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Politics

Labour MPs are gunning for ‘lying bastard’ Morgan McSweeney

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Labour MPs are gunning for 'lying bastard' Morgan McSweeney

Two Labour MPs have separately issued strong responses to the government’s handling of the Morgan McSweeney phone scandal. Richard Burgon provided his in the form of a Parliamentary Written Question; Karl Turner, meanwhile, called McSweeney a “lying bastard”:

McSwindle

As we reported, Morgan McSweeney is Keir Starmer’s former chief of staff. He resigned in resigned in disgrace in February this year to take the fall for hiring Peter Mandelson — a close associate of the international paedophile Jeffrey Epstein.

Now, it’s emerged that McSweeney conveniently had his phone stolen not long after Mandelson got the boot. This has led to the accusation that McSweeney faked this event as cover to permanently delete messages:

Speaking to Canary contributor Jody McIntyre, Labour MP Karl Turner said the following:

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Explosively, Turner has alleged that McSweeney is still the puppet master behind our muppet prime minister:

Turner is one of many to note that McSweeney’s story doesn’t make sense. According to the disgraced McSweeney, he called the police, gave them the wrong details, and then called it a day. Like the rest of us, Turner simply can’t believe that:

Labour — National Security

Turner isn’t the only Labour MP taking the government to task. Richard Burgon announced the following:

I’ve submitted these formal Parliamentary Written Questions following reports that Morgan McSweeney’s phone was stolen.

Given the serious impact this could have on getting the truth about the Mandelson scandal (and even on the Labour Together scandal), we need answers.

Burgon is demanding to know:

Given the track record of Starmer’s government, we can’t imagine we’ll get plausible answers to these questions. The more the pressure builds, though, the sooner Labour will have to force the PM out, and the sooner the better.

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How Normal Are My Sunday Scaries?

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How Normal Are My Sunday Scaries?

Dreading the return to work after a relaxing weekend is so common it has a name: the Sunday scaries.

And even if it’s not the start of a new working week, feeling less-than-delighted to head to work in the morning isn’t exactly uncommon.

But according to Jackson Parsons, work culture expert and founder of the Duvet Flip, sometimes it can be a red flag.

He explained: “There’s a huge difference between feeling physically tired and emotionally resistant to the life you’re waking up to. Many people mistake burnout, disengagement or emotional exhaustion for laziness because the symptoms often show up first thing in the morning.”

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Here, he shared seven signs to look out for:

1) You feel anxious before work has even begun

This, the expert said, might be a sign your body associates your workplace with stress.

“This is very overlooked as people only think anxiety matters once it becomes extreme such as having a breakdown. But low-level dread every morning is still your body sending a warning,” he shared.

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2) You constantly fantasise about escaping

“Whether it’s checking job sites during lunch, imagining moving abroad or fantasising about quitting dramatically, escapism usually reveals emotional dissatisfaction early on,” Parsons said.

“Most people don’t daydream about disappearing from their own life if they feel genuinely fulfilled in it. It doesn’t always mean you need to quit immediately, but it often means something important isn’t being met anymore.”

3) You’re always exhausted on weekdays, but perk up on the weekends

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Parsons said our bodies are pretty good at telling us what we need, if only we can bring ourselves to listen. And part of that communication system can involve fatigue.

“A major sign your exhaustion is emotional rather than physical is when your energy suddenly returns outside work. If you feel more alive on weekends or holidays, that’s useful information,” he said.

4) Small tasks start to feel overwhelming

A healthy workplace will leave you resilient. But when your job isn’t quite right, replying to emails begins to feel impossible, small requests irritate you, and meetings feel exhausting before they’ve even started, the expert said,

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“This often happens when people lose emotional connection to their work.”

5) Feeling guilty for hating your job

If you spent a long time working up to your career, you might feel guilty for hating it now. “A lot of people stay stuck because they feel guilty. Careers often become tied to identity, making dissatisfaction emotionally hard to admit,” Parsons said.

But if a role isn’t right for you, that’s OK; honesty is the first step.

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6) Noticing a huge personality shift when you’re out of the office

It’s rare that your “weekend drinks” self is the same as your “replying to emails” self. Still, Parsons told us, if you feel much lighter out of work than you do in it, that might be worth paying attention to.

“Some become quieter, more annoyed, or emotionally flat without even knowing it. When your work environment consistently pulls you away from who you naturally are, your mornings start feeling heavier as your brain already knows it’s about to enter survival mode again.”

7) You feel “lazy” all the time

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“One of the most damaging things people do is mistake emotional exhaustion for personal failure. People can be incredibly harsh on themselves. They’ll call themselves lazy or unmotivated instead of asking whether their environment is actually healthy for them anymore,” the work culture expert said.

“Overworking has become so normalised that people ignore warning signs for far too long. We live in a culture where exhaustion is almost treated like a personality trait now.”

What can I do if I have these signs?

Parsons recommended the following steps:

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  • Stop checking work off the clock. Giving yourself 20 minutes before checking work can help to create healthier boundaries, he said, and avoid late-night email refreshes if you can.
  • Get specific about your feelings. “Many people call it ‘work stress’ without identifying the real issues behind it. Targeting whether it is from workload, lack of purpose, burnout or poor management makes the feeling easier to address,” he added.
  • Create one part of the day that feels yours. Something as small as a workout can keep you grounded. “You need a moment in your day that reminds you you’re a person, before you’re an employee.”
  • Stop normalising exhaustion. “Many people treat burnout like a normal part of success. Constant exhaustion shouldn’t feel like a personality trait or something you simply just have to ‘deal’ with.”
  • Get real about what needs to change. Whether that’s better boundaries, more rest or admitting you’ve outgrown your current role.

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Poll: Americans disagree on what a ‘stolen’ election means

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Poll: Americans disagree on what a ‘stolen’ election means

Questions about the integrity of elections have become pervasive in American politics — and new polling reveals the sharp differences in Republican and Democratic fears.

Nearly six years after President Donald Trump and his allies sought to overturn the results of the 2020 election, a recent POLITICO Poll suggests that a notable number of Americans are distrustful of the system heading into November. More than one-third say it is likely the 2026 midterms will be “stolen,” and one in four say they don’t expect the elections to be fair.

But both parties clash strongly over what they believe are the core problems with U.S. elections, complicating any path to restoring voter trust.

Democrats are concerned about voter intimidation and suppression, with 58 percent of those who voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris worried that eligible Americans will be prevented from voting, the survey finds. Meanwhile, Republicans remain focused on the possibility of fraud, with 52 percent of Trump voters saying they are concerned that some ineligible people will be allowed to vote.

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The POLITICO Poll asked respondents about 11 common election concerns, ranging from partisan gerrymandering to impounding ballots, and whether people saw them as legitimate parts of the process or a way to rig elections. Of those, Democrats and Republicans had meaningful disagreement or lacked consensus on six.

Take expanding mail-in voting, for example. Once considered a largely routine way to broaden access to voting, a majority of Trump voters now say this can be a way to rig elections. Harris voters feel the opposite: 59 percent say expanding mail-in voting is a normally fair or always fair part of the electoral system.

Then there’s deploying ICE at polling locations. A majority of Harris voters say the practice would more likely be a way to sway election results, even as some Republicans haven’t ruled out such a measure to strengthen election security. A 47 percent plurality of Trump voters say deploying ICE across polling stations would be normally fair or always fair.

The poll results reveal a striking truth as lawmakers continue to battle over election security: Even as a sizable share of Americans believe elections can, or will, be “stolen,” there’s very little agreement on what that even means.

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“I don’t think that we have a great working definition of what constitutes … a free and fair election,” said Stephen Richer, a legal fellow at the Cato Institute and former Republican county recorder of Maricopa County, Arizona. “I think it is entirely possible that even within the world that doesn’t think that elections are being hacked by Italian spy satellites, that we have a disagreement as to whether or not we’ve had a free and fair election in 2026.”

Trump often claims the 2020 results were “stolen” and blames mail voting, the lack of strict voter ID and proof of citizenship laws for opening the door to voter fraud though courts and election officials have repeatedly upheld the legitimacy of those results. Many Democrats, on the other hand, are already bracing for Trump to interfere with the election and strategizing about ways to respond.

“President Trump is committed to ensuring that Americans have full confidence in the administration of elections, and that includes totally accurate and up-to-date voter rolls free of errors and unlawfully registered non-citizen voters,” White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said in a statement.

Doubt about election proceedings has still not overtaken the electorate — nearly half of Americans say they still expect the 2026 midterms to be fair. But the survey — along with interviews with election experts — underscores how rhetoric from leaders is trickling down to voters.

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David Becker, the executive director and founder of the nonpartisan Center for Election Innovation & Research, said the divergence results partly from the strict echo chambers within the Democratic and Republican parties.

“This goes back to the problem where many of us are retreating into our media bubbles, where we hear a reality that only serves to validate our existing opinions,” he said.

For Democrats, their doubts appear to be going up as Trump continues to repeat false claims about the 2020 election and raise alarms about the 2026 midterms.

Nearly 40 percent of Harris voters say it is likely the 2026 midterms will be “stolen,” compared to 16 percent who believed the 2020 election was stolen — though comparing perspectives on a past election to a future one is not an exact measure. That’s roughly the same level as Trump voters who doubt the integrity of the 2020 results or who fear the 2026 midterms will be stolen — both at around 40 percent — according to the poll results.

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The survey finds that some of the most significant areas of disagreement or distance between the parties are the prospect of ICE showing up at polls, mail-in voting, and requiring proof of citizenship to register to vote.

Roughly 60 percent of Harris voters say ICE showing up at polling places would normally or always be a way to steal elections, compared to 33 percent of Trump voters who say the same.

The Trump administration has insisted that immigration officers will not be at polling places in November, but many Democrats have still expressed concern over the possibility. In March, nine state secretaries of state wrote a letter to Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin seeking confirmation that immigration agents would not be present at polling locations in November.

“If you have ICE outside of a handful of voting locations, I think that there are some on the left of the pro-democracy coalition, or the previously existing pro-democracy coalition, who would say that it invalidates the fairness of an election,” Richer said. “And then there are those of us who would say … it’s not ideal, and there are legal remedies, but that doesn’t mean that the election was stolen or should be thrown out.”

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The 2020 election marked a major turning point in rhetoric surrounding mail-in voting, when Trump repeatedly criticized the practice during the COVID-19 pandemic — allegations he has continued to press in the years since.

Roughly 55 percent of Harris voters say banning mail-in voting could lead to a rigged election, while Trump voters are split on the issue: 41 percent say banning mail-in voting would largely be fair, while 42 percent say this would be a way to steal an election.

And then there’s the question of voter registration, and whether to require proof of citizenship when voters register — a core objective of Trump’s SAVE America Act. Just under two-thirds of Trump voters say this would always or normally be a fair part of the election process. A plurality of Harris voters agree, but by a much smaller margin: 44 percent say this would be a fair election practice.

Even the idea of voter roll maintenance — a common part of election administration that Trump’s Justice Department has intensified by aiming to strip non-citizens from every state’s rolls — shows a partisan gap. Roughly 60 percent of Harris voters say the practice of “purging voter rolls” is normally or always a way to steal an election, compared to just 46 percent of Trump voters.

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There are areas where the parties agree. Pluralities or majorities of both groups agree that same-day voter registration and signing up new voters outside of churches are largely fair.

Majorities of both Trump and Harris voters say partisan gerrymandering can be a way to steal elections, which comes as officials in both parties engage in an intensifying redistricting arms race. There is also a near-majority consensus that seizing or impounding ballots can be a way to rig results. Earlier this year, the FBIseized 2020 election ballots from the Fulton County elections office in Georgia, and a federal judge recently ruled that the Justice Department can keep the election records as part of its search.

Still, election experts say the overall partisan divide is dampening voters’ confidence.

“We’ve now had multiple years in a row of state legislators passing and introducing and passing laws that are targeting voter access — making it harder to participate in the electoral process — where the actual mechanics of elections have been politicized, and that too takes its toll,” said Wendy Weiser, the Brennan Center for Justice’s vice president for democracy.

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Siblings Are The Forgotten Mourners

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From left: Jenny, the author and their sister, Colleen, pictured when she was home from college in winter 1991.

Today I am volunteering at an outpatient addiction treatment clinic in Baltimore, in what my Uber driver warns me is “a very dangerous neighbourhood”.

It’s a cold Saturday morning in February, and I’ve travelled about an hour from Washington, D.C., where I live. I’m here to share some business management methods and operational tools with the team, based on a class I teach at Georgetown and my job as a management consultant.

The driver drops me off in the parking lot, and as I walk toward the entrance, I see an armed guard at the door. I walk past him into a large open waiting room, which is bright and clean. The right wall is lined with staff sitting behind glass partitions like bank tellers, but big, heavy-looking curtains hang from the ceiling at each window.

I check in and have a seat against the back wall. I try not to stare, but I’m curious about the curtains. I look around at patients coming and going.

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A young woman enters the clinic and has the skinniest legs I’ve ever seen, like two drawing pencils in colourful, patterned leggings. She rushes down a hallway like she’s late for something, and I wonder where she’s going.

Most are men in dark, battered jackets that don’t look very warm, with their hoods up and heads down. No one makes eye contact with me. I am suddenly aware of my warm, beige cashmere coat and Stella McCartney bag, and I feel ashamed and ridiculous that I wore these things (that I even have these things). Still, my unconscious bias makes me feel my family’s story is somehow different from those in this waiting room.

As I’m waiting for my friend, the doctor who runs the clinic, I think about why I’m here: In 2017, my youngest sister, Jenny, died from liver failure due to prolonged use of prescription opioids and alcohol; she was a 44-year-old suburban mother.

Since she died, I’ve tried to learn as much as I can about the opioid crisis and be part of the solution – or, more selfishly, maybe I’m just here to do penance for my role in her death.

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I experienced the entirety of my sister’s struggle and death in just six gruesome days at Kenmore Mercy Hospital in Buffalo, New York. That week, my sister Colleen and I stayed in Jenny’s hospital room every night. All day and night, Jenny moaned for Dilaudid, a synthetic opioid she’d previously been prescribed.

For the first three days, I held Jenny’s hand a lot and touched her hair. I don’t think I’d ever touched my sister’s hair before, but now I feel it all the time on my right hand. I put drops in her eyes, rubbed her swollen feet and fed her Ensure. She was in and out of consciousness but never lucid enough to talk with us coherently.

I couldn’t remember the last time I’d had a conversation with her. When was the last time I’d told her I loved her?

When I think about that week, I only remember a series of degrading and horrific incidents, one worse than the next: the first time I saw my sister’s severely jaundiced skin and light green eyes that were covered with bubbles, as a result of liver failure; shuffling Jenny to the bathroom all night long; my mother signing “Do Not Resuscitate” forms; full bags of bloody fluid hanging from Jenny’s bed; and, finally, her death.

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I watched my sister die with my parents on either side of her hospital bed, a picture I’ll never be able to unsee. No wake. No funeral. Her estranged husband stole her body from the hospital, without our consent, and left her ashes in a funeral home a few days later, unwilling to pay the bill.

I was on a plane back to Washington, D.C., the day after she died, shocked that I was no longer the oldest of three sisters – just the older of two.

From left: Jenny, the author and their sister, Colleen, pictured when she was home from college in winter 1991.

Photo Courtesy Of Kelly O’Connor

From left: Jenny, the author and their sister, Colleen, pictured when she was home from college in winter 1991.

The bone-crunching grief of this experience was compounded by the stigma that gets unfairly associated with certain types of death: suicide, drug abuse, alcoholism, mental illness. You see it in euphemistic obituaries with vague explanations like “passed away unexpectedly” or “died after a long struggle,” descriptions that do a disservice to both the living and the dead.

My coping mechanism has always been reading, and there are tons of materials about grieving the death of a parent, spouse, child – even pets! But I found only one book, Surviving the Death of a Sibling, by T.J. Wray, who lost her 43-year-old brother, that captured exactly how I felt on that flight back to D.C.

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Wray wrote: “The year my brother died I stopped breathing, but no one noticed.”

Our siblings are with us at the beginning of our lives, and most of us take for granted they will be there as we approach the end. Yet surviving adult siblings are often forgotten mourners; the focus of grief is usually on parents, spouses and children. As a surviving adult sibling, I am the lowest member in the hierarchy of sorrow – well below my parents and Jenny’s two children.

I’ve only recently learned about the psychology of this type of bereavement, called “disenfranchised grief”. It is not openly acknowledged, socially mourned or publicly supported. Immediately following her death, when people asked if I had siblings, I wanted to answer, “I have two sisters. Colleen is great. Her youngest just graduated from college. And … well … Jenny’s dead.” But I never did.

Volunteering and trying to be an advocate have become my version of grieving. I’ve shared our family’s story (at least the parts I know about) as honestly as I can. I’ve written opinion pieces and talked about my mistakes on national television.

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I’ve tried to learn about addiction, more accurately referred to as “substance use disorder (SUD),” to understand how our family never realised Jenny had this issue, never had an honest conversation about what was happening to her.

Instead, we rationalised away the warning signs and accepted her increasingly threadbare explanations for them, ultimately enabling her. Jenny didn’t do a single stint in rehab or have any interventions. I’m not ashamed of my sister for struggling with drugs and alcohol, but I’m so ashamed of myself for not being educated about it sooner.

The author and Jenny on one of their "sister" vacations to Key West in 2015, attempting to do yoga.

Photo Courtesy Of Kelly O’Connor

The author and Jenny on one of their “sister” vacations to Key West in 2015, attempting to do yoga.

In the years since my sister’s death, my swells of grief are usually triggered by childhood memories. For many summers while my two sisters and I were in grammar school, my parents would take us camping in Chautauqua County, New York. Colleen, Jenny and I would build forts, catch fireflies, try to catch sunfish and collect kindling for campfires. But our favourite activity was putting on shows at “the spider,” a metal jungle gym that looked like a gigantic tarantula.

We spent hours planning routines and practicing. Even though Jenny was the youngest and only about four or five years old, she was fearless, doing all the difficult flips with me on the high bars. On “show nights,” my parents would walk down to the spider after dinner, my mom in a Buffalo Bills sweatshirt and my dad in his 82nd Airborne hat. It’s one of my most vivid childhood memories. I can still feel the warm metal behind my knees, hear the crickets and smell the grass.

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Another recurring memory is when we girls were ages four, six and eight, and my dad would take us tobogganing during the long Buffalo winters. The four of us scooched to fit on the long sled going down the chute (so fast!) over and over. But only Jenny got the free ride back up the hill with my dad pulling her on the toboggan while Colleen and I waddled back up in our puffy jackets from K-mart.

Since her death, I’ve tried to remember my sister, not in her hospital bed, but flipping fearlessly on the spider or laughing on the toboggan, with her red cheeks and light green eyes, getting pulled up the snowy hill by my dad.

Back in Baltimore, I’m waiting for another Uber at the end of the day, and I’m so glad I came. It’s an amazing operation, and I feel lucky to have been a small part of this dedicated team for a few hours. (I eventually even learned that the long curtains at the glass windows are for privacy as patients take their medications.)

On my way out, I notice a sign on the wall that I didn’t see on my way in. It’s written in multicoloured markers with big artsy letters, advertising a program called, “Women Who Want to Change Their Lives,” meeting on Saturday mornings. I bet that’s where the skinny-legged girl was going! I hope she made it on time.

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The sign is so positive and inviting, I want to go with her. But more than anything in the entire world, my heart aches to be able to attend that program with my sister. I feel the tears coming as I get into my Uber, and I realise that nothing about our family’s story is different at all.

Kelly O’Connor is a management consultant and lives in Washington, D.C.; she has been a patient advocate in the opioid crisis since 2017, including a TEDx Talk, “My Introduction to Narcan.”

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Politics Home Article | SNP Wins Election With Labour And Reform Tied In Second Place

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SNP Wins Election With Labour And Reform Tied In Second Place
SNP Wins Election With Labour And Reform Tied In Second Place


5 min read

The SNP has decisively won the Scottish Parliament election, securing another five years in office.

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The party won 58 seats in total – down from the 64 it won in 2021 and seven seats from a majority, but well ahead of rivals.

Labour and Reform are in joint second place, winning 17 MSPs apiece.

It was a poor set of results for Anas Sarwar, who had been aiming to gain enough MSPs to form the next Scottish Government.

And it’s a significant breakthrough from Malcolm Offord’s party, though not as high as he had hoped after it failed to win any constituencies.

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Meanwhile it was a record result for the Scottish Greens, who won their first-ever constituency seats in Glasgow and Edinburgh. Their final tally was 15, putting them in fourth place.

The Conservatives had a dismal day, dropping to just 12 MSPs (a record low) and from second biggest party to second smallest.

The Lib Dems managed to increase its numbers to 10, up by six from 2021.

SNP leader John Swinney described the results as an “emphatic” win for his party. He said: “Once again the people of Scotland have put their trust in us. However you voted today, I promise that I will be a first minister for all of Scotland. 

“All of us care about our country’s future. I give you my commitment that I will work every day to improve your life and make Scotland the nation we know it can be.”

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He had been aiming to win an outright majority, arguing throughout the campaign this was the only way to pursue a second referendum on Scottish independence.

While denied the seats to make that argument, this parliament has the biggest pro-independence majority – 73 MSPs belong to parties who favour independence.

Scottish Greens co-leader Gillian Mackay said the “seismic result” for her party would help to “change Scotland”.

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She said: “People have seen our record, from free bus travel for everyone under 22 to scrapping peak rail fares to ending school meal debt. We did all that with seven MSPs. Now we have doubled that number we can do even more.

“With a failed Labour government on its last legs in Westminster, and with the cost-of-living crisis biting, Green policies are more vital than ever. Throughout this election we urged Scotland to demand better, and that is exactly what we will deliver.”

In an unusual move, Anas Sarwar effectively conceded defeat after fewer than 10 seats were declared.

The party did manage to take Na h-Eileanan an Iar from the SNP, but that was the only bright spot after it failed to take any of its target seats in the central belt.

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Sarwar was re-elected on the Glasgow regional list, while his deputy Jackie Baillie held onto her Dumbarton constituency.

But before those results were even announced, he told journalists at the count in Glasgow: “Throughout this election campaign, I have tried to make this election about Scotland. I’m not going to change that today. Is there a national wave though, that we’ve tried to overcome but failed to do so? Yes, but right now, my focus is on what this election means.”

It was a poor set of results for Labour across the UK, with the party ejected from power in Wales and down thousands of council seats across England. Former Welsh first minister Eluned Morgan failed to get re-elected and resigned as leader.

Sarwar has so far not resigned, adding: “My party is hurting today and it’s my job to hold it together.”

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Malcolm Offord admitted his party had not done as well as he had hoped, but it had built a “very solid based”. Before the election is only had one MSP – a defection from the Conservatives, Graham Simpson.

On how his new band of MSPs would approach Holyrood, Offord said: “We will be very focused on trying to get Holyrood focused on the day job, on devolved matters and really highlighting the issues that matter to people on the doorsteps: the schools, the roads the day-to-day matters that Holyrood needs to be focused on.”

The Scottish Conservatives were quick to blame Reform for their poor result and for letting the SNP win. Acknowledging the election was “always going to be tough”, Russell Findlay added: “We warned repeatedly during the campaign that Reform were a gift to the SNP – and so it’s proved. 

“Despite not winning a single constituency seat, Reform have let the SNP sneak home in several constituencies they would otherwise have lost. I’m sure that’s not the outcome most Reform voters would have wanted but Lord Offord has been John Swinney’s little helper.”

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The Liberal Democrats, while remaining the smallest party at Holyrood, had a positive set of results – taking three constituencies from the SNP and bolstering the number with some list seats. It did, however, lose Shetland to the Nationalists.

Alex Cole-Hamilton said: “I am really excited about the new parliamentary group that I will be welcoming to parliament next week.”

He also said he would be willing to work with the SNP government on an issue-by-issue basis.

President Donald Trump has offered his congratulations to Swinney for the victory. Posting on his social media platform Truth Social, Trump said: “Congratulations to John Swinney on winning his re-election for First Minister of Scotland. He is a good man, who worked very hard, along with the King and the Queen of the United Kingdom, with respect to tariff relief for Great Scottish Whiskey [sic] – and deserves this big electoral victory.”

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This article originally appeared on Holyrood

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Labour Civil War Intensifies After Ex Minister Calls For Keir Starmer To Quit

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Labour Civil War Intensifies After Ex Minister Calls For Keir Starmer To Quit

A full-blown civil war has erupted in the Labour Party after another former minister called on Keir Starmer to quit as prime minister.

Josh Simons triggered an angry backlash by urging the PM to set out a timetable for his departure to allow “an orderly transition” to a new leader.

His intervention is hugely significant because he used to run Labour Together, the moderate think-tank which helped Starmer become party leader in 2020.

One minister told HuffPost UK: “This sort of behaviour is why Josh is widely disliked and mistrusted by every part of the Labour Party, which is some achievement from somebody who has been an MP for 20 months.”

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Simons, who was forced to resign as a Cabinet Office minister in February over his part in a Labour Together smear operation against journalists, said Starmer had “lost the country” and needed to go.

Writing in The Times, he said: “He should take control of the situation by overseeing an orderly transition to a new prime minister.

“What happens next is not a horse race, it’s about the future of our party and our country. Over the coming months, how the Labour Party conducts itself matters.

“To avoid leadership chaos, senior figures across factions should come together to decide the best way forward. The public expects nothing less.”

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Simons added: “The alternative risks handing Farage the keys to Downing Street and giving up on working class people. I could not look my children in the eye without doing my bit to stop that.”

A government source said: “This is a desperate attempt at an epilogue by Josh for a political career that has already ended in disgrace, less than two years in. This is more likely to push Labour MPs away from the edge.”

But a Labour MP hit back: “Josh is right. The No.10 briefing operation against him is a pretty ham-fisted attempt at intimidating other colleagues.”

Simons is one of around 40 Labour MPs who have broken cover since Thursday’s elections to call on Starmer to stand down.

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His intervention came after former Foreign Office minister Catherine West said she would trigger a leadership election unless the cabinet agrees a candidate to replace the PM.

West this morning she would wait until the PM delivers a make-or-break speech on Monday before trying to get the 81 nominations she would need to kick-start a contest.

She told the BBC: “What we need is … an orderly transition into a leadership election, which will allow us to make the case to the country, as well as to our colleagues, so that we can go forward.”

Former deputy prime minister Angela Rayner and health secretary Wes Streeting are expected to throw their hats into the ring should a contest be announced, and would also need to get the backing of 81 MPs each.

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Starmer has insisted he “won’t walk away” from Downing Street, and under Labour Party rules his name would automatically go on the ballot paper.

However, left-wing supporters of Andy Burnham have hit out at West as he is not currently an MP and therefore would be unable to take part in a leadership election which takes place imminently.

They fear that would play into the hands of Streeting, who is on the right of the Labour Party.

Leeds East MP Richard Burgon said: “Catherine says that if there isn’t a cabinet deal, she will trigger an immediate leadership election.

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“I fear there’s a real danger that, whatever her good intentions, her move will be exploited by people on the right of the party who want a coronation and not a proper democratic contest in the party.

“It may even be that those people help secure the 81 nominations needed to kickstart any leadership race.

“What we need instead is for Keir to set a date for his departure, followed by a full and proper democratic contest that can look at what went wrong and how we change course to win back trust and support, with a broad range of candidates and viewpoints represented.”

Education secretary Bridget Phillipson rejected the calls for Starmer to quit, and insisted he will lead Labour into the next election.

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She said: “The prime minister will set out a fresh direction for our country and for our party that will rise to the scale of what we face.

“But we have to be honest about the scale of what we face. I share the impatience that people feel about how, nearly two years on, people want to see more. I get that, I’m not going to step back from that.

“But I also have to level with people about the enormity of the decades-long challenges that some of this comes back to, the status quo won’t cut it.”

Subscribe to Commons People, the podcast that makes politics easy. Every week, Kevin Schofield and Kate Nicholson unpack the week’s biggest stories to keep you informed. Join us for straightforward analysis of what’s going on at Westminster.

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Politics Home Article | “Keir Needs To Go”: Labour MPs Brace For Dramatic Week In Westminster

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'Keir Needs To Go': Labour MPs Brace For Dramatic Week In Westminster
'Keir Needs To Go': Labour MPs Brace For Dramatic Week In Westminster

Labour MPs are bracing themselves for a dramatic week in Westminster as calls grow for Prime Minister Keir Starmer to resign. (Alamy)


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Pressure is mounting on Prime Minister Keir Starmer to step down following disastrous election results for Labour in Thursday’s local elections, but there are concerns among the party’s MPs around who would run in a leadership contest that is called too soon.

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By Sunday afternoon Labour had lost almost 1,500 council seats in Thursday’s local elections, suffering heavy losses across the UK with Nigel Farage’s Reform UK party and Zack Polanski’s Green Party making significant gains in traditionally Labour areas. 

Labour lost control of the Senedd in Wales for the first time since it was established in 1999 – with Welsh Labour First Minister Eluned Morgan losing her seat, and the party also took heavy losses at the Scottish Parliament in Holyrood. 

Prime Minister Keir Starmer in the aftermath of the results said he would not “sugarcoat” what had happened – but said he was “not going to walk away” and vowed to stay. 

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However, on Saturday backbench Labour MP for Hornsey and Friern Barnet Catherine West threatened to trigger a leadership contest herself on Monday if a cabinet minister does not put themselves forward to challenge the Prime Minister – claiming she had 10 MPs who would back her. 

“My preferred option is for the cabinet to do a reshuffle within itself, where there’s plenty of talent, and for Keir to be given a different role, which he might enjoy, perhaps an international role,” she told BBC Radio 4. 

And fewer than 24 hours later on Sunday, influential backbencher, former Labour Together boss and former Treasury minister Labour MP Josh Simons also called for Starmer to step down – writing in The Times that Starmer had “lost the country” and that he did not believe “the prime minister can rise to this moment”. 

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“Keir changed Labour, won a historic election, and restored this country as a world leader,” said Simons. 

“He is right that we must not descend into Tory leadership drama. But we must also stop doubling down on a status quo that voters are crying out to change.

“He should lead an orderly transition for senior figures to agree a path forward.”

PoliticsHome spoke to a number of Labour MPs following Labour’s losses and the subsequent interventions calling for the Prime Minister to step down, with many sharing the view of West that it was time for Starmer’s departure. 

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“I think it’s watchful waiting as we’re all in our constituencies. But next week when we’re all back…” one MP, who had not called for Starmer to step down publicly yet, told PoliticsHome

“The Whips Office don’t seem to have been making any effort to contact people over the weekend, which I feel is very telling.”

They added: “Keir needs to go. I’ve thought it for a year or so now, but there is no more road, no more  ‘well it’s a time of international uncertainty, maybe with a bit more time he can turn things around’.”

However, when asked who should replace Starmer, they responded: “I don’t even care at this point; anyone that isn’t Keir”. 

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The lack of an obvious successor for a critical mass of Labour MPs to coalesce around in the aftermath of Thursday is apparent. Many on the left are concerned that Andy Burnham would be unable to run in a contest that was called too swiftly, since he would need a Parliamentary seat.  “This isn’t a game” and “no one remotely serious should be anywhere near this Catherine plan”, one ally told PoliticsHome.

Ipsos polling of Britons when asked who should lead Labour if Starmer resigned saw 17 per cent choose Burnham – more than triple his nearest rival, Angela Rayner (5 per cent). Rayner herself is understood to prefer to wait for an HMRC investigation into her tax affairs to be completed prior to running, although some reports suggest she could run while under investigation.

Another Labour MP, who has also not yet called for Starmer to publicly, said they wanted a leadership contest but “later” and said it’s hard to tell if the calls for Starmer to leave “have momentum” currently.

“A stalking horse brings out real candidates only once the contest is triggered,” they said.

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One Labour MP – who said they conceded they wanted “a clear timeline set out by Keir to step aside” – was critical of Catherine West’s ultimatium, saying “her intervention is unhelpful”, warning it could open the door to Health Secretary Wes Streeting to make a bid. 

“Any moves by Catherine to kick off the challenge risks giving the keys of Number 10 to Wes,” they said, also not yet calling for Starmer to go publicly. 

“Wes would be every bit as disastrous for the country as Keir. He is inextricably linked to Labour Together, Mandelson and the likes of Palantir. 

“We need real change not more of the same.”

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Elsewhere, a Labour MP from the 2024 intake told PoliticsHome said “it’s over” for the Prime Minister – adding “it’s not just usual suspects” who are calling for Starmer to step down. 

“And the number of people remaining silent is high,” they said. “The WhatsApp groups are dangerously quiet.”

And another 2024 Labour MP told PoliticsHome “the PM should f*** off in time”, but added that Simons intervention in The Times swayed them “more the other way”.

“[He’s] desperate to be relevant,” they added.

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Starmer’s cabinet, however, have rallied around the Prime Minister – with deputy prime minister David Lammy warning “you don’t change the pilot during a flight” and Housing Secretary Steve Reed warning against “doomscrolling” through new party leaders. 

And outside of cabinet, there are also Labour MPs who are not supportive of Starmer’s departure. 

Edgbaston Labour MP Preet Kaur Gill, who serves as a parliamentary private secretary to cabinet minister Liz Kendall, told PoliticsHome people “expect us to govern” and that she had been told on the doorstep “Keir Starmer should keep going” and voters are seeing “through the attacks”. 

“Honestly, with all due respect to people like Catherine West and Josh Simons, many of us who have been in politics for a long time and seen what opposition is like – bringing down the Labour government, none of us accept any of that,” she said.

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“We have got a mandate until 2029 – right now, we’ve got to be humble with the electorate on the protest vote that they made, at the change that they want to see, focusing on the things that they voted for.”

 

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The stalking horse returns: what Thatcher’s 1989 challenge tells us about Starmer’s test

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A prime minister under not inconsiderable political pressure faces a leadership challenge from an obscure backbench MP posing as a proxy for more prominent pretenders. 

These words accurately describe the political landscape Keir Starmer, Britain’s incumbent embattled premier, faces after Catherine West announced her plan to launch a leadership bid. West’s plan, hastily organised in the wake of this week’s local elections, is designed to smoke out prospective challengers better placed to take on Starmer in a full contest. More specifically, West’s scheme is aimed at engineering a contest among those candidates who currently serve as members of parliament – thereby excluding Andy Burnham, the mayor of greater Manchester. 

In any case, Starmer is not the first prime minister to face such a manoeuvre from a self-styled “stalking horse” candidate. 

On 22 November 1989, Sir Anthony Meyer, a backbench critic of Margaret Thatcher’s premiership, launched a bid to oust the prime minister. 

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Meyer was also a reluctant candidate, standing in the place of far more senior Thatcher-critics such as Michael Heseltine. He acknowledged that he had no chance of winning, but believed a contest – initiated by a stalking horse candidate – was necessary to test the party’s confidence in its leader.

Conservative discontent with Thatcher’s leadership had been simmering since at least the Westland affair (1986), which featured the resignation of Heseltine as defence secretary. By late 1989, the government was suffering from the intense unpopularity of the community charge, known universally as the “poll tax”, and internal spits over its policy on European integration.

The Conservatives lost 13 seats in the July 1989 European Parliament election – the party’s first national election defeat since October 1974. The campaign was conducted in the shadow of Thatcher’s famous Bruges speech (September 1988) – a trenchant, and divisive, statement of her euroscepticism.

The European Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM), an economic stability measure, emerged as a flashpoint in 1989. 

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Geoffrey Howe and Nigel Lawson reportedly threatened to resign as foreign secretary and chancellor respectively if Thatcher failed to oversee Britain’s entry into the ERM. Thatcher responded with a reshuffle in July 1989, replacing Howe as foreign secretary with John Major. Howe was made leader of the commons, a post embellished with the title of deputy prime minister. Lawson then resigned in October 1989 following a dispute over the influence of Thatcher’s economic adviser, Sir Alan Walters. Walters opposed Britain’s entry into the ERM.

Under the Conservative Party’s leadership procedures at the time, Thatcher was subject to annual re-elections. But she had been returned to her post unopposed since 1975. 

1989 was different. 

Meyer, a 69-year-old europhile backbencher, put himself forward as a candidate, triggering the first Tory leadership election since Thatcher toppled Edward Heath in 1975.

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Meyer was a long-standing critic of Thatcher’s leadership. 

In November 1981, Meyer was among the Conservative “gang of 25” who signed a letter threatening to vote against the government’s latest round of monetarist measures delivered at the autumn statement. In the wake of the Westland affair, he argued that the time had come “when we should be thinking in terms of choosing another leader”.

The short 1989 Conservative leadership election featured an intervention from Heath, Thatcher’s predecessor as Conservative leader. The europhile former prime minister described Thatcher as a “narrow little nationalist… unable to move with the movement of history in creating the greater Europe”.

Meyer, meanwhile, was derided by the tabloid press as “Sir Anthony Whats’isname” and a “stalking donkey”. In an open letter to Conservative MPs, he wrote: “On Europe above all, the prime minister stands apart not only from many of her own cabinet.”

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One opinion poll, published shortly before voting began in the contest, found two-thirds of voters were unsatisfied with Thatcher’s leadership.

On the day of the election, 5 December, Thatcher attended the commons for prime minister’s questions.

Labour MP Alice Mahon asked: “Since this might be the last time that the prime minister answers questions at the dispatch box… will she tell us her proudest achievement?

“Is it the number of homeless? Is it the deeply unpopular poll tax or is it the image of a government who resort to seedy bribes to get their privatisation programme through?”

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Thatcher responded: “My proudest achievements have been bringing Britain from the decline of socialism to the prosperity of Conservatism.”

The prime minister survived Meyer’s challenge, of course. She secured a seemingly decisive victory with 314 votes to Meyer’s 33. But the result exposed significant discontent within her party. A total of 60 MPs – one in six – failed to support her, either by voting for Meyer, spoiling their ballots (24), or abstaining (3).

Thatcher, however, hailed her victory as “splendid” in a statement outside No 10.

She said: “I would like to say how very pleased I am with this result and how very pleased I am to have had the overwhelming support of my colleagues in the House and the people from the party in the country.

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Kenneth Baker, the Conservative chairman, said: “What the Conservative Party has decided today is that they want to be led into the 1990s and the next election by Margaret Thatcher.”

He added: “The leadership question is now settled.”

George Younger, Thatcher’s campaign manager, stated: “It is a marvellous result; 85% of MPs voted for her. It will strengthen her authority for some time to come.”

Norman Tebbitt, the former Conservative chairman, said the result was “very close to an absolute triumph”.

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Privately, however, Thatcher’s team was alarmed. 

Younger warned that many MPs had voted for her with “varying degrees of reluctance”. He classified 50 MPs as “reluctant supporters”, who could in time make Thatcher’s position vulnerable.

In a memo, Younger said: “The result is not as good as the figures. Many voted with varying degrees of reluctance for the prime minister. They cannot all be relied upon another time.”

He predicted future danger, noting: “As there are likely to be economic and polls difficulties in a year’s time, another challenge is not improbable.”

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He continued: “It is felt that there are personality tensions within cabinet and that these must be resolved if confidence is to be restored. In particular, Geoffrey Howe must be seen and treated as the PM’s right-hand man.”

One of Thatcher’s whips, Tristan Garel-Jones, put it more bluntly when he said: “We are talking about the beginning of the end of the Thatcher era.

He added: “We have to try and ensure that that is managed in a way that enables her to go to the end of her prime ministership with dignity and honour. The most we can achieve is that she wins the next election.

“I think that is possible, but not certain.”

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The 1989 campaign therefore shattered any lingering sense of Thatcher’s political invulnerability. Heseltine was reported to be one of the three MPs who abstained. Heath hinted that he had voted for Meyer.

Meyer was pleased with his showing, saying he received “more votes than I expected to get.”

He added: “I think what I have done is think the unthinkable as it were, raise the very question of the leadership at a time when others weren’t willing to discuss it.

Meyer maintained that the contest was “worth it because it’s raised the whole question of whether Mrs Thatcher’s policies and Mrs Thatcher’s style of leadership are the ones which are most likely to win the next election for the Conservative Party and the ones most suited to British needs at this critical junction in the history of Europe.”

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In January 1990, Meyer was deselected by his constituency party in Clwyd North West.

In the year that followed Meyer’s challenge, the issues that inspired his candidacy intensified.

On 1 November 1990, Geoffrey Howe – the last remaining member of Thatcher’s 1979 cabinet – stood down as deputy prime minister. He cited fundamental disagreements with Thatcher’s stance on European integration. It came after Thatcher issued her most strident denunciation of European integration to date with her famous “No. No. No.” declaration on 30 October 1990.

Howe’s famous resignation speech spurred Heseltine to launch a formal leadership challenge the following day, 14 November. He won just enough of the vote on the first ballot to force Thatcher’s resignation.

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Meyer went on to join the Pro-Euro Conservative Party (1998-2001) and then the Liberal Democrats from 2001.

Meyer died on 24 December 2004, aged 84.

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The Greens are neither populist nor popular

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The Greens are neither populist nor popular

Thursday’s local elections have exploded one myth. The Green Party of England and Wales is definitely not riding a wave of popular support to power. It turns out that an obsessive loathing of Israel, combined with a vicious identitarianism and sixth-form ‘tax the rich’ slogans, is not quite the electoral elixir the Greens’ media cheerleaders would have had us believe.

Not that you would have known this in the lead-up to the ballot. For weeks and weeks, there had been breathless talk of a Green wave about to break across the nation. This had been accompanied by heady seat projections, with the Greens expected to pick up over 700 councillors in a one-on-one battle with Reform UK.

Amid the Green fluffing, the leader of the Green Party of England and Wales, the Walter Mitty-ish Zack Polanski, was everywhere, garnering ear-bleeding amounts of airtime and eye-watering puff profiles in The Times, the New Statesman and even, across the Atlantic, in the New York Times. The Greens, we were told, were always ‘rising’, ‘surging’, the right-thinking populist counterweight to Reform UK.

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After the hype, the reality. The Greens have done relatively well in these elections, but achieved nowhere near what had been expected. They have recorded the second-most gains behind Reform, leaving them with 587 councillors. But that has still consigned them to fourth place overall, behind Reform (1,453), Labour (1,068), Lib Dems (844) and the Conservatives (801). Extrapolating from Thursday’s vote, Sky News gave the Greens a General Election vote share of just 13 per cent. Under the first-past-the-post system, this would translate into a meagre 13 seats out of 650 in the House of Commons. That’s not a wave, that’s a leaky soil pipe.

Even in London, which many had anticipated turning Green, Polanski’s crew underperformed. The Greens did win mayoral races in Hackney and Lewisham, but they have struggled in large swathes of London, from Ealing to Westminster. In both Hammersmith and Richmond upon Thames, the Greens actually lost all their councillors.

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Their cheerleaders are no doubt blaming the Greens’ failure to live up to the pre-election hype on every leftist’s favourite bogeyman, the right-wing meeja – and, by association, their supposedly duped audience. They see all the negative coverage as little more than an orchestrated smear campaign. In their paranoid style, they cast the reports of the rampant anti-Semitism among election candidates, the criticism of Polanski’s police-bashing response to the Golders Green attack, and the revelations about Polanski’s CV embellishments (he was never, as he once claimed, a Red Cross spokesman), as all part of one big billionaires’ plot to discredit the self-styled radical left.

It’s true the Greens have received a rough ride in the media recently (and not just in the Telegraph or the Daily Mail). But journalists haven’t been victimising Polanski; they’ve been scrutinising him. They haven’t been smearing the Greens with accusations of anti-Semitism; they’ve simply been reporting evidence of anti-Semitism. That’s not a conspiracy – it’s called accountability.

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The Greens’ problems – Polanski’s personal popularity ratings have plummeted in the past week – are of their own making. Over the past few years and especially since Polanski took the helm, they have turned themselves into a vehicle for identitarianism and ‘anti-Zionist’ Islamic sectarianism, leavened with Occupy-era slop about taking on the ‘one per cent’ and the ‘billionaires’.

As the local elections show, this paradoxical admixture has gone down well among certain constituencies – from the middle-class left, comprising students, under-employed graduates and affluent ‘progressives’, to large, concentrated Muslim communities. Hence the Greens have broken through in areas where those constituencies predominate. They’ve picked up councillors in the wealthy, university-dominated urban areas of Exeter, Reading, Manchester, Oxford and parts of London. And, thanks to their sectarian, anti-Israel posturing, they’ve done well in areas with large Muslim populations, such as Waltham Forest in North East London. In one telling moment in Burngreave, Sheffield, the victorious Green councillor, Mustafa Ahmed, interrupted the count to raise the Palestine flag and chant ‘free Palestine’. Quite how he will use his mandate in Sheffield City Council to affect Middle Eastern politics is unclear.

As Tony Travers, professor of political science at the London School of Economics, told the Financial Times on Friday, the Greens’ success is ‘very concentrated in a small number of cities and city centres’. But beyond those areas, beyond those constituencies, it seems Polanski’s Palestine and progressivism platform is about as appealing as a couple of hours in one of his nipple-focused hypnotherapy sessions. Especially since the mask-off moments of the past few weeks, with more than 30 candidates being investigated over anti-Semitism in an internal party probe, two London candidates arrested for ‘stirring up racial hatred online’, and Polanski himself seeming more concerned with the police’s treatment of the alleged Golders Green attacker than with his Jewish victims.

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Indeed, the Green Party’s mutation into a tribune for decadent identity politics and Islamic sectarianism is even worrying some long-standing, senior Greens. Siân Berry, the Green MP for Brighton Pavilion, admitted on Friday morning that there had been ‘questions on the doorstep’ about the party’s response to anti-Semitism. And Caroline Lucas, the former leader and doyenne of the pre-Polanski Greens, called last week for ‘immediate action’ to be taken against the Greens’ anti-Semitic candidates.

This will be easier said than done – and not just because current deputy leader Mothin Ali has been threatening his own party with legal action if it tries to kick out those accused of anti-Semitism. The Green Party also owes its relative success over the past couple of years precisely to its embrace of ‘anti-Zionism’ and identity politics. This has pulled in hardline Muslims and middle-class Corbynistas, and with them, an inevitable undertow of anti-Semitism. Polanski can no more root out the Jew hatred in his party than he can turn away the party’s new support base. The source of their rise in the polls is also the source of their animus towards Jewish people.

Polanski and his party have made their bed, complete no doubt with a keffiyeh-pattern duvet and pillow set, and will have to lie in it for the foreseeable future. They will no doubt enjoy a significant measure of support from sectarian bigots and their middle-class, ‘progressive’ enablers for a fair while yet. The local elections have shown it works in some specific urban areas. But the Greens are alienating a great many Brits in the process – especially the working-class majority currently lending their vote to Reform.

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If the elections have revealed one thing about the Greens, it’s that this now very nasty party is neither populist nor popular.

Tim Black is associate editor of spiked.

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The Best And Worst Foods For Osteoporosis And Bone Health

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In terms of things that can contribute to osteoporosis, soda is on the list.

Osteoporosis is a health condition that can really sneak up on you. Its early stages typically don’t cause any symptoms; it isn’t until a bone is broken or fractured that many people are diagnosed, and that can hurt.

“Osteoporosis is a disorder of bone quality and strength that increases the susceptibility for fractures,” explained Dr. Rozalina McCoy, an endocrinologist and associate professor at the University of Maryland School of Medicine.

McCoy explained that osteoporosis is diagnosed through a DEXA scan, which is an X-ray that measures bone density. “A DEXA scan can tell us what someone’s fracture risk is, which is the main concern. Low bone density is the biggest indicator, but there’s an additional component of bone quality, too,” McCoy said.

According to scientific research, the risk of osteoporosis rises significantly with age, especially for women 50 and older, and men 70 and older. According to research published in the journal Clinical Medicine, 50% of women and 20% of men 50 and older will experience an osteoporosis-related fracture.

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“As we age, we become less efficient at rebuilding bone, tend to be less physically active and absorb nutrients like calcium less effectively from food,” said Dr. Yesika Garcia, an endocrinologist with the Medical Offices of Manhattan and a contributor to LabFinder.

Garcia explained the reason women 50 and older are at an increased risk for osteoporosis is because of the drop in oestrogen after menopause. This matters because oestrogen helps regulate the balance between bone formation and breakdown, which is important for maintaining bone density. But after menopause, the protective effect from oestrogen is lost.

Fortunately, there are ways to lower your risk of osteoporosis, including eating more of one food that’s especially good for your bones yet often overlooked.

In terms of things that can contribute to osteoporosis, soda is on the list.

FG Trade Latin via Getty Images

In terms of things that can contribute to osteoporosis, soda is on the list.

Before we talk about diet, there’s another way to reduce your risk of osteoporosis.

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When it comes to reducing your risk of osteoporosis, Dr. Deborah E. Sellmeyer, an internationally recognised expert in metabolic bone disease and a clinical professor at Stanford Medicine, told HuffPost that good nutrition and weight-bearing activity are what’s most important.

“For physical activity, it’s encouraged to do 30 minutes a day of impact activity such as brisk walking, progressive weight and resistance training at least twice a week, and balance training,” Sellmeyer said. Balance training can include tai chi, yoga or standing on one leg.

McCoy and Sellmeyer both emphasised that avoiding fractures, particularly when you’re older, is important for managing osteoporosis because it can lead to more severe bone breaks in the future.

With this in mind, Sellmeyer told HuffPost that it’s important to lower your risk of falling at home by using good lighting, keeping the floor and outside area clear of any trip hazards, and staying up to date with your eye doctor appointments to support your vision care.

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There are two key components of your diet that can maintain bone density

When it comes to lowering your risk of osteoporosis through diet, all four of the endocrinologists we talked to said that while what’s most important is maintaining a well-rounded, nutrient-rich diet, the two nutrients that matter most for bone health are calcium and vitamin D.

“Calcium and vitamin D are the only nutrients that have been shown to reduce the risk of fractures,” Sellmeyer said, adding that clinical trials of these nutrients were all done with supplements, not with food, because of the need for a placebo control, which is very difficult to do with a food item and much easier with a pill.

Dr. Jad Sfeir, an endocrinologist and an associate professor of medicine at the Mayo Clinic College of Medicine and Science, also emphasised the importance of getting enough calcium and vitamin D.

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The daily recommended goal of calcium for postmenopausal women and older men is 1,000 to 1,200 milligrams per day, preferably from dietary sources. The daily recommended goal of vitamin D for postmenopausal women and older men is 800 to 1,000 international units,” he said.

Besides calcium and vitamin D, Sfeir added that getting enough protein is also important for lowering the risk of osteoporosis (or managing it properly if you already have it).

“Protein provides the structural framework for bone tissue. The body uses protein to build the collagen matrix that gives bones their strength and flexibility, working together with calcium and other minerals to maintain bone structure,” he said.

Sardines contain both of the only two nutrients (calcium and vitamin D) shown to reduce fracture risk.
Sardines contain both of the only two nutrients (calcium and vitamin D) shown to reduce fracture risk.

The food to eat more of if you’re over 50 and want to lower your risk of osteoporosis.

It bears repeating that when it comes to using diet to lower the risk of osteoporosis, what’s most important is having a balanced, nutrient-rich diet; avoiding osteoporosis doesn’t come down to eating one singular food.

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That said, Garcia told HuffPost that there is one food she wishes people 50 and older would eat more because it contains both of the only two nutrients (calcium and vitamin D) shown to reduce fracture risk: sardines.

“Sardines deliver calcium directly in an absorbable form, especially when eating the edible little bones. They are rich in vitamin D and a great source of protein,” she said. To this point, one 3-ounce serving of sardines contains 325 milligrams of calcium, which is roughly 30% the recommended daily amount for older adults. The same serving has 46 microunits of vitamin D, which is about 17% of the recommended daily amount for older adults. (That means you’re still going to have to rely on other foods or supplements – and sunshine in the case of vitamin D – to get enough.) To get the maximum bone benefits out of sardines, Garcia recommends eating them two to three times a week.

Can’t stomach sardines? Sfeir’s top food recommendation is dairy foods, as long as you don’t have a sensitivity. “Building new bone requires a consistent supply of calcium, which is why daily calcium intake is essential for maintaining healthy bones,” he said. Milk, yogurt and cheese are all high in calcium.

If you are lactose intolerant or are vegan, it’s extra important to make sure you’re getting enough calcium and vitamin D since you are not consuming dairy – or sardines, if you’re vegan. Be sure to get your blood work done during your appointments with your healthcare provider to check your vitamin D and calcium levels. If you’re not hitting the mark, talk with your doctor or a registered dietitian about how you can meet your nutrient goals.

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While it’s important to know what foods support bone health, all of the endocrinologists say it’s just as important to know what foods and drinks can damage bones. The top offender, according to all four experts: alcohol. “Alcohol suppresses the bone-building cells called osteoblasts and interferes with vitamin D metabolism,” Garcia explained.

Garcia and McCoy both told HuffPost that soda is the second-worst offender when it comes to bone health. McCoy explained that this is because of an ingredient in soda called phosphoric acid, which pulls calcium from bones to maintain the body’s calcium balance. While phosphoric acid is found in soda, it isn’t typically in sparkling water.

Garcia and Sellmeyer both told HuffPost that consuming too much sodium can cause the body to excrete calcium through urine, so be sure to go easy on the salty foods.

“Osteoporosis is common but not fully inevitable as we age. It is largely preventable,” Garcia said. The sooner you start supporting your bones through your diet and exercise habits, the better. According to McCoy, even if you already have osteoporosis, you can improve your bone density. It’s never too late to become your strongest self.

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Starmer ally calls for prime minister to resign

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A Labour MP once considered to be close ally of Keir Starmer has called for him to resign as prime minister. 

Josh Simons, the Labour MP for Makerfield, has written an article for the Times newspaper expressing his view that Starmer should oversee an “orderly transition to a new prime minister”. 

Simons was director of the Labour Together think tank before entering parliament. The group, associated with former Downing Street chief of staff Morgan McSweeney, was prominent in supporting Starmer’s rise to power. 

Simons was one of the first MPs that entered parliament at the 2024 general election appointed to a ministerial post. However, he resigned as a junior minister serving jointly in the Cabinet Office and Department for Science, Innovation and Technology in February 2026. He stepped after facing claims that Labour Together commissioned a report that looked into journalists’ backgrounds. 

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In his Times article, Simons wrote: “When a party fears the people it was created to represent, it is marching towards extinction… 

“These elections were not a normal mid-term drubbing, they were an unequivocal judgment that our actions do not meet the moment. We constantly talk big, then act small.”

He added: “Putting the people I represent and the country I love first, I do not believe the prime minister can rise to this moment. He has lost the country. He should take control of the situation by overseeing an orderly transition to a new prime minister.”

Simons shared the article in a post to Twitter (formerly X) alongside additional comments. 

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He stated: “This was not an easy piece to write. But because of my history in the Labour Party I felt a duty to be honest. 

“We Labour MPs must square up to the truth. These elections were not a normal mid-term drubbing, they were an unequivocal judgement that our actions do not meet the moment.

“To put the country first, the PM should lead an orderly transition. Senior figures across the party should urgently come together to agree a path forward.”

Simons’ intervention comes after a fellow former Labour minister, Catherine West, threatened to launch a “stalking horse” challenge to the prime minister. 

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On Saturday afternoon, West called on the cabinet to “reorganise themselves” and put forward their “best communicator” to replace Starmer. Speaking to BBC News in the wake of this week’s elections, the Labour MP and former Foreign Office said she was putting senior ministers “on notice”. 

West said: “My preferred option is for the cabinet to do a reshuffle within itself, where there’s plenty of talent, and for Keir to be given a different role, which he might enjoy, perhaps an international role.”

West sought to justify her proposal across as Sunday morning media round. 

West told the BBC’s Sunday With Laura Kuenssberg programme: “I will hear what the prime minister’s got to say tomorrow and, then if I’m still dissatisfied, I will put out my email to the parliamentary Labour Party, asking for names. And the reason I’m doing that is not for me. It’s for working people, because Labour is the only party that can beat Reform.”

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West was asked if she believes that she will get the requisite number of MPs – 81 – to mount a leadership challenge. 

She responded: “We will find out when I put out my email to the Parliamentary Labour Party, but what we need is that timetable from the chair of the party, and she and I are very good friends, she knows, I’ve asked her for an orderly transition into a leadership election, which will allow us to make the case to the country, as well as to our colleagues, so that we can go forward.”

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