Connect with us

Politics

Johnny Flynn Addresses JK Rowling Controversy Ahead Of Harry Potter Role

Published

on

John Lithgow

Harry Potter newcomer Johnny Flynn is addressing the backlash surrounding JK Rowling after he accepted a role in the latest adaptation of her novels.

Johnny is set to play Lucius Malfoy in HBO’s new Harry Potter TV show, which will dedicate one season to each of Rowling’s books.

Since the project was announced, several cast members have received backlash for accepting roles in the series due to the author’s involvement as an executive producer, as she has become a polarising figure in recent years due to her commentary on issues relating to transgender people.

This has included – but is not limited to – deliberately and repeatedly misgendering transgender public figures, and donating tens of thousands of pounds to the campaign group which raised the initial legal challenge that led to the UK Supreme Court’s 2025 ruling that the legal definition of a woman should include only those who were assigned female at birth.

Advertisement

During a recent interview with The Hollywood Reporter, Johnny was asked about the new Harry Potter series and raised the issue of Rowling himself.

“Obviously, there’s quite a lot of stuff around Jo Rowling,” he began. “I suppose that’s been quite interesting to navigate, the conversations there – but all important conversations to have.

“The people working on this are really, really great and create a really special atmosphere, [like] Francesca [Gardiner] the showrunner, and Mark Mylod and various directors. There’s such care.”

He pointed out that his character is “hardly in book one”, meaning his appearances in season one are limited, although he insisted the show has “such a welcoming environment” on set.

Advertisement

Among the prolific names already cast in the Harry Potter series are John Lithgow as Albus Dumbledore, Nick Frost as Rubeus Hagrid and Paapa Essiedu as Severus Snape.

John Lithgow

Shortly after John’s casting was announced, the two-time Oscar nominee admitted he was “absolutely not” expecting the backlash he received for accepting the role of Dumbledore, pondering: “I wonder how JK Rowling has absorbed it. I suppose at a certain point I’ll meet her and I’m curious to talk to her.”

More recently, the Conclave star told The Hollywood Reporter of the controversy: “I take the subject and the issue extremely seriously.

“JK Rowling has created this amazing canon for young people, young kids’ literature that has jumped into the consciousness of society. Young and old people love Harry Potter and the Harry Potter stories. It’s so much about acceptance. It’s about good versus evil. It’s about kindness versus cruelty. It’s deeply felt.”

He added that, because of this, he found Rowling expressing “such views” on transgender people both “ironic and somewhat inexplicable”.

Advertisement

Meanwhile, after ruffling feathers with his own casting, Nick Frost insisted last year that his and Rowling’s views on the trans community are markedly different.

“She’s allowed her opinion and I’m allowed mine,” he insisted. “They just don’t align in any way, shape or form.”

Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Politics

The House Article | Community Health is driving economic resilience in Winchester

Published

on

Community Health is driving economic resilience in Winchester
Community Health is driving economic resilience in Winchester


3 min read

Healthcare is nearly always discussed as a cost upon society. A cost which we must pay for by extracting the hard-earned income of the people and businesses of Britain.

Advertisement

A luxury we can only afford to improve if we achieve economic growth. A service for which we must make so-called “tough choices” and perhaps cut to make it more affordable.

I believe that this way of thinking is entirely back-to-front. Far from being a national luxury only afforded to a growing economy, our community mental health and social care services are key investments that create the very growth this government claims to seek. Paying to keep our people healthy is what saves us from the much greater costs of a society without quality healthcare for all.

When people get ill and need hospital treatment, we rightly focus on the personal impact that has on them and their family and the medical care they receive. But that can mean we overlook the impact on the wider community and the economy. When people become unwell over the long term, that means they can fall out of the workforce, they can struggle to pay bills, rent or their mortgage. They may come to rely on family members or state support to get by. It may have a knock-on effect and require families to reduce their hours or leave paid employment in order to provide care work to their loved one.

Advertisement

Without adequate support, what might have been a small or short-term financial difficulty for a family can escalate into major economic harm.

In Winchester, we’ve seen how much difference it makes when we join the dots properly. At Melbury Lodge, our local mental health hospital run by Hampshire & Isle of Wight Healthcare NHS Foundation Trust, staff work in partnership with Citizens Advice Winchester District to help inpatients manage their finances and practical affairs while they’re still in hospital. That means when someone is finally well enough to be discharged, they don’t go home to a pile of unopened bills, eviction notices or court letters they were in no state to deal with.

The project has now helped around 600 people across Hampshire, preparing them for life in the community, free from the stressors that had been impacting their mental health. The main advice areas were around finance and housing, but the holistic service provided by Citizens Advice meant people could address a wide range of issues affecting their lives.

The research on this project found that for every £1 spent, around £14 was saved for the hospital Trust largely from shorter lengths of stay, fewer readmissions, reduced medication and better engagement in community services. With this incredible return on investment, a service like this should stop being thought of as a luxury that would be unaffordable to fund publicly. It’s smart, evidence-driven policy that also treats people like human beings – and provides good value for public finances.

Advertisement

This government has been desperate to find economic growth under the difficult economic circumstances left to them by the Conservatives – limiting their ability to spend or borrow.

That’s why I believe we need to boost ‘Spend to Save’ solutions just like this, which both generate a strong economic return for the economy and do so while following a more affordable cost path than the alternative of allowing people to fall further into debt and economic hardship.

Debt and in-work poverty ruins lives. It saps the joy from life, puts strain on relationships, and contributes towards our growing economic and mental health crises. But by supporting initiatives like this across the country, we can begin to tackle both crises together.

Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Politics

I Opposed The Death Penalty. Then I Got A Serial Killer Case.

Published

on

The author with his dog.

I was 14 the first time I really thought about the death penalty. Every day in freshman English, our teacher wrote a new question on the whiteboard. Before class began, we had to write a short essay on the topic. One day, the prompt read: “What is your opinion on capital punishment?”

Until that moment, I hadn’t given it much thought. Whenever I heard that someone had been sentenced to death, I just assumed they probably deserved it. But I’d never been asked to consider whether it was morally right.

I wrote my first sentence with a No. 2 pencil: “I believe the death penalty is appropriate when a serious crime has been committed.”

Then I stopped. I picked up the eraser and erased it. I realised I couldn’t, in good faith, justify capital punishment.

Advertisement

Unlike my answer to the question on the board, death wasn’t a decision that could be undone just by picking up an eraser. Death was final. So, from that moment forward, I knew where I stood: I was against the death penalty.

As I grew older, my opposition to the death penalty never faded. It became a core part of my identity, a topic I often returned to in conversations with friends, or sometimes even strangers.

The more I read about the topic, the more disturbed I became by how unevenly capital punishment is applied. Two people can commit the same crime and receive completely different sentences, depending on where the crime occurred, or on their access to money and legal resources.

I learned about the many people who were executed and later found to be innocent. I began donating to The Innocence Project, an organisation that works to free the wrongfully convicted. At times, my donations were small. But it was my way of staying connected to a belief I had carried since I was 14.

Advertisement

I never expected that 20 years later, I would again be confronted with the same question written on that whiteboard. But this time, it wasn’t hypothetical.

In April 2025, I received a jury summons. I didn’t have time for jury duty, but the court’s website said most proceedings last only two to three days. I assumed I would not be selected, and if I was, I expected it to be brief.

Ultimately, I was selected to be a juror, and I quickly realised this wouldn’t be the case. It was a trial of an accused serial killer who was alleged to have murdered eight people: Andrew Remillard; Parker Smith; Salim Richards; Latorrie Beckford; Kristopher Cameron; Maria Villanueva; his mother, Rene Cooksey; and her partner, Edward Nunn.

As the scope of the case became clear, I knew that a death sentence was a real possibility, and I felt conflicted about moving forward as a juror. But as I listened to other potential jurors answer the attorneys’ questions during selection, I began to think maybe I belonged there. I hoped I could keep an open mind and bring nuance to deliberative conversations.

Advertisement

One of the most difficult days as a juror was when the youngest daughter of Maria Villanueva testified. Maria had been abducted and sexually assaulted. Her lifeless body was found in an unpaved alley – nearly naked, surrounded by trash cans and cigarette butts.

After listening to her talk about her mother, I had a 6pm dinner reservation for pasta and drinks with my neighbours. The juxtaposition felt shameful, but I was desperate to think about anything other than what had happened in court.

After months of testimony, the jury deliberated on whether or not the defendant was guilty. We found the defendant guilty on all charges, but the jury still had to determine if the defendant would receive life in prison with no release or the death penalty.

Before the sentencing phase of the trial began, the victims’ families read their impact statements.

Advertisement

When Kristopher Cameron’s partner spoke, I knew her words would hurt.

“Our son was only 10 months old when his father was taken. My daughter never got to meet him. My kids will never experience dances or donuts with their dad. He had dreams. Now all we are left with is the void his absence will carry.”

Kristopher’s children will never hear his voice or watch him walk through the front door after work and kiss their mother. Instead, they’re left with ashes on a mantle. They won’t know his smell, his laugh, or how it felt to hug him. They will never unwrap a gift with a tag that says, “From Dad.” Kristopher’s murder ended one life, but it also fractured every life he was connected to.

After several more months of listening to the prosecution and the defense arguing over mitigating circumstances, it was time for the jury to deliberate again. We immediately took a preemptive vote.

Advertisement

I was the only one who didn’t instantly vote for death.

The author with his dog.

Photo Courtesy Of William Ehlers

The author with his dog.

Attempting to keep an open mind, for six out of the eight counts, I voted as “undecided”. For the murder of the defendant’s mother and her partner, I voted in favour of life without parole.

I braced for the judgement from the other jurors. I explained that I had tried to consider all the mitigating circumstances related to the defendant. He had been abused. I know his childhood was difficult, and I know that he had a problem with drugs. Legally, these factors all allowed us to grant leniency. But any attempt to have these conversations fell on deaf ears.

Many jurors refused to acknowledge the defendant’s history of drug abuse and mental illness, despite expert testimony from both the defense and the prosecution. All the mitigating circumstances were irrelevant to them. The only thing that mattered was making sure the defendant was executed.

Advertisement

It didn’t feel like justice for the victims – it was vengeance toward the defendant.

After just a few days of deliberation, I knew if I didn’t change my vote to execute, I’d be the cause of a hung jury, which meant the sentencing phase would have to be retried, a process that would take months. A new group of jurors would be tasked with deciding a sentence for a verdict they hadn’t delivered. And there was no way to know how long it would be before the new trial began.

I sat on the floor of the jury room hallway, creating a list.

If I choose death, that’s it. He’s dead.

Advertisement

But if I choose life, the jury will hang. His sentence will be retried, some new set of jurors will go through it all again, and the victims’ loved ones will be denied closure.

There was no option that did not harm someone, if not many people. There was no option that minimised the damage. I’d gone into this trial initially believing I would not vote to execute the defendant under any circumstance. I romanticised the idea of refusing to crack under pressure, and the mercy I would be extending to someone. But after a week of sleepless nights and several bottles of wine, I knew what I had to do.

“All in favour of life for count one, regarding Parker Smith, raise your hand.”

“Now, all in favour of death, raise your hand.” Twelve votes.

Advertisement

I was forced to put my hand up for each individual charge until I had voted for death six times. I couldn’t bring myself to vote for death regarding the murder of the defendant’s mother, Rene Cooksey, and her partner, Edward Nunn, because I did not believe the defendant was in a coherent state of mind when he committed these murders.

Once the vote was done, I managed to lift my head off the table, only to drop my face into my palms and weep. I couldn’t hold back any longer. I could hear backpacks zipping as the other jurors packed up their belongings to head out for lunch, while I just cried.

The defendant had been arrested on Dec. 17, 2017. Exactly eight years later, we turned in our verdicts. They were read out loud the next day.

Being a juror on a capital murder trial unearthed frustrations with our system that I never knew existed. I always knew that I didn’t support capital punishment, but I supported it even less after this experience.

Advertisement

I know I will always partially regret my decision. My life will forever exist in two sections: before trial and after trial. If I was able to give in on my most strongly held belief, what do I really believe in, and what do those beliefs even mean? Being responsible for an execution is a burden I will carry with me. While the death of each victim brings me sorrow, so does the inevitable death of the defendant.

I wish the trial hadn’t ended this way. But I wish there didn’t have to be a trial at all, because I wish that all eight victims were still here. I think about Andrew, Parker, Salim, Latorrie, Kristopher, Maria, Rene and Ed constantly. I will always do my best to make sure they live on.

I chose death, not because I wanted the defendant to die, but to bring closure to the families and to allow the victims to finally rest in peace. Although I know I am going to carry the burden of that choice with me forever, I hope it lifted at least a little of that burden off them.

Do you have a compelling personal story you’d like to see published on HuffPost? Find out what we’re looking for here and send us a pitch at pitch@huffpost.com.

Advertisement

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

The House Article | Parliament is about to make a grave mistake over its own restoration

Published

on

Parliament is about to make a grave mistake over its own restoration
Parliament is about to make a grave mistake over its own restoration

(Alamy)


3 min read

No one disputes that the Palace of Westminster needs serious work. It faces fire risks, crumbling systems and decades of underinvestment.

Advertisement

Essential safety repairs are unavoidable.

But Parliament is now being steered towards something very different: a vast, expanding and insufficiently scrutinised programme that could cost tens of billions of pounds — with no credible guarantee of cost control, no clear line of delivery authority and no meaningful parliamentary grip on the process.

The first problem is scrutiny — or rather, the lack of it. Parliament may soon be asked to authorise up to £3bn in preparatory spending over seven years. That sum excludes VAT and inflation. It will be presented through a single vote in each House shortly after publication of a long, complex and technical report. There will be limited time for Members to digest it.

Advertisement

And, at a time when money is short, it is an order of magnitude more than the public might expect. It threatens to make this project another HS2.

Families are under sustained financial pressure thanks to Labour’s mismanagement and public services face real constraints. In this context, a programme of this magnitude demands rigorous scrutiny, firm cost discipline and clear prioritisation. Those standards are not currently being met.

If this were ordinary government expenditure, ministers would be at the dispatch box. Officials would appear before committees. There would be sequenced scrutiny and democratic accountability. None of that applies here. Internal boards meet in private. Hundreds of millions of pounds are already spent annually with relatively little public visibility. Parliament is being asked to approve one of the largest capital programmes in British history through a process that would not pass muster anywhere else.

Advertisement

Secondly, cost. The underlying options currently favoured could cost as much as £39bn. The report itself acknowledges design immaturity, uncertainty and inflationary drift. Anyone with experience of major public works will know what that language implies.

Past experience does not inspire confidence. Portcullis House ran substantially over budget and now suffers from serious defects less than 25 years after completion.

Yet taxpayers are now being asked to fund a programme several orders of magnitude larger. Where, exactly, is the credible delivery authority capable of imposing discipline at this scale?

The governance proposals are themselves revealing. The report suggests that roles and responsibilities across the various bodies involved should be clarified — but only after Phase One is approved. It also floats the creation of an additional management board alongside the two already in place. That is a recipe for failure.

Advertisement

Third, there is mission creep. What began as a safety-led intervention increasingly resembles a radical transformation. That is how large public projects lose focus and taxpayers lose control.

Finally, the choice being presented is misleading. The two preferred options presented by the Client Board are not simply technical alternatives. One of them, the “full decant” proposal, would remove Parliament from the Palace for more than a decade, sharply curtail public access and great ceremonial occasions such as the State Opening and fundamentally disrupt centuries of continuity. That is not a marginal operational adjustment; it is a constitutional rupture. It underlines how decisions over restoration cannot be reduced to technocratic issues.

The danger is clear. And the result could be a loss of confidence in Parliament itself.

There is a better path. Begin with urgent, defined safety works. Move to phased renewal. Authorise spending incrementally. Impose hard cost ceilings. Establish a clear and accountable delivery structure working through named individuals before, not after, committing new capital.

Advertisement

The Palace of Westminster belongs to the British people, and they deserve better than these proposals.

Jesse Norman is the shadow leader of the House of Commons and Conservative MP for Hereford and South Herefordshire

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Gaza is subject to a cultural genocide

Published

on

Gaza is subject to a cultural genocide

According to a recent academic study, the Israeli onslaught on the Gaza Strip does not stop at mass murder and the destruction of infrastructure, but extends – according to American researcher Henry A. Giroux – to the systematic targeting of education, culture, collective memory and Palestinian identity.

In his study entitled “Scholasticide: Waging War on Education from Gaza to the West,‘ published in the Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies, Giroux proposes the concept of ’scholasticide” as an analytical framework for understanding war as a structural project that is not limited to physical destruction, but also targets the intellectual and cultural foundations of Palestinian society.

Israel is targeting the conditions for survival in Gaza

The study argues that military operations are not isolated events or incidental consequences of the conflict, but part of an integrated process that strikes at the conditions for the survival of society, including the institutions that produce and transmit knowledge: schools, universities, libraries, museums, and cultural centres.

Giroux writes:

Advertisement

War crimes do more than destroy bodies; they erode morality, memories, and the deeply rooted habits of public consciousness. The brutality of Israel’s military actions in Gaza is painfully evident in the images of children’s bodies, torn apart amidst bombed mosques, hospitals, and schools.

His work ties the destruction of Gaza – in all its many facets – with the broader aim of Israel normalising such destruction. That normalisation comes in the form of arrests, house demolitions, widespread bombing and the targeting of civilian facilities, including schools and hospitals, are presented, according to his analysis, as routine measures or security necessities, creating a cultural and ethical climate that accepts and reproduces oppression.

He also points out that any attempt to document violations or legally characterise them as war crimes is met with smear campaigns and ready-made accusations, which negatively affects freedom of expression, especially in the academic sphere:

The ideological assault on free speech and academic freedom lays the groundwork for the physical destruction of institutions essential to critical education as a practice of freedom and liberation

Figures reveal the extent of educational losses

The study is based on UN and human rights reports that point to widespread destruction in the education sector, including:

  • A large proportion of schools in the Gaza Strip have been damaged.
  • All universities in the Strip have been bombed or vandalised, resulting in the suspension of studies for tens of thousands of students.
  • Large numbers of students, teachers and university professors have been killed or injured.

Giroux believes that these facts cannot be interpreted as collateral damage, but rather as part of a policy that effectively undermines the knowledge structure of society and threatens its ability to recover.

Definition of ‘cultural genocide’

Giroux defines cultural genocide as the systematic destruction of education, culture and intellectual infrastructure with the aim of erasing collective memory and preventing society from producing and transmitting knowledge. This process includes:

Advertisement
  • The destruction of educational institutions, archives and libraries.
  • Killing or displacing teachers and intellectuals.
  • Targeting cultural and historical sites.

He adds that this pattern is not limited to the Palestinian context, but extends, according to his analysis, to universities in the United States and Europe, where controversy over freedom of expression and the punishment of academics and students for their political positions is growing, reflecting, in his view, a broader crisis in the independence of education.

Focus on children

The study pays particular attention to children, arguing that depriving them of education in the aftermath of war has profound psychological and social consequences. Giroux describes this impact as ‘slow violence’ because it does not immediately manifest itself in images of destruction, but leaves long-lasting scars on the fabric of society and its hope for the future.

The study also addresses the relationship between some Israeli universities and the military establishment and security industries, arguing that this entanglement contributes to the transformation of knowledge into a tool that serves the military system and influences the nature of the academic discourse produced about the conflict.

A global test of the meaning of education

Giroux concludes that what is happening in Gaza is no longer a local issue, but has become a global test of the value of education and human rights. When schools are targeted and the right to education is undermined, the question becomes broader than geography: what is the meaning of justice if the very conditions of knowledge are destroyed?

He emphasises that defending education and freedom of research is not a narrow political position, but a moral obligation to protect the future of societies, warning that silence on the destruction of knowledge could open the door to a world reshaped on the foundations of oppression and ignorance rather than justice and human dignity.

Advertisement

Featured image via the Canary

Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Politics

Brits tighten their belts, cash-strapped amid cost of living crisis

Published

on

Brits tighten their belts, cash-strapped amid cost of living crisis

The neoliberal system leaves 40 percent of Britons with less than £25 at the end of each week, a survey by the Cost of Living Action (COLA) group has found. This is pittance and unlikely to stretch far under the cost of living crisis, where even employed people are finding themselves out of pocket.

Manufactured cost of living crisis

Privatised essentials like energy and extractive supermarket chains are driving the cost of living crisis. British Energy companies alone have accrued £125 billion since 2020, according to the End Fuel Poverty Coalition.

Meanwhile, profits for the German-owned supermarket, Lidl, rose by 297% since 2021. As for Aldi, its operating profit has risen by 50% and 72% since 2020.

While costs have increased due to climate change and other factors, supermarkets are using these  pressures to break even but to fatten profit margins — otherwise known as ‘greedflation’.

Advertisement

In other words, the fuel feeding the cost of living fire is the ‘privatisation tax’ on common essentials — not a natural disaster but a manmade problem.

Public ownership

A publicly owned Green New Deal could tackle the cost of energy. Just 1.2% of the Sahara Desert would be necessary to power the entire world’s energy needs. Solar is gradually replacing oil because of cheaper costs. It does not appear to be happening fast enough to mitigate climate catastrophe.

Plus, energy is an essential service that would be cheaper under public ownership.

What’s more, non-profit supermarkets could dramatically lower the cost of food and alleviate the pinch for ordinary Brits.

Advertisement

Holistic approach

Speaking about the latest survey, Labour MP Yuan Yang, co-convenor of the Living Standards Coalition, articulated the need for a holistic (all hands to the pump) approach.

The Cost of Living Action campaign has identified a critical challenge for those of us in Westminster to grapple with: that we need a holistic approach in order to create growth while tackling the cost of living crisis. As their campaign has correctly identified, this approach requires increasing incomes, reducing costs, and fairer taxation.

Conor O’Shea, campaign coordinator of COLA, spoke of the grating impact of these inflationary pressures on British society.

Millions of people are struggling with sky-high costs, and left in debt or with next to nothing left after paying bills each month. It’s no wonder people are feeling so worried and angry. The government must deliver transformational change that truly responds to the scale of the crisis. That means making the essentials affordable for everyone, ensuring everyone has access to the income they need to live well, and rebalancing the tax system with more and better taxes on wealth.

If these issues are not tackled at the root, Brits will have to tighten their belts — as if they haven’t done exactly that over the past decade.

Featured image via Unsplash/the Canary 

Advertisement

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Unemployment climbs to 5.2%, its highest level since 2021

Published

on

Unemployment climbs to 5.2%, its highest level since 2021

The rate of people not in employment in the UK has risen further to 5.2%, according to new figures published by the Office for National Statistics (ONS). With that in mind, it’s clear why 82% of the UK supports an economic package that includes a Job Guarantee, polling from the Lancet shows. These new figures highlight the ongoing issue of UK unemployment.

Unemployment rises to its highest level yet

Labour’s unemployment crisis is impacting young people the most. More than 1 in 6 people aged 16-24 are unemployed — the highest level in a decade. Overall, the number of people not in employment stands at 1.88 million.

But that’s not the full picture. Another 9.4 million people are economically inactive — meaning they haven’t looked for a job in three months.

At the same time, there are only 734,000 job vacancies. And that’s before one considers if people have the skills for the job. It exposes the flaws in the government’s neoliberal outlook — the view that the market automatically solves everything doesn’t stack up.

Advertisement

This comes into sharper focus when considering 22% of Brits work a 60 hours of more a week, while millions don’t have a job.

Job Guarantee, the solution?

A Job Guarantee could be the solution to a disorganised labour market. To avoid some people doing no work, while almost one in four do 60+ hours, roles could be shared. Previous Canary analysis found that if everyone of working age dedicated just five hours a week to public sector work that would cover the lot.

To be sure, 46% of public sector jobs are specialist that require skills like doctors or firemen. But the five hour figure shows that people could do a small amount of work a week to cover the public sector as it currently stands — which would ease unemployment rates.

Free university training should simultaneously deliver the skills for a strategic jobs of the future such as automation and AI. It doesn’t mean forcing people into roles but finding the balance between a liberal approach and covering necessary roles. Higher pay packets could encourage people into positions that are strategic for the economy.

Advertisement

Meanwhile, a private market of small to medium size businesses should run parallel.

A Job Guarantee could ensure a modern work-life balance while scaling down damaging and unnecessary production, which 82% of the UK also supports, according to Lancet polling.

Featured image via the Unsplash/the Canary

Advertisement

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Starmer is still an enemy of democracy

Published

on

Starmer is still an enemy of democracy

What do you call a government that cancels elections, cracks down on free speech and curtails the right to trial by jury? Illiberal? Authoritarian? Autocratic, even? Because until a screeching u-turn yesterday, Keir Starmer’s Labour government was hell-bent on all of the above.

The UK prime minister has now conceded that local elections in 30 English councils will actually have to go ahead in May, reversing an earlier decision to delay them to 2027. Had the elections been cancelled, 4.6million people would have been deprived of their right to vote for their local councillors. Elections in five county councils – West Sussex, East Sussex, Suffolk, Norfolk and Surrey – would have been delayed twice, with councillors there serving seven-year terms. Such a denial of democracy would have been unprecedented in peacetime.

The ‘official’ reason given by the government for delaying local elections was that many of the seats up for grabs will soon be abolished. Under a planned shake-up of English local government, new unitary authorities will replace the current two-tier system of district and county councils. But this was never a compelling reason to cancel elections. As the Electoral Commission warned, the bar for postponing elections needs to be ‘very high’ and that Labour’s excuses were nowhere near ‘sufficient’.

Advertisement

Of course, by now every man and his canine companion knows the real reason Starmer was so eager to postpone these elections: he was running scared of the voters – and especially of Reform UK. Polling by JL Partners suggests Labour could now shed half of the council seats it’s defending in May, and lose majority control over around 10 councils. In the areas where elections were almost postponed, Reform is polling at 28 per cent, with the Tories on 21 per cent and Labour facing a humiliating 17 per cent.

That these elections will now go ahead is certainly a relief, but the threat to democracy from Labour is far from over. After all, it was only thanks to Reform launching a legal challenge – which government lawyers conceded they were bound to lose – that these democracy-dodging tactics have been stopped in their tracks. Starmer may have backed down, yes, but he has not suddenly discovered some hitherto-hidden democratic principles. And aside from the u-turn on local elections, Starmer’s war on the hard-won rights of British citizens is roaring ahead at pace.

Advertisement

Enjoying spiked?

Why not make an instant, one-off donation?

We are funded by you. Thank you!

Advertisement




Please wait…

Advertisement
Advertisement

Among the most egregious plans is the PM’s ‘Brexit reset’. Starmer likes to present this as a pragmatic, progressive attempt to seek closer, more amicable ties with our European neighbours. In truth, it involves the wholesale transfer of decision-making powers from the UK’s elected parliament to the unelected bureaucracy in Brussels. It is a brazen attempt to roll back the EU referendum result – the largest democratic vote in British history.

Then there is Labour’s assault on jury trials – a liberty so ancient it was enshrined in Magna Carta. That great foundational text of English liberty states with absolute clarity: ‘No free man shall be seized or imprisoned… except by the lawful judgement of his peers.’ But perhaps we are not free men in Starmer’s Britain?

Advertisement

Certainly, our freedom to speak has been beaten to within an inch of its life. Thirty people per day are arrested in England and Wales for saying things online that police deem ‘grossly offensive’ – that’s 12,000 arrests per year, more than America was arresting at the height of the first Red Scare. Meanwhile, the Online Safety Act – passed under the Tories, but implemented and embraced by Labour – has blocked vast swathes of the internet from British eyeballs, including social-media posts about gender ideology and asylum hotels, a speech in parliament about the rape gangs, and an irreverent article about the plummeting popularity of the Christian name ‘Keir’. Without the right to speak freely, the liberty to debate and test ideas (or simply to take the piss out of politicians), we have democracy in name only.

None of this should surprise us, of course. As Labour’s Brexit spokesperson in opposition, Starmer led the elites’ reactionary crusade to overturn the Leave vote and crush the democratic aspirations of 17.4million people. His illiberal, anti-democratic instincts even came to the fore before he even entered politics. As director of public prosecutions, between 2008 and 2013, Starmer weakened the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty. He pursued ‘speech criminals’ in the courts with particular zealotry, from Paul Chambers, accused of telling a joke on Twitter, to 30 journalists who were later all found innocent, mostly from the Sun. Then as now, free speech and liberty withered on Starmer’s watch.

Luckily for us, Starmer is not nearly wily or dogged enough to make good on all of his worst, anti-democratic impulses. The local-elections u-turn reminds us that while he may be authoritarian, he is also mercifully inept. We are blessed to be lumbered with such a useless enemy.

Advertisement

Fraser Myers is deputy editor at spiked and host of the spiked podcast. Follow him on X: @FraserMyers.

Advertisement

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Aberdeen is being ravaged by Net Zero lunacy

Published

on

Aberdeen is being ravaged by Net Zero lunacy

The post Aberdeen is being ravaged by Net Zero lunacy appeared first on spiked.

Source link

Continue Reading

Politics

Manchester transport strikes end as workers secure pay victory

Published

on

Manchester transport strikes end as workers secure pay victory

Strikes by more than 200 Transport for Greater Manchester (TfGM) workers have ended with a pay victory, trade union Unite has announced.

The workers, who undertake vital roles including ticketing, passenger assistance and information services for the bus network, voted to accept the deal following intensive negotiations.

Pay rises across the board

The deal includes a pay uplift of at least 3.2 per cent backdated to April 2025 for all staff, plus a non-consolidated payment of up to £1,000. Workers on lower bands will see pay rise to at least £15.10 an hour. This will result in wage increases of between 6.4 and 11.1 per cent.

Pay for all staff will increase again from April 2026 by at least three per cent.

Advertisement

Unite general secretary Sharon Graham said:

A huge well done to Unite’s members at TfGM. They know that collective action works and by standing together and taking strike action they achieved this excellent pay deal.

This is yet another example of Unite’s unrelenting focus on improving jobs, pay and conditions paying dividends for our members.

The deal also sees increases in standby payments, shift pattern improvements and new union recognition and facility time agreements. ‘Facility time’ is where staff get paid time away from their normal role to carry out union work.

The workers began striking in October 2025 and took 18 days of industrial action in total.

Advertisement

Unite regional officer Samantha Marshall said:

This deal could not have been achieved without the hard work and dedication of our reps and members. As this result shows, those wanting better wages and working conditions should join Unite and get their colleagues to join as well.

Featured image via the Canary

Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Politics

Reform are a one-man band, and they just showed why

Published

on

Reform are a one-man band, and they just showed why

Nigel Farage announced the Reform UK shadow cabinet today, with former Tories taking front and centre. This is despite the fact that Reform UK has just eight MPs, so is in no need of a shadow cabinet.

As the racist party are not the official opposition, so they don’t get to name a shadow cabinet. But, why would the facts stop Farage? At a flashy event reminiscent of an American election campaign, Farage announced the first members of his “shadow cabinet”.

New Tory cabinet for Reform

And surprise, surprise, it’s full of Tories

Robert Jenrick has been named as their shadow chancellor. Jenrick defected from the Tory party last month and has stolen the role from both Richard Tice and Zia Yusuf.

Advertisement

Jenrick, who lost the Tory leadership to its current leader, Kemi Badenoch, is expected to give a speech outlining his economic plan sometime this week. By that point, he might’ve actually come up with one.

The most recent Tory defector, Suella Braverman, will take on more than one role. As well as education and skills, she will also handle equalities. Though this is Reform, so that means she’ll be hellbent on destroying any sort of equality. Namely, she wants to get rid of the Equality Act.

Richard Tice isn’t too glum about being sidelined as Chancellor. As well as deputy leader, he’ll now be ‘in charge of’ (and we use that term loosely) business, trade, and energy. His biggest focus is on getting rid of net-zero targets to focus on oil and gas.

And then finally, we have Zia Yusuf as Reform’s ‘home secretary’. Again, there’s a heavy use of quotation marks here, because they aren’t the shadow cabinet or opposition.

Advertisement

Definitely not a one-man band

One person noticeably missing was Reform laughing stock Lee Anderson. Ol’ 30p will apparently remain as “chief whip”, but it’s interesting he wasn’t announced for a welfare role when he’s apparently been their “welfare spokesperson” for months now.

Presumably it’s because he can’t so much as move without making a fool of himself. Most recently, he was mocked for campaigning in the wrong place,

As well as no DWP “shadow” minister, there was no health secretary announced. This surely shows what Reform’s priorities are. You can only assume this is because Reform are so snugly in private healthcare’s pockets.

Farage said a big reason for naming a “cabinet” was so the world didn’t see Reform as a “one man band”. Which would be more believable if he wasn’t constantly fucking everywhere. But then it’s not like he’s got many people to sub in is it?

Advertisement

Despite apparently not wanting to be the star of the show, Farage announced each member of his cabinet in the centre of a big stand at a podium. Instead of letting them speak at his podium, they all had their own smaller podiums. These were also, naturally, slightly further back.

Reform are not to be taken seriously

The naming of Reform’s shadow cabinet confused a lot of people, but probably none more so than 30p Lee Anderson. Just three weeks ago, Anderson rebuffed rumours of an almost correctly predicted shadow cabinet.

When a Tory, Luke Robert Black, remarked that this was “savage” towards Anderson, he replied

Thicko alert. We cannot possibly have a shadow cabinet, we have spokespersons. I was made DWP Spokesperson last year. Carry on being a useful idiot for the Tory party, but you won’t get that safe seat you want. They’re laughing at you.

This tweet is currently still up, but let’s see how long it lasts. Instead of addressing this, Anderson tweeted this afternoon that the new cabinet was “the Beginnings of a World Class Team.”

Advertisement

This latest announcement from Reform UK is just the latest in the long line of them assuming they have any sort of authority or power in Westminster.

More than anything, it shows how entitled they all are. But to the country it’s just another silly stunt by Farage, and even more reason to not take Reform seriously.

Featured image via the Canary

Advertisement

Source link

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2025