If energy prices are up, the UK and other countries dependent on energy will just be worse off, at least for the period that they’re higher.”
Johnson said the damage could be quite reduced if the war concludes quickly – but if it doesn’t, we could be in for “another couple of slightly miserable years.”
Prime minister Keir Starmer also warned on Monday “that the longer this goes on, the more likely the potential for an impact on our economy, impact into the lives and households of everybody and every business”.
Even before the Iran war, the UK economy was already looking rather sluggish at the end of last year, with GDP going up by 0.1% between October and December.
Labour has been promising to improve the UK’s economic growth and address the rising cost of living for years.
But, the longer the conflict goes on, the worse it looks for the government’s plan to implement real change.
Politics
Mary Beard: a feminist for Islam?
Feminists for Islam are strange creatures. Like Queers for Palestine, they are neither fish nor fowl, though they are often very foul indeed. One can imagine these rare beings, after extinction, being commented on with whispering, quizzical solemnity by some future David Attenborough: ‘And then, when they reached their desired destination… they disappeared.’ Kind of like salmon expiring when they finally reach their happy spawning time – except we’re not allowed to eat Queers for Palestine, rendering them neither use nor ornament.
Feminists for Islam are perhaps even odder, like those weird women who write love letters to serial killers. It’s a parody of a ghastly, abusive romantic relationship – suicidal empathy turned ideology, with a soupçon of exceptionalism: ‘Oh, he’d never hurt me!’ But very few of these strange beasts get to write their love letters over several thousand words in the London Review of Books, where in October 2001, the classics professor turned TV pundit, Dame Mary Beard, wrote of the dreadful events of 9/11 that the US ‘had it coming’. ‘World bullies, even if their heart is in the right place, will in the end pay the price… [for their] refusal to listen to what the “terrorists” have to say.’ She also called what al-Qaeda did an ‘extraordinary act of bravery’.
Two-thousand, nine-hundred and seventy-seven people were murdered on 9/11, including more than 400 first responders (among them 343 firefighters and paramedics) and hundreds of plane passengers. Many more have since died due to illnesses linked to toxic exposure at the site of the Twin Towers. They came from 77 different countries – truly ‘diverse’, as opposed to their 19 killers. Colm Tóibín wrote an excellent letter to the LRB about Beard’s essay:
‘Over the past 25 years in Ireland I have made a point of asking anyone who was at school with members of the IRA, the INLA, the UDA and the UVF what these people were like at the age of 10. All have agreed that each child displayed a nasty early sign of terrorism long before he had a “cause”. Had a cause not come their way, these people would have beaten their dogs or their wives and children, attacked one another at hurling matches or taken out their resentment on a long back garden. Would Mary Beard refer to these actions as “extraordinary acts of bravery”?’
As if it couldn’t get worse, AI tells me that Beard is ‘celebrated for her sharp insights, especially on Roman life, women in history and bringing classical studies into mainstream culture, making her a “national treasure”’. Of course she is. The watchwords of NT-ism are ‘diversity’ and ‘inclusivity’ – but the approved views on everything from breakfast to Brexit, penises on women to Palestine, must be held. NTs are the cuddly face of the enemy within, part of the never-ending war against anyone who dares think differently from their betters and wetters. Many are little more than peppy propagandists, there to make us swallow through the medium of sport and entertainment what we have already choked on and vomited up when it was fed to us straight. The UK National Treasure gang can easily embrace a woman who, if she saw her best female friend being ‘done’ by a member of Hamas at one end and a member of Hezbollah at the other, would probably ask the poor woman what she said to provoke them.
Beard is still writing pash-notes to Islam, but in somewhat shorter form these days, posting on X this week: ‘On the question of whether churches should be allowed to become mosques, let’s remember that the Parthenon was originally a “pagan” temple, then was converted into a Christian church, then became a mosque. This kind of conversion is not historically unusual.’
An X-er calling himself Roman Helmet Guy had a good comeback:
‘Hi, I’m Mary Beard. You should be okay with your churches becoming mosques. Why? Because the Turks once violently conquered the Greeks, then converted their churches into mosques. Were the Greeks okay with that? No, millions died to stop it. But you should be. Trust me, I’m a scholar.’
Does Beard really believe that Islam is having an entirely benign effect on British society, even without turning churches into mosques? What does she think about the status of women in Muslim enclaves? Or about ‘family voting’ (Which makes it sound so cosy, like a ‘family-size’ bag of sweets)? The rape gangs? The petulant complaints about and violent attacks on Christian street preachers? The unparalleled violence and intimidation of our tiny Jewish community? Does she have that miraculous ability, like so many of her Lady Muck type, to only take in the information she wants to take in and dismiss opposing views as simply the great unwashed being silly? Or does a tiny part of her understand that Islam conquers by force – and secretly like the idea?
I’ve reached a stage in life when the extraordinary way some people get their kicks rarely surprises me. But if there’s no masochistic kink involved, the naivety Beard displays is extraordinary in one so lengthily and expensively educated.
Even when, in 2012, she was picked on by the ghastly AA Gill, I found it hard to care, though naturally I’d normally stand up for a woman called ‘too ugly for television’ by a puppet-faced monkey-killer. Referring to Channel 4’s The Undateables, in which various disabled and disfigured people sought love, Gill opined that Beard was ‘this far from being the subject of a Channel 4 dating documentary’ and should be ‘kept away from cameras altogether’. But even to this her response was annoying, whining ‘I was a bit hurt’ and ‘I felt stunned, as if someone had punched me’. Such pearl-clutching, from someone who considered that thousands of innocent people murdered by terrorists ‘had it coming’.
I thought I knew every awful thing about Beard, but in the course of writing this, I’ve discovered a new one. In 2018, after it was reported that Oxfam employees had been sexually exploiting impoverished girls and women, Beard tweeted: ‘Of course one can’t condone the (alleged) behaviour of Oxfam staff in Haiti and elsewhere. But I do wonder how hard it must be to sustain “civilised” values in a disaster zone.’ Unsurprisingly, this led many to respond with revulsion. The wimp then posted a photograph of herself crying, complaining that, ‘I find it hard to imagine that anyone out there could possibly think that I am wanting to turn a blind eye to the abuse of women and children’.
‘I actually can’t understand what it would be to be a woman without being a feminist’, this preposterous woman once said, rather incredibly in the light of her apparent sympathy for male violence over the years. Next time you’re tempted to tweet in support of various vile men, Dame Mary, try taking a look in the mirror first. And brush your hair, while you’re at it.
Julie Burchill is a spiked columnist. Follow her Substack, ‘Notes from the Naughty Step’, here.
Politics
How To Make Perfect Medium-Rare Steaks Every Time
Most of us have a Gordon Ramsay-style idea of how to cook a steak: take it out of the fridge, salt it, wait a little, and fry it in a sizzling pan, basting it in butter. Then let it rest.
Hey, I’m not against that. I’ve tried his method and loved it.
But according to some culinary experts, there’s a counterintuitive way to cook a perfectly medium-rare steak that’s got a rich brown crust from edge to juicy edge. And it’s known as “reverse searing”.
What is reverse searing?
When cooking steak, most people expect to sear the protein at the start, when it comes into contact with a very hot pan. The rest of the cooking is done at a lower temperature to allow the meat to actually cook.
But “reverse searing”, well, reverses that.
You slowly, gently cook the steak at first, then sear it at the end. The idea is to avoid that brown-outside, raw-middle problem that happens all too often with “regular” searing.
It also ensures the middle is evenly cooked. And because a nearly-cooked steak is drier than a raw one, reverse-seared steaks have less moisture, according to chef and food writer J Kenji López-Alt, which means that achieving a satisfying crust is much easier.
And lastly, as the enzymes that have been paralysed by your fridge have had a chance to get back into play by the time you’re ready to sizzle your “reverse-seared” steak, it’ll likely turn out more tender.
Does it work for all steaks?
Reverse searing works best for thick steaks. “Ribeye, New York, and filet mignon are great cuts that would provide great results in reverse searing,” chef Sam Shafer told The Takeout.
And writing for Serious Eats, López-Alt wrote that the method is best used on steaks thicker than 3.8-5 cm.
Reverse-searing steak recipe
The steps are pretty simple.
- Take your steak out of the fridge, season it, and put it in the oven at anywhere from 93-135°C. The higher the temp, the more “done” your steak will be.
- Wait ’til it’s just under your ideal temperature (54°C for a medium-rare steak, and 60°C for a medium steak). The time this takes will depend on the thickness of your steak; it can be 20-40 minutes.
- Take it out of the oven and put it into a ripping hot pan with oil. Cook until seared all over.
Another bonus? You don’t have to rest reverse-seared steaks (I’m sold).
Politics
Terrel Mollel: Why sticking with my One Nation conservatism doesn’t make me a Lib Dem
Terrel Mollel is an undergraduate at Queen Mary University of London studying Comparative Literature. He is a Young Conservative who has interned in Parliament, for the former Solicitor General, Robert Courts.
I first came to Parliament at 18-years old, unsure of how to negotiate my ideological position within our broad party.
I expect that some Liberal-Conservatives may share this challenge too. However, now at 22-years old I have made some headway to understanding how I fit in our broad-church Conservative Party. This journey involved considering another ideology, as well as (One-nation) Conservatism: New Liberalism. In summary, I weigh up aspects of One-nation Conservatism against New Liberalism to discern the value of the centre-right ground.
On reflection, identifying as a One-nation Conservative can appear like preferring a liberal persuasion within a traditional Party. So, this can prompt an important question: why choose the Conservative Party over the Liberal Party, if you’re more Liberal than traditional Conservatives? I have an answer, shaped by a comparison of the two liberal branches within these Parties. Yet a comparison of One-nation Conservatism and New Liberalism is due – to arrive at my answer. I begin with the former.
‘Young England’ originally featured in the former Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli’s novels (such as the Two Nations of 1845). A term referring to the energetic economic activity of England – stimulated by talented individuals. Disraeli was certainly optimistic about an England united under One-nation Conservatism. However, what does One-nation Conservatism amount to now? For example, before the 2024 general election the Times suggested that this branch of Conservatism may pervade the Parliamentary Party. But this powerful One-nation force has not manifested.
For instance, the Conservative leader, Kemi Badenoch MP, is adamant about prioritising the “common ground” over the “centre ground”. Therefore, an appraisal of the Party’s relationship with its One-nation Conservative heritage is important. It can provide insight on how centre-right Conservatives can navigate political thought. Key to doing this is reconciling One-nation Conservatism with its ideological counterpart: New Liberalism.
The ‘Young England’ ideal – a meritocratic society, in which every citizen can harness their talent as an economic agent – is contentious because it does not address inequality. So, this dream of England when applied to reality appears like a collision that incurs extensive collateral damage. For example the 1897 Rowntree and 1902 Booth studies validated the Liberal Party’s concerns about inequality.
So, an alternative vision to ‘Young England’ was shaped. In particular the New Liberals, valuing the primacy of the individual, sought to ‘wage war against poverty’. Their 1909/1910 People’s budget was emblematic of a progressive approach to social security. It created a safety net through its liberal reforms. Meanwhile, the Conservatives – persuaded by the centre ground – were in the process of expanding the franchise substantially that same century.
I digress, following the Rowntree and Booth studies, the New Liberals identified a range of vulnerable people in Britain who could not be economic agents: the young, the elderly, the sick. Indeed, the liberal reforms sought to redress these peoples. But the legacy of One-nation Conservatism is more abstract than British New Liberalism. While thinkers like Benjamin Disraeli and Edmund Burke supported reform, One-nation Conservatism in comparison with Liberalism defines its reform tenet less clearly. This problematises an edifice that attempts to reconcile ‘two nations’ (the upper and lower classes respectively).
However, notably Burke advocated for a state to change and permit preservation of other aspects of its apparatus (in their book Reflections on the Revolution in France). In this way, One-nation Conservatism seems to value the stability of the polity as much as social cohesion. Therefore, ‘Young England’ is emblematic of more than just a free-market creed (‘Young England’).
One-nation Conservatism is a free-market and a dynamic state, whereas New Liberalism reduces everything to the primacy of the individual. Particularly as to Burke the logical progression from ‘Young England’ led to an ambition for a dynamic state. Such a society can accommodate the liberal reforms. Indeed, after the 1922 Conservative meeting that decisively defeated the Liberals, the Conservatives retained the Liberal’s ‘safety net’.
Young Conservatives like me value One-nation Conservatism. Particularly as Benjamin Disraeli’s ‘Young England’ ideal can be traced as the antecedent for much more than just a meritocratic creed. New Liberalism can appear more ambitious than the One-nation Conservatism on economic terms alone, but that does not account for everything. One-nation Conservatism is oriented around a different – greater – aim, rather than one prescriptive policy platform (the safety net).
One-nation Conservatism can appeal to our aspirations toward agency and our concerns about social cohesion. In contrast, New Liberalism just offers a reductive imagination of our capacity. While One-Nation Conservatism derives from an economic creed, ‘Young England’ was just the origin of a dynamic ideally that can be advanced. By reappraising our understanding of the two ideologies discussed, I believe that the value of the centre-right can be advanced. In summary, One-nation Conservatism remains a promising product of political thought. We must engage with it.
Politics
This Morning Dismisses Tess Daly And Vernon Kay Presenting Rumours
This Morning bosses have dismissed reports claiming that they are looking to shake up the presenting line-up on the hit daytime show.
Over the weekend, The Sun published a piece claiming that This Morning producers were eyeing the possibility of recruiting husband-and-wife duo Tess Daly and Vernon Kay as a new presenting team for the show, in an attempt to overturn diminishing viewing figures.
However, a representative has since insisted that this is not the case.
“We are very happy with Cat [Deeley], Ben [Shephard], Alison [Hammond] and Dermot [O’Leary] as This Morning’s lead presenters and there are no plans for that to change,” a spokesperson told The Standard on Monday.
The ITV rep added that “2026 has got off to a great start” for This Morning, pointing out that viewing figures are “up year on year” and that the show has “a weekly reach of 3.7 million viewers”.
Last year, Tess made headlines when she announced she was stepping down as the host of Strictly Come Dancing, having been with the show since it launched in 2004.
Since then, she and her husband Vernon co-presented a special edition of The One Show together last month while regular presenters Alex Jones and Roman Kemp were away, marking their first time presenting on screen together in two decades.
Cat Deeley and Ben Shephard were appointed as This Morning’s regular presenting team in early 2024, following a turbulent period for the ITV daytime show in light of the much-publicised departures of Phillip Schofield and Holly Willoughby.

Ken McKay/ITV/Shutterstock
Alison Hammond and Dermot O’Leary, meanwhile, have been the show’s resident Friday presenters since 2020, taking over the slot previously occupied by Eamonn Holmes and Ruth Langsford.
The show also features regular guest presenting contributions from the likes of Craig Doyle, Josie Gibson, Rochelle Humes and Rylan Clark.
This Morning airs every weekday from 10am on ITV1.
Politics
Life Lessons From A Parent Who Moved Abroad
When we landed in Spain, I thought I knew what the hard part would be: the paperwork, the language, finding a decent school for my kids. It turned out to be none of those.
One afternoon, not long after we arrived, I took my son to the beach. He spotted a group of dolphins close to shore and started shouting before I could even take it in. His excitement was pure: loud, physical, alive. I just stood there, half smiling, half stunned by the thought that somewhere along the line I had started believing that moments of pure wonder and awe weren’t really meant for me anymore.
That’s the thing no one says out loud about motherhood. You don’t stop wanting adventure; you just learn it’s no longer encouraged. You’re meant to provide stability now – the constant background hum that keeps everything running smoothly.
Before having children, I lived abroad and travelled widely. I had explored more than 50 countries and always thought of myself as someone who was comfortable with change.
But when I became a mother, something shifted. I started receiving the message, subtle but persistent, that the responsible thing to do now was to stay put. I didn’t stop wanting to explore; I just started to question whether I was allowed to.
For the first few years, we lived a fairly conventional city life in London – one of routines, work schedules, nursery runs and the unspoken expectation that fun and novelty had given way to stability. But my restlessness never fully disappeared.

Photo Courtesy Of Doris Dario
When we made the decision to move to Spain, it was something of an experiment – a chance to see what life might look like somewhere different, while the children were still small enough to adapt easily.
That first move became a pattern. Over the years, we relocated eight times as a family: to Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Northern Ireland. Some moves were prompted by a desire for language learning, others just because we wanted to try out a different rhythm of life.
The children learned how to say quick hellos and long goodbyes. They picked up fragments of different languages, mixed up spellings, and made friends they still message in other time zones.
Underneath it all was a desire to teach our children that the world was larger than just one place, and to have them grow up feeling at home in more than one culture. But I still felt a quiet strain – the guilt that maybe we were uprooting too often, chasing something children were meant to be shielded from.
Relocation looks glamorous from a distance, but in reality, it is a series of small practical puzzles: finding a house with decent heating, translating school emails, explaining to the kids why lunch suddenly starts at 3pm and no one seems bothered by it.
And underneath the logistics lies the emotional work of starting over.

Photo Courtesy Of Doris Dario
When one of my children started acting out after a move, I brushed it off as normal settling-in stress. I kept telling myself it was temporary. But what I now recognise is that it was grief: the low-level kind that hides behind bad moods and exhaustion.
After that, we changed our approach. We’d been good at talking about the excitement of what was next, but not about what we were leaving behind. Before each move, we started talking about what would be lost as well as what might be found. The friends, the familiar streets, our local corner shop. It didn’t make goodbyes easier, but it made them more honest.
Watching my children adapt forced me to reconsider what stability actually means. For our family, that anchor became simple rituals: dinners where everyone could say what they missed and what they were excited about, sometimes in the same breath.
Children, it turns out, are often better at transition than adults. They throw themselves into new places; they make connections quickly. It’s the parents who cling to the structure of what’s familiar, who mistake routine for safety. Watching my kids adjust forced me to reconsider what stability actually means.
Stability isn’t about one postcode forever. Maybe it’s about feeling emotionally anchored, wherever you end up.
“Raising children is not about protecting them from change; my role is to show them how to move through it.”
I also began to see what my children were gaining. They became comfortable entering unfamiliar spaces. They learned early that people live differently in different parts of the world. They ask questions about culture and language, and they developed perspectives they might not have if their world had stayed smaller.
They understand that identity can stretch across places, languages and communities. That belonging does not have to be tied to one passport or geography. Those are not small lessons.
Slowly, I also began to understand what all these moves were teaching me about motherhood: raising children is not about protecting them from change, my role is to show them how to move through it.
For a long time, I thought motherhood narrowed my world. In reality, it rewired it. Adventure does not have to mean throwing yourself off cliffs. For us, it means moving towards a life that feels truer, even when it doesn’t match the script people expect you to follow.
That afternoon on the beach, watching my son shouting with delight at the dolphins, reminded me of what I’d forgotten: that adventure and awe aren’t owned by the young or the brave. They’re available to anyone willing to look up and pay attention.
And maybe that is the lesson I want my children to carry with them most – that their world is allowed to be big, changeable and full of beginnings.
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Politics
Why Britain is so vulnerable to the new world disorder
The war launched by the United States and Israel against the Islamic Republic of Iran raises serious questions about sovereignty – above all, the tension between respect for state sovereignty and the regrettable fact that states will sometimes decide they have no alternative but to violate it by force. But the more pressing question for us is closer to home – what does this conflict reveal about British sovereignty, and our government’s ability to act in the national interest?
There are those who habitually claim that the UK is simply in thrall to the US. They claim that British governments have been all too willing to follow Washington’s line, an approach that led to Britain’s involvement in the disastrous war in Iraq in the mid-2000s. And there are others who now take the opposite view. They claim that Britain has become increasingly hostile to the US, and especially to Israel. They argue that UK prime minister Keir Starmer’s fear of upsetting the Muslim vote in Labour’s former heartlands is now feeding into an anti-Israel, anti-US foreign policy.
Both arguments contain elements of truth. But the reality is at once more banal and more alarming. Britain has not surrendered its national interest either to Washington or to an Islamist veto. The deeper problem is that Britain no longer has an articulated national interest at all. Our political class has simply allowed sovereignty to drain away amid confusion, evasion and institutional decay. Britain is governed by a domestic elite that is increasingly detached, incapable and, in many cases, quietly hostile to the idea of national interest itself.
The response to the Iran-Hezbollah drone attack on Britain’s Royal Air Force Base in Cyprus earlier this month has been revealing. For the first time since 1980, Britain had no warships in the eastern Mediterranean or the Gulf. Air defences were effectively absent. The UK’s main carrier strike group was still en route to Greenland. Britain ended up having to rely on Greece and France to help secure its own military base. That is not evidence of foreign capture. It is evidence of institutional incompetence.
An even starker example was provided by the Foreign Office in August 2021, as Kabul fell to the Taliban. In a Times comment piece published last week, former civil servant Ameer Kotecha reveals how, amid British forces’ calamitous withdrawal from Afghanistan, Foreign Office staff were invited to mark World Afro Day (‘a global day of celebration and liberation of Afro hair’) with a panel discussion. One of the participants was a director in charge of ‘matters of national security’.
Little seems to have changed over the past few years. Kotecha also revealed how, during the drone strike on Cyprus, the Foreign Office’s internal intranet reportedly led not with the unfolding international crisis, but with prompts encouraging staff to ‘Take charge of your development’.
The details are absurd, but the pattern is familiar. The Foreign Office is of a piece with the rest of the civil service. Still working from home long after the pandemic ended, Foreign Office staff seem preoccupied with endless diversity strategies, corporate initiatives and de facto excuses for drift. Actual expertise in foreign languages and serious knowledge of Britain’s adversaries seems thin on the ground.
This is all indicative of a governing elite no longer capable of thinking in terms of the national interest. The first duty of the state, and of the officials who serve it, ought to be to put the country first. Yet today’s governing class appears to prioritise almost anything and everything else.
In the absence of any sense of the national interest, British foreign policymakers have filled the vacuum with the language of international law and human rights. It is no coincidence that this is the terrain on which Keir Starmer is most comfortable.
But talk of international law and human rights does not address the question of Britain’s national interest. It evades it. It allows our governing elites to avoid having to use their judgement and take responsibility for foreign-policy decisions.
The language of human rights and international law is also hopelessly elastic. It can be invoked to justify the Iraq War or to condemn Israel’s actions in Gaza. It can be used to support arming Ukraine, or to refuse to support the US in the war with Iran. Even Vladimir Putin speaks the dialect of human rights and international law when it suits him.
It is tempting to blame the decay of the national interest on the rise of human-rights lawyers like Starmer himself, or the influence of external actors, from the Chinese Communist Party to Islamic sectarians. But these are consequences, not causes.
The problem is that too few people in British public life are willing, or even able, to speak plainly about the sovereign national interest. That is why even the smallest signs of change matter. Starmer, dragged by the US-Israeli strikes on Iran into a harsher and more fragmented world, has at least begun to use the language of national interest – admittedly, he has so far used it less as a coherent doctrine and more as a cover for Britain’s hesitation over supporting the US. Still, the shift matters. It suggests that the old evasions of responsibility are becoming harder to sustain.
Britain does not yet have a fully worked-out doctrine of national interest for every arena of policy. That work remains to be done. But the fact a prime minister is speaking in those terms at all – asking what strengthens British sovereignty, what protects British citizens, what serves Britain as a nation – is already a necessary corrective. It is certainly a more honest basis for politics in a world increasingly shaped by hard power and competing national interests.
More than that, it answers a demand the British people have been making for years. The 2016 Brexit vote was not merely an instruction to leave the European Union. It was an insistence, however inarticulate, that the country should once again be governed in accordance with its own interests, by people willing to name them.
That remains the task. The job now is not to hide behind law, process or international pieties. It is to recover the habit of sovereignty – to decide, clearly and unapologetically, what serves Britain’s national interest, and then to act accordingly.
This is an edited version of a speech given at the Battle of Ideas North, on Saturday 7 March in Manchester. The session was ‘Iran, Greenland, Brexit Britain… does sovereignty still matter?’
Jacob Reynolds is a writer based in Brussels and London.
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