Politics
Using Dating Apps As An HIV Positive Person
I vividly remember the day I was diagnosed HIV positive. For months, I had been having trouble breathing, didn’t feel like eating and was extremely tired. The doctor thought I might have pneumonia, but she asked me to take a HIV test.
When the test results came back, my heart sank. Turning away from the doctor who had just delivered the news, I was stunned by the gorgeous day outside. She told me I would have to take medication for the rest of my life, but I could still live a happy, normal life.
I was numb from hearing the results, but one worry was consuming my heart. Who would love me now?
But within a year after my diagnosis, I felt healthier than ever. Once I was HIV undetectable, meaning I could not transmit HIV through sexual contact, I only thought about my status for 10 seconds a day, when I popped my pill before I went to bed.
That is, until I decided to post a profile on a dating app.
I had not gone on a date since I was diagnosed, but I was finally ready to get back out there and give love a try. I didn’t know where to start, so I created a profile on Tinder, which I knew was very popular. As I filled out various fields, I was nervous, wondering how I’d be perceived. Then I came to check boxes for race, religion and HIV status ― Wait, I had to check a box for that?
In that instant, I flashed back to when I first got my diagnosis at the hospital. The day I was discharged, the nurse warned me that I would have to tell all my future lovers about my status because if I didn’t, it could be a criminal offense. It made me feel like a sick criminal with a deep, shameful secret in my body.
This check box’s attempt to reduce me to one label instantly brought up the same deep shame in my body. I chose not to disclose my status upfront – it was my choice and I’d do it when I was ready – but it didn’t help much, because there were many profiles where a man would write things like the following in his main bio line.
“My HIV status is negative and so should yours!” or―
“Please be clean. If you’re not, then don’t bother to reach out to me.” Another said―
“When was your last test? If there is no proof, you will be blocked.”
Reading sentiments like those felt like a knife to my heart. I felt defeated and heartbroken because I thought: What’s the opposite of clean? I suppose that’s me; I’m dirty.
This is why sex educators caution against using the term “clean” to refer to STI status. Referring to people as clean if they test negative implies that they’re dirty if they test positive. This places a moral value on STI status and sexual behaviour in general, and not only does it affect the self-worth of those living with STIs, but it also spreads shame and stigma that deters people from getting tested.
It helped me to listen to HIV advocates like the award-winning author, George M. Johnson, who also has HIV. In one interview, he said, “People don’t fear HIV; they fear the stigma. Stigma is born from non-communication, and the burden is only on the person with HIV. There should be a community effort also with people who are HIV negative to lift the heavy burden with those already with HIV.” Johnson is a Black queer author I greatly admire, and after hearing him say this, I felt less alone.
It can be a heavy burden to live with HIV, and there were times when I resented having this disease. But I wasn’t ready to give up on love. Some of my friends said to forget Tinder and try a different app.
I created a profile on Bumble, where I got a like from a gentleman who was very handsome with dark eyes, a sharp jawline and a beautiful smile to match. We messaged each other back and forth. Then we exchanged phone numbers, which led to texting, and we worked our way up to phone calls.
In one of our calls, he said, “I have to tell you something, I have HIV, and if that bothers you, then let’s not waste each other’s time.”
I felt this weight lifted off my shoulders, let out a huge sigh, and said, “Thank you for sharing that with me, because I have HIV, too.” It felt good to be honest, and after that exchange, I started fantasising about our future together. That old fear – I will be alone with HIV. I won’t have anyone to love me – began to dissipate, and we began to make plans to meet.
He lived an hour away. He had a vehicle, but it was a rental. He seemed a little demanding when he said, “Listen, I can’t put too many miles on the car, so you would have to come and see me.” I was willing to drive the hour to see him and drive the hour back home when the time came. But for now, we were still getting to know one another over texts and calls.
We both sent each other photos of our dogs. Here was another thing we had in common: we were both proud “Dog Dads.” His photos with his chihuahua scored him extra points in my mind! I was imagining us Dog Dad Dating, going to the park with our pets and having a picnic, tossing Frisbees, and stopping at a dog-friendly coffee shop, where our dogs could cuddle up at our feet as we made eyes at one another.
But then one day, he wrote, “Hey, send me a picture of your penis?”
We hadn’t even seen each other in person yet. Don’t get me wrong, I had sent dick pics to many guys in the past, but this just didn’t fit my vision of where we were in our relationship. He insisted, “You have to work with me here. If you can’t send me a photo, then this isn’t going to work.” That made me very uncomfortable, but I sent the photo to avoid losing my fantasy of our future together.
A few days later, I sent him a cute picture of me and my dog. He responded, “He is so cute! Not as cute as you, because you are ugly.” I felt a shot through my heart. Maybe he intended it as a joke, but I did not find it remotely funny. I told him that he hurt my feelings, hoping he’d comfort me, but he responded, “I was just joking! Get over yourself!”
I had been willing to drive a long distance to see him. I had compromised and sent him an X-rated photo. But I wasn’t going to put up with someone who couldn’t acknowledge my feelings and make amends. I gave him several chances to offer a simple apology, but when it didn’t come, I removed him from my phone and we never had the chance to meet.
Looking back, I ignored the red flags and was willing to make concessions just because I didn’t want to be alone. This thought still scares me. Trying to find love brought me back to some of the earliest dark days of living with HIV.
Sadly, I had to put my dog down a few weeks ago, so I have lost my best friend. Thankfully, I have my family and friends to keep me company and check up on me. At the moment, I am focused on loving myself and my body, getting in touch with my feelings and needs, and accepting my HIV status.
Every morning, after brushing my teeth, I look in the mirror and smile to myself. After I take a shower, I look at my naked body and say I love this body. Daily practices that are vital for my self-love. If something bothers me, I address it right away instead of avoiding or ignoring it.
When I reenter the dating space, I will be truthful with myself and willing to have the honest, uncomfortable conversation with my dates that I have HIV, and you can take it or you can leave it.
I still yearn for touch, company and the joy of being with someone, but not just anyone. I want a man with whom time and the world can stop. Living with this infectious disease may make it more challenging to find, but I still believe in this vision of Mr. Right, and I don’t think it’s out of reach.
Just as I am working to unlearn self-stigma around my diagnosis, the more we can all work to reduce societal stigma and use neutral language around STI status, the closer in reach that vision will be.
This piece was previously published on HuffPost and is being shared again now as part of HuffPost Personal’s “Best Of” series.
Do you have a compelling personal story you’d like to see published on HuffPost? Find out what we’re looking for here and send us a pitch at pitch@huffpost.com.
Politics
The House | Malcolm Offord: Scotland Can’t Afford Free University For Half Of School Leavers
(PA Images/Alamy)
11 min read
Reform’s Scottish leader, Malcolm Offord, talks to Noah Vickers about his political journey, how to tackle climate change, and why his nation may have to limit free prescriptions and university places
Malcolm Offord has been having a wonderful summer. When he speaks to The House, the multi-millionaire leader of Reform UK Scotland has recently returned from Cowes Week on the Isle of Wight – where he keeps one of his six homes and where he raced one of his six boats, Braveheart.
“We did fine,” says the 62-year-old MSP for West Scotland. “We were up against a very competitive class but, that’s good, that’s what you want.”
Offord enjoyed this “tremendous occasion” – the regatta’s 200th anniversary – while Holyrood is on summer recess.
“I’ve got a bit of a break and obviously beautiful weather. Global warming is good for Scotland,” he cheerfully declares. The House promises to return to that claim, but first asks about his political history.
The former peer is one among several ex-Tories over the last couple of years to have jumped ship to Reform. As a minister under Boris Johnson, Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak, he served first in the Scotland Office and later as minister for exports in the Department for Business and Trade (DBT), as it then was.
Offord, who made his wealth in asset management and private equity, had also donated almost £150,000 to the Conservatives prior to being made a peer by Johnson. Was it difficult leaving a party to which he had devoted so much?
“Of course it was difficult, but I’m not a tribal Tory,” he says. “I’d donated to the party for 15 years before I was ever a member… I only joined the Conservative Party in 2020 and went into the government in 2021.”
Offord remains proud of his time in that government, the record of which has been attacked relentlessly by his new party. He insists that both his departments “did a good job”, as Alister Jack and Kemi Badenoch were “exceptional” secretaries of state.
Under Badenoch’s leadership, DBT was “probably the only department in Whitehall which tried to make a success of Brexit”, he claims. Does Offord still find her an impressive politician?
“Oh, very. I supported her as leader for the Conservative Party,” he says, adding that she and her husband Hamish are “a very strong political couple”.
While Reform leader Nigel Farage has mocked her performance as a politician, Offord praises Badenoch for sticking with her principles.
“Kemi is a visceral conservative,” he says. “If you ask her a question, Kemi will tell you what she thinks, rather than what you want to hear. That’s not the issue. The issue is that no one’s listening to the Conservative Party – nor can they or should they.”
Offord began to lose heart with the Tories after Badenoch appointed him shadow energy minister. In this role, he says he was “shocked” to discover how little parliamentary debate there had been when Theresa May’s administration passed the Climate Change Act, which legally enshrined the UK’s 2050 net-zero target – an “extraordinary act of self harm, where our energy prices are now four times more than America”.
The Scottish Conservatives, he argues, had meanwhile become a one-policy party with little to offer beyond their staunch opposition to Scottish independence.
But the MSP reveals it was East Wiltshire MP Danny Kruger, rather than Farage, who ultimately convinced him to defect in December 2025.
“He’s a philosopher, and we need philosophers in politics. He’s a deep thinker and he is a tribal Tory,” says Offord of Kruger. “The fact he felt cast adrift told me there was something wrong.”
Offord now leads a 17-strong group of Reform MSPs, tied with Labour as the joint-largest opposition to John Swinney’s minority SNP government.
It was an impressive performance in May’s election, but nonetheless followed the trend of Farage’s political outfits – be they Ukip, the Brexit Party or Reform – doing noticeably less well in Scotland than in England or Wales. Does Reform have more work to do in showing Scottish voters it is not just a party of middle and deprived England?
“For sure. That’s absolutely my challenge. I take that head on,” he says. “Over the next five years, I have to demonstrate Reform Scotland has its own voice.”
The Scottish party, he stresses, has “autonomy over our devolved matters” and will take policy decisions on the basis of whether they benefit Scotland specifically.
“We’ve got ourselves in a mess over the last 25 years with so much liberalism, so much progressivism, that we’ve lost our way as a country,” he says of Scotland and the UK more widely.
Yet there are some progressive policies in Scotland about which Reform’s Holyrood manifesto had little to say. One of them is university tuition fees.
Scottish students continue to enjoy free university courses north of the border, subsidised by Holyrood to the tune of roughly £900m per year, while English students take on loans. Would a Scottish Reform government maintain that unequal status quo?
Offord suggests there are advantages to England’s model, as there is more incentive on students to think carefully about whether their course will help them get a well-paid career.
The MSP, who studied law at Edinburgh, says “a lot” of Scottish students nowadays are completing “meaningless degrees” rather than vocational or technical qualifications that would be a better use of their time.
“The difference between England and Scotland is that, in England, it’s the marketplace that is now making this decision for young people, who are now saying, ‘This is not worth the money’.”
In 2024/25, about 42 per cent of Scottish school leavers went on to university, while 26 per cent went into further education and 22 per cent straight into employment.
Offord stresses that his “instinct” is to “hold on to as much free education as possible” in Scotland, but says Holyrood should narrow the number of free university places it funds.
“We can afford maybe to pay for 20 per cent of kids to go to university – maybe – but not 50 per cent. Maybe that’s the way to do it. Maybe we should be saying to people, ‘You should be going to [vocational] colleges and getting better jobs at the end of it’.”
Prescription charges, abolished in Scotland since 2011, are another point of difference with England on which Reform’s manifesto was silent.
Offord faced questions during his Holyrood campaign, however, over a 2025 Centre for Policy
Studies report he edited and co-authored, which called for a “dialogue” with the Scottish public “about the acceptability of user charges for some [healthcare] services up to an annual ceiling, as in Sweden and Germany, and the removal of free prescriptions for certain categories of medication, e.g. over-the-counter pain relief medicines, given the increasing annual cost associated with prescriptions for these medications”.
“It’s our job to reinvigorate Scots… They’re scunnered and fed up”
Asked whether he is still calling for that dialogue, the MSP points out that in England 89 per cent of prescriptions are dispensed free of charge to exempted groups like the elderly.
Regarding Scotland’s policy, he says: “Those who need them most will always be looked after, but perhaps [for] those who don’t need free prescriptions [we] might need to look again, I don’t know.
“To me, it’s something we should talk about with the medical profession, as a complete review of our health system.”
The House soon returns to net-zero, where Offord has been on something of a journey.
“Some say that the UK has a limited role to play in climate change as we account for only one per cent of world emissions,” he said in his 2022 maiden speech to the House of Lords.
“Yet COP 26 proves that our leadership still counts, because we can demonstrate that it is possible simultaneously to grow our economy while cutting our emissions.”
Offord, who in that same speech praised Scotland for combatting the “climate emergency”, now rails against the “madness” and “sheer disaster” of net-zero policies.
But with wildfires destroying homes and record temperatures causing almost 3,000 excess deaths across the UK in May and June, is there not an imperative to work with our international allies to significantly cut carbon emissions, even if – as Offord acknowledged – we make little difference individually?
“We’ve got to stop seeing this as a conflict between net-zero and/or oil and gas. I think we just have to grow up a little bit on this conversation,” he replies, arguing that a more “pragmatic” approach is needed to stop Britain “impoverishing” itself with high energy costs while importing most of its gas from elsewhere.
“Why on earth would we import from Norway, when we can create our own?” he asks. “By creating our own, we can create our own domestic gas supply, get our prices right down, and that can actually give us the cheaper energy to make renewables merchant viable.
“The whole of Scotland is covered in turbines – not a single blade is made in Scotland. We can’t manufacture anything, because our energy’s so expensive. These things are interconnected…
“Gas is our transition fuel – let’s be sensible about that – and then we can create a much more environmentally-friendly energy system.”
As UK energy prices are dictated by international markets, experts agree that further drilling in the North Sea would have a negligible impact on that price. Research from the University of Oxford earlier this year showed that if all the UK’s remaining North Sea resources were maximally exploited and the government used the extra tax revenues solely to lower bills, households would save somewhere between £16 and £82 a year.
As to whether there is a climate “emergency”, Offord says: “We need to stop using that word. It’s not an emergency. The planet heats up and cools down, many times and many cycles.
“We do have warming. I’ve been to the Arctic, I’ve seen the ice-flows melting – I’ve seen that with my own eyes. I’m not a climate change denier, but I’m pragmatic about how we deal with it.”
Offord speaks to The House soon after Farage’s victory against Count Binface in Clacton. He confesses to not visiting Essex during the five-week campaign – part of which was occupied by Cowes Week – but says Farage’s “outstanding” result “proved his point that he’s got a true mandate in Clacton”.
Beyond confirming the Reform leader’s popularity with his own constituents, did the by-election prove anything new? The result has no bearing on the investigation being conducted by the parliamentary standards commissioner, Daniel Greenberg, into whether Farage should have declared his £5m donation from crypto billionaire Christopher Harborne.
“That investigation – you have to ask yourself how objective that is,” replies Offord. “And is it politically motivated or not?”
Where is Offord’s evidence that Greenberg is in any way politically motivated?
“It’s the committee members around it. I believe the committee members on that are from other parties, aren’t they?”
Yet Greenberg will be the person writing the memorandum on which the standards committee would deliberate – if he does conclude that Farage has breached the code of conduct and that the breach was serious enough to merit referral to them.
“Yeah, yeah, so again, the question is whether he will be influenced or not – I don’t know. I assume, we hope, we expect, all these people to be independent, don’t we? So we expect an independent result.
“I’ve not been privy to the conversations, but obviously he [Farage] felt that he wasn’t getting a fair hearing. He may or may not be right or wrong, but that’s what he felt.”
Offord, and Reform, still have a long road ahead of them. How confident is he that by 2031 he will be first minister of Scotland, serving alongside prime minister Farage?
“I’m only in it to win it. There’s no point without being committed to winning and I believe we’ve got a roadmap through the council elections [in 2027], then Westminster and then Holyrood. There is a roadmap for us. There is a strong amount of apathy amongst people, especially in Scotland, and it’s our job to reinvigorate Scots who have traditionally always been politically motivated. They’re scunnered and fed up. It’s our job to motivate them and put something in front of them which will appeal to them.”
Robert Jenrick announced he would resign as chancellor on Saturday if he did not deliver on his promises.
The only problem is, Jenrick is not the chancellor. The Newark MP is Reform’s Treasury spokesperson.
He prefers to use the title of shadow chancellor, though only the Conservatives are entitled to call themselves the shadow cabinet as the second largest party in the Commons and the official opposition to the government.
Jenrick was on the Conservative front bench as the shadow justice secretary until he was sacked for plotting to defect to Reform.
In a statement released during Reform’s chaotic party conference, the Newark MP said that if his party were elected to government, he would cut taxes for 40 million British taxpayers.
He said his plan to increase tax-free Personal Allowance to £15,000 in his first Budget would take 2.9 million people out of income tax altogether.
He said this would stop State Pension from being taxed and it would be worth almost £1,000 to an average working couple.
He claimed: “This isn’t an aspiration, nor is it an aim. It is a promise. It is a promise I made to thousands of party members in Birmingham – and millions of voters across the country – live and on camera. And it is a promise I plan to keep.
“If I do not deliver it, I should not remain chancellor. Please consider this my letter of resignation.”
Jenrick said: “The British people are sick and tired of chancellors – and governments – failing to deliver on their promises.”
His bizarre promise came after his party faced intense scrutiny after an undercover sting operation – conducted by investigative group Verbatim and published in a Channel 4 News documentary – accused two top party aides of accepting US funds for the party.
It is illegal under British electoral law to accept political donations by someone not eligible to vote in the UK or a UK-registered company.
The scandal overshadowed the entire conference, even though the party were hoping to draw a line under the ongoing parliamentary probe into the £5 million donation Farage failed to declare when he became an MP.
Reform has lost its dominant lead in the opinion polls too, even falling behind Labour and the Tories in a survey from More in Common this week.
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Reform UK wanted this year’s annual conference in Birmingham to be about “making Britain fall in love with Nigel Farage again”.
But that plan to woo voters and consolidate their base by presenting a strategy for their first 100 days in power fell apart before it had even begun.
Channel 4 News broadcast an undercover sting operation from investigative group Verbatim on Thursday evening, shortly before delegates arrived.
The footage accused Reform of taking funds from a US company to commission three supposedly independent polls at £32,500 earlier this year, research which was then shared with the media.
Reform’s head of policy James Orr and Farage’s close aide Dan Jukes organised the donation. They were unaware the donors were actually undercover reporters.
British electoral law says political donations can only be made by someone eligible to vote in the UK or a UK-registered company.
But Jukes appeared to propose a work-around so that an American businessman could donate £500,000 to the party through his British son.
Reform initially called the documentary a “hoax”, and said it was guilty of no wrongdoing.
It then launched an internal investigation and both Jukes and Orr stepped down from their roles.
Farage, who was seen in some of the footage engaging with the undercover journalists when they were presented as donors, told the BBC: “I frankly wasn’t even listening.”
The Metropolitan Police and the Electoral Commission are now assessing reports into the donations.
Unsurprisingly, the conference ended up being a far-cry from the plan to look more professional.
Here’s some of the strangest moments may have missed.
1. Farage’s Reaction After Losing 2 Aides
Jukes has worked with Farage for years and their relationship has been compared to father and son.
Orr was the policy brain of the party, and his attendance at a conference set to be a policy-blitz was crucial.
But Farage distanced himself significantly, calling them “contractors” who were only guilty of “loose pub talk”.
There was also significant confusion over whether they would ever be able to return, even though Reform’s internal investigation is yet to conclude.
Reform’s chair Lee Anderson told broadcasters they were not coming back, while other party officials said it was too early to say.
2. Richard Tice’s Speech Overshadowed By A Banner
A small sign depicting Farage as the Monopoly Man running off with a bag of cash amid a sea of flames appeared behind the deputy party leader during his speech.
It had the caption, “Collect £5 million, burn the planet,” in reference to the ongoing parliamentary probe into the undeclared lump sum Farage received before he became an MP.
The sign, unfurled by Greenpeace, was swiftly removed.
3. Farage’s Stage Delay
After the banner incident, Farage’s subsequent keynote speech was delayed by more than an hour.
Reform sources claimed it was due to a warning from Counter-Terror Police who “wouldn’t let him on stage yet”.
However, West Midlands Police said: “We can confirm that Counter Terrorism Policing have had no involvement in the delivery of the Reform UK Party Conference 2026.”
4. Protesters Disrupt Farage’s Speech
Multiple demonstrators were thrown out once the keynote speech got going.
Farage tried to downplay the disruptions, telling the crowd: “We’ve got a screamer. Oh dear.”
He added: “That poor young girl, she looked like she was going to do herself an injury.”
He then said: “Boring, boring, boring.”
Activist group Climate Resistance claimed responsibility for the protest.
5. The Violent Reaction To One Demonstrator
One woman was removed by security guards, only for members of the crowd to apparently grab at her face and hair, hitting her with a walking stick.
She told LBC: “Yesterday I was hit and grabbed by the hair and by my jaw by attendees at the Reform UK conference after calling out Nigel Farage for being a conman during his keynote speech.”
She added: “Nigel Farage himself, as well as members of the audience, are inciting this violence by celebrating assaults like the one I experienced.”
West Midlands Police said in a statement they are aware of the video circulating online. They are yet to receive a complaint from the woman involved but urged anyone with information to come forward.
Reform UK’s home affairs spokesperson Zia Yusuf later said: “On the question of whether I condemn people punching people, yes, I condemn people punching people.”
6. A Toe-Curling Interview With Nadine Dorries
Nadine Dorries, formerly the Conservative culture secretary under Boris Johnson, defected to Reform after stepping down as an MP in 2024.
She tried furiously to defend Farage over the documentary, accusing it of being “very heavily edited”.
7. Another Toe-Curling Interview
Reform’s candidate to be London mayor, Laila Cunningham, admitted to BBC Newsnight she had not watched the whole documentary.
Presenter Matt Chorley was stunned, replying: “What? Laila, you are a senior member of Reform UK, standing for election to be London mayor next year.
“This is the only story coming out of the Reform UK, serious allegations, which has got the Metropolitan Police and Electoral Commission assessing. And you’re coming on here to tell me everything is fine, no rules have been broken, and you’re telling me you haven’t watched the footage?”
8. Robert Jenrick’s Defence Of Farage
The Reform MP furiously defended his party leader after Channel 4’s documentary showed the Reform UK leader saying “thank you” to the fictitious donors.
He told Times Radio: “You can’t criticise a leader for saying thank you over lunch to someone. I know a lot of slings and arrows are thrown at Nigel Frage, but being polite is not a crime these days.”
9. Jenrick Offers To Resign (From A Job He Doesn’t Have)
Jenrick, Reform’s Treasury spokesperson, announced his plan to resign as chancellor if he did not deliver on his promises to cut taxes once in power.
However, the party is not in government. It is not even the shadow cabinet, because that name belongs to the second largest party in the Commons, the Conservatives.
10. Farage Reveals His Family Told Him To Get Out Of Politics
The party leader said his relatives urged him to quit over the summer amid safety concerns.
He told the BBC: “For the first time, really, in my political career, I haven’t got my family’s support. They would rather I packed it up and walked away. So yes it’s been difficult.”
11. Richard Tice Tops It All Off With A Strange Celebration
Despite all of this chaos, the deputy party leader posted some jubilant photos on Saturday showing him jumping for joy on stage…
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After years of speculation, the race to cast the next James Bond is getting serious.
Last week, a new batch of actors was reported to be among the frontrunners to land the role of 007, including Jacob Elordi, Jack Lowden and Paul Mescal.
But one of them in particular is reportedly the new favourite to become Daniel Craig’s successor.
Jack Barton might not be a household name just yet, but he is rumoured to have impressed casting director Nina Gold so much that Page Six named him as “The One”.
With that in mind, here is everything you need to know about Jack Barton’s career – and why he could well make the perfect James Bond…
First of all, Jack Barton fits the rumoured James Bond casting brief perfectly
Sam Simpson/Dave Benett/Getty Images
Producer Amy Pascal recently opened up to Deadline about the qualities the team behind the franchise are looking for in their next 007.
“It’s got to be something really different that is… stirring and exciting and different,” she claimed.
Despite actors like Harris Dickinson, Idris Elba and James Norton being attached to the role in recent years, long-time Bond casting director Debbie McWilliams also told The Independent in June that she believes the lead in the long-awaited 26th 007 movie should be a “total enigma”.
“I don’t want to see any of [the rumoured stars] as Bond because we now know so much about them,” Debbie told the outlet.
“We want to know as little about them personally as possible, because that’s what spies are. We don’t need to know where he goes shopping or who his parents are, or where he lives.”
Jack Barton’s first role was in a Netflix fantasy drama
Graduating from the Oxford School of Drama in 2018, Jack’s first role was in Netflix’s coming-of-age fantasy The Letter For The King.
Adapted from the classic 1962 Dutch novel of the same name by Tonke Dragt, the show followed a young, aspiring knight embarking on a dangerous mission to deliver a secret letter to the king.
Jack played Foldo, a swordsman who travelled with Amir Wilson’s young knight on the journey through the Great Mountains.
He also appeared in an Emma Stone film
Interestingly, until recently, Jack had only one movie credit to his name, but it was a Hollywood project made by one of the coolest filmmakers, Yorgos Lanthimos, and featuring an Oscar-winning Emma Stone performance.
Jack had a minor role in Poor Things, which follows Emma Stone’s Bella, who is brought back to life when an unorthodox scientist plants the brain of an infant into her adult body.
He is credited as Fop 1, which is another word for a gentleman concerned with his appearance. Jack can be seen in a blink-and-you’ll-miss-it moment, sitting down watching the scientific experiments.
The quirky drama was a huge hit, winning four Oscars, two Golden Globes and five Baftas and making numerous Best Of 2023 lists.
There’s every chance you’ve seen Jack Barton before in one of his many TV credits, which includes a big-budget BBC drama
After making his TV debut in The Letter For The King, Jack went on to have minor roles in Grantchester and The Pursuit Of Love.
When the BBC adapted HG Wells’ science fiction epic War Of The Worlds for the small screen, Jack landed a recurring role in its third season as Hiram.
More recently, in 2025, he had a minor role in the Anne Rice adaptation Talamasca: The Secret Order, where he played law associate Osterhaus.
Heartstopper fans will definitely recognise Jack Barton
Jack’s breakout role came when he was cast as David Nelson, Nick’s older brother, in five episodes of the popular Netflix series, Heartstopper.
His character takes pleasure in bullying his brother, played by Kit Connor, and prying into Nick’s private business.
But the character also has hidden depths, as it is revealed that some of his nasty traits stem from seeking validation from his absent father.
He reprised this role in this year’s Netflix movie, Heartstopper Forever, and which allowed him to showcase some of his more serious acting abilities.
While he played an antagonist, Jack called the role a “real privilege” thanks to the positive feedback he received from Heartstopper fans.
“Even as the detestable older brother I received countless messages about how it had helped people and how much it meant to them,” he told The Real Magazine in January 2025.
Jack Barton’s biggest role to date is in SAS: Rogue Heroes
If Jack Barton is Bond, it’s likely his appearance in BBC drama SAS: Rogue Heroes that caught the Bond’s casting team’s eye.
The actor played Lieutenant John Eliot Tonkin in season two of the Steven Knight-created and penned show – and it’s probably worth noting that Steven is also writing the new Bond film.
Based on the real-life origins of the British Army Special Air Service (SAS) during World War II, Jack’s character had to make a dramatic escape after being captured by the Nazis and receiving an execution order.
This role more than proves that Jack can handle the dramatic acting and the physical skills required to play Ian Fleming’s famous spy character.
Jack has previously joked about playing Bond
When speaking about what he was looking forward to doing in the future as recently as January 2025, he told Numero Netherlands that he’d “go wherever the wind takes me”.
And then he gave an answer which either meant he had an inkling about his future… or has fantastic clairvoyance powers.
“Right now, this is a lovely little wave I’m riding but who knows where life goes next. That’s all part of the adventure. But if you’re looking for a short answer – I hear Bond is up for grabs…?” he joked.
He also opened up about exactly what draws him into a project, hinting at his future in the industry.
“I think I have to read the script to really know,” he said. “It’s also about taste, I think – I love film, TV, and art, so as I grow, I get a better sense of my taste. That helps me decide on projects.”
Speaking to The Real, he admitted there was pressure now that he had started to make a name for himself.
“There’s a bit of added pressure knowing that lots of people are waiting to see what’s next… and hopefully we managed to keep them interested,” he said last year.
Jeff Spicer/Getty Images for Netflix
When will we find out if Jack Barton has actually been cast as the next James Bond?
Producer Amy Pascal recently revealed that the role will be announced sometime in the next five months.
“I would say the end of the year is a good bet,” she hinted to Deadline last month, acknowledging that she and her team are having to be “really, really methodical” given that “Daniel Craig is a hard act to follow”.
Politics
Trump Ripped Apart For ‘Absolutely Horrible’ Comments About Iran War Being ‘Small Potatoes’
Comments made by US President Donald Trump calling the Iran war “small potatoes” are being widely condemned by lawmakers and critics alike, largely due to the president appearing to dismiss the 18 US service members killed since the conflict began.
The remarks came after Trump was asked by ABC’s Rachel Scott in the Oval Office on Friday about Vice President JD Vance’s claim that the conflict in Iran was not a war.
“I’ll tell you what, a lot of people don’t call it a war,” Trump said. “I call it a military conflict because it’s small potatoes for us. It’s not a big thing. We did Venezuela, and we did this. In Venezuela, we lost nobody, and this we lost 18 people. In Vietnam you lost a 100 thousand people, and in other conflicts you lost tens of thousands of people.”
Scott quickly offered a retort to Trump, pointing out the service members killed in the war so far.
“It certainly doesn’t feel like small potatoes, Mr. President. Eighteen people have died in this,” Scott said.
Trump responded by continuing to compare Iran to the Vietnam War and asking Scott if she knew how long that conflict lasted.
“How long were we in Vietnam?” Trump said. “We’re in five months now. And you know what we did in five months? They’re not going to have a nuclear weapon. That’s what we did. Iran will not have a nuclear weapon because if they did, you probably wouldn’t be standing here very long.”
Many Democratic lawmakers, including several who served in the military, sounded off on Trump’s seemingly cavalier attitude towards the service members who have been killed.
As of Friday, 18 service members have been killed and more than 750 wounded since the US and Israel launched the war in late February.
See reactions to Trump’s comments on Friday here:
Listen to Commons People, the podcast that makes politics easy. Every week, Kevin Schofield and Kate Nicholson unpack the week’s biggest stories to keep you informed. Join us for straightforward analysis of what’s going on at Westminster.
US First lady Melania Trump will reportedly not attend next week’s Republican Party midterm convention in Dallas, adding to a growing list of prominent figures also expected to be skipping the event.
A White House official told The Independent on Friday that the first lady is not expected to appear at the two-day event, aimed at bolstering the Republican Party’s chances in the midterm elections.
The news was first reported by the Washington Examiner, and the White House did not immediately respond to HuffPost’s request for comment.
Reports of the first lady’s absence follow 45 Republican lawmakers telling Politico they will skip the convention. Many of them cited “prior obligations” or told the outlet they’d be campaigning in their districts.
An unnamed Republican lawmaker called the convention a “waste of time.”
“You shouldn’t be having to rally your base at this point. You should be trying to convince independents,” the lawmaker told Politico.
Others said they did not want to be closely associated with President Donald Trump as his approval rating continues to hover in the low 30s.
“I can’t control what the president’s going to say at the convention, but I can control where I’m at, what I’m doing,” Rep. Tom Barrett (R-Mich.) told Politico.
Those lawmakers expected to attend the event include Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.), House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), according to Politico.
Candidates in key battleground states will also be attending the convention, including former Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Mich.) and Sen. Jon Husted (R-Ohio).
Trump is expected to deliver speeches during both nights of the convention.
Listen to Commons People, the podcast that makes politics easy. Every week, Kevin Schofield and Kate Nicholson unpack the week’s biggest stories to keep you informed. Join us for straightforward analysis of what’s going on at Westminster.
This article contains major spoilers for The Gentlemen season two.
After watching that shocking The Gentlemen season two ending, fans will no doubt be desperate to see more from the hit crime drama.
The latest season finale set up yet more stories for Theo James’ Eddie, as he continues on his dark descent into the criminal underworld, led by Kaya Scodelario’s Susie Glass and Ray Winstone’s Bobby.
But when should we expect our return to Halstead Manor? Well, here’s a quick guide to everything we know so far about what’s next for the show…
Will there be a season 3 of The Gentlemen on Netflix?
Well, the immediate good news is that Netflix has already announced season three of The Gentlemen.
The update was revealed around a week before season two’s debut, in a rare move for the streaming service, which is infamous for cancelling even the most critically-acclaimed of shows.
Creator, writer, director and executive producer Guy Ritchie said: “The ambition of The Gentlemen has accelerated, the world has expanded and the consequences carry weight. A third season felt inevitable, and I’m looking forward to pushing the boundaries of it further.”
As with the first two seasons, the third iteration will also be made up of eight episodes.
Which cast members will be back for season 3 of The Gentlemen?
Guy Ritchie will be back to direct season three, which he will once again co-write with Matthew Read.
We should also expect to see most of the central characters returning, including Theo James’s Eddie, Kaya Scodelario’s Susie, Joely Richardson as matriarch Lady Sabrina and, of course, Daniel Ings’ Freddie after that cliffhanger.
Sadly, not everyone made it out of season two safely.
Major characters we don’t expect to see again include Tyler Conti’s Joe, Pearce Quigley’s Gospel John, Hugh Bonneville’s Lord Hawthorne and, tragically, Benedetta Porcaroli’s Bella.
Then again, in the world of Guy Ritchie, you never know who will spring back up from the dead…
The bad news is, it’s not yet clear exactly when The Gentlemen will be back on Netflix for season 3
Fans of The Gentlemen famously had to wait more than two years for season two after the show debuted on Netflix.
However, while there was an almost 12-month gap between season one’s debut and filming getting underway on the most recent run of episodes, Theo James gave Radio Times a promising update about the show’s third outing.
“We’re going to shoot it pretty soon,” he claimed, suggesting the third instalment could land on Netflix with much less of a break.
And what’s all this about Meghan Markle supposedly appearing in The Gentlemen season 3?
No conversation about season three of The Gentlemen is complete without mentioning Meghan Markle.
Reports surfaced in late August that the Suits actor was in early talks to appear in the third season.
Variety wrote in August that she was “in talks” following her and Prince Harry’s move to the UK.
But, just one day later, it was reported that Meghan had been “dropped” from the show.
In a column published on Substack, Tina Brown, the former editor-in-chief of Vanity Fair and The New Yorker, wrote: “I learned this morning that the casting of Meghan Markle in season 3 of Guy Ritchie’s Netflix series The Gentlemen has been withdrawn. The backlash in the UK was so intense, it became untenable to go forward. This does not bode well for Meghan’s acting comeback in the UK.”
Meghan is still apparently in on-going talks to appear in the series. The Sun reported that “Netflix bosses are eager to feature Meghan’s screen comeback”, even if “no formal agreement has been reached”.
Neither Netflix nor Meghan made an official statement about the numerous conflicting stories in the press.
At last week’s Edinburgh TV Festival, Netflix’s head of scripted shows in the UK, Manda Levin, was asked directly about the rumours, and she responded with a cryptic four-word response.
“All bets are off,” she said, with no further comments.
In an interview with Town & Country published on 2 September, Theo James shot down the rumours about the Duchess of Sussex joining the crime drama.
“I think that was mainly a lot of hot air,” he claimed.
What has the cast of The Gentlemen said about season 3?
Theo James has hinted at what to expect in season three of the TV series.
“We have the overarching ambition of where we’re going to go. We’re going to expand the world, go to different countries,” he told Town & Country.
“But in terms of the minutiae, I mean, it’s still very much up in the air.”
Vinnie Jones, who plays Eddie’s loyal gamekeeper, told Country and Townhouse that he hoped the upcoming run of episodes will focus more on the Horniman family lore.
“For me, there are still some unknown elements to Geoff,” Vinnie claimed, pondering: “What is his debt of loyalty to this family? What, for example, did the old man, Eddie’s dad, do for him that has kept him so close and so loyal all these years?
“And, whatever it was, that loyalty has now transferred to Eddie to the extent that I sometimes think that while Lady Sabrina is very important to him, it’s the relationship between Geoff and Eddie that really matters the most. I think all those things could be developed.”
Susie’s father, Bobby, is certain to return to continue to lead Eddie astray – but Ray Winstone doesn’t think he’ll see a world beyond his sauna.
“He’s very happy exactly where he is. Leave him alone!” he joked during the same Country and Townhouse piece.
Watch season one and two of The Gentlemen on Netflix now.
For millions of viewers, Christopher Nolan’s movie will have been their first introduction to the epic Ancient Greek story about Odysseus’ heroic journey home to his beloved wife Penelope at the end of the Trojan war.
And while The Odyssey has been adapted for the screen on numerous occasions in the past, what you might realise is that, at one point, Disney looked poised to have a go at it.
The story goes that, at the cusp of Disney’s so-called “Renaissance” towards the end of the 20th century – which saw the studio achieving renewed success thanks to films like The Little Mermaid, Beauty And The Beast, Aladdin and The Lion King – execs gathered the creative team for a series of so-called “Gong Show” pitch meetings.
In these quick fire meetings, writers and animators had a short amount of time to pitch their ideas for stories, many of which would then be greenlit.
One of these meetings saw a Disney-fied version of The Odyssey being put forward as an idea, with the company going as far as announcing in 1992 that the movie was in development.
Meanwhile, following the success of The Little Mermaid and Aladdin, directors John Musker and Ron Clements had hoped to pursue their passion project, a space-age reimagining of Treasure Island.
However, studio bosses at the time weren’t sold on the idea, and instead told the duo they’d need one more hit under their belts before they were allowed to put the wheels in motion on the project that would eventually become the 2002 cult classic Treasure Planet.
Instead, they were encouraged to have a look at some of the other approved ideas that were floating around, which included The Odyssey, as well as potential adaptations of Pygmillion and Don Quixote (neither of which got off the ground, either).
Ultimately, The Odyssey was dropped by Disney after they struggled to translate the source material to a family-friendly animated comedy, or settle on a cast of characters befitting of the winning streak Disney was on at that time.
However, Musker and Clements did end up helming another Ancient Greek adaptation, co-directing 1997’s Hercules.
Odysseus did end up making it into the Disney universe, too, when the character was included in an episode of the animated Hercules “midquel” TV series in the late 1990s.
Treasure Planet did eventually hit cinemas in 2002, and while it’s not exactly revered as a mainstream Disney classic (it has previously been included in round-ups of infamous box office bombs), it certainly has a loyal following all the same.
Musker and Clements went on to oversee another huge Disney hit just a decade ago, when they took on co-directing duties on 2016’s Moana, which is now one of the studio’s signature franchises.
Two senior Reform UK aides have resigned after a Channel 4 News sting appeared to show them trying to circumvent electoral law. Dan Jukes and James Orr were approached by an undercover investigator, working with Verbatim, a journalistic offshoot of the Centre for Climate Reporting. He posed as the British son of an American would-be donor. Together, they hatched a scheme to avoid foreign-donation rules by funnelling the father’s money through his son. An initial donation appears to have been used to commission polls on Reform’s behalf, with the party’s involvement left undisclosed. Footage suggests a six-figure donation could have been in the offing, too.
The sting undoubtedly raises important questions for Reform: about the party’s professionalism and, above all, about whether the law may have been broken. But, of course, as we’re talking about Reform, the questions being raised go well beyond that. The scandal has been seized on as ‘proof’ that Nigel Farage is corrupt, that Reform is essentially a criminal enterprise, and that both the leader and party must be kept as far away as possible from the corridors of power.
We need to regain some perspective here. Of course, none of this is an especially good look. The footage of Orr quipping that ‘We could easily get away with it’, and Jukes’s reference to ‘those little clandestine projects’, in particular. But the scandal itself is not exactly explosive.
After all, Reform is far from unique in failing to declare donations, or in trying to find grey areas to get around donation rules. Indeed, there is no major British party that hasn’t at some point faced a similar scandal – often ones much larger in scale than this one.
We need only go back to the scandal involving Labour Together, the think-tank that helped Keir Starmer rise to the leadership of the Labour Party, and prepare his 2024 General Election manifesto. In 2021, it was revealed to have taken £730,000 in undeclared donations. Then, in February this year, it emerged that Cabinet Office minister Josh Simons, a former Labour Together director, had paid a PR company to smear the journalists who uncovered the donations. The Makerfield MP eventually gave up his seat to enable Andy Burnham’s return to parliament.
The Labour Party itself was also fined for donation-declaration failures relating to the 2017 General Election. In 2016, Labour was handed what was then a record fine of £20,000 for its undeclared spending in the 2015 election. Party officials had failed to record multiple expenses, including the more than £7,000 spent on the now-infamous ‘Ed Stone’, a giant stone slab on which the party’s main manifesto pledges were carved.
When the Conservative Party failed to properly declare its spending during the 2015 General Election and three 2014 by-elections, it was fined £70,000 by the Electoral Commission. A Tory official, Marion Little, was even convicted, fined and handed a suspended prison sentence for falsifying accounts on behalf of her party. Ironically, in light of the Reform row, the judge described her as having been ‘carried away by her conviction’ that defeating Nigel Farage – then the leader of UKIP – was an ‘overwhelmingly important political objective’, apparently leading her to lose sight of the rules.
If we go back further to the New Labour era, Reform’s major players look like rank amateurs in the sleaze stakes. Lest we forget ‘Tony’s cronies’ – the various donors who were lavished with baubles, titles and peerages. In 2007, the ‘cash for honours’ scandal led Tony Blair to become the first sitting prime minister to be interviewed by police under caution. Later that year, the ‘Donorgate’ scandal broke. The Mail on Sunday uncovered that a wealthy property developer had been gifting six-figure sums of money to the Labour Party via proxies, including a builder, a secretary and a lollipop lady, to avoid being named as a major donor. And that’s before we even mention the dodgy deeds of the scandal-magnet Peter Mandelson.
What this goes to show is that the reaction to the Reform donations scandal, the obvious glee with which it’s being seized on, has little to do with the scale of the alleged wrongdoing itself. Reform’s critics clearly hope this will be the scandal that does it for Farage. That this will be what makes the scales fall from the eyes of his supporters. That even the very ideas Reform stands for will come to be seen as tainted. This is scandal-mongering as a substitute for politics.
It’s worth dwelling on how strange this is. Nobody believes that ‘cash for honours’ should have brought an end to the Labour Party. Nobody believes the Tories should have been cast out of office forever for even criminal breaches of election rules. Only the populist Nigel Farage and his upstart Reform party are expected to bow out from public life at the earliest whiff of trouble.
Investigate Reform by all means. Hold any rulebreakers to account. But let’s not pretend this is a scandal that deserves to bury an entire movement.
Nigel Farage speaks at the Reform UK conference, Birmingham, September 5, 2026 (PA Images / Alamy)
4 min read
“Are you ready for some common sense?” Lee Anderson asked the party faithful as he delivered the opening speech of Reform’s annual conference on Friday lunchtime. “Well, you’ve come to the right place.”
But in truth the party chairman was papering over the cracks of an event that had already started to unravel, kicking off with a ‘business day‘ that upset its corporate class, followed by the suspensions of two senior party figures over allegations they had arranged donations that broke electoral rules.
Things didn’t get any better for Reform at the NEC in Birmingham as questions thrown up by the investigation broadcast on Channel 4 dogged its senior figures. After multiple delays and disruptions to his first speech on Friday, Nigel Farage seemed relieved when he stepped off stage for the final time on Saturday afternoon, having closed proceedings with his second address to members.
A party figure dismissed these concerns, pointing out that it was the biggest conference they had ever put on, and reporting that feedback had been overwhelmingly positive from businesses and the rank and file.
But if the aim of the conference was to shift focus away from recent scandals and towards plans for the first 100 days of a Reform government, then it is unlikely to be deemed successful by many.
While previous Reform events had largely been extended rallies, the aim this year was to further professionalise the party’s apparatus and create conferences to rival those of Labour and the Conservatives. Reform is still experiencing the growing pains of an insurgent movement becoming a mainstream political force, however.
The Birmingham conference opened with a much-criticised business day on Thursday and the broadcast of the Channel 4 documentary into party donations. Although initially labelled a “hoax” by the party, on Friday morning Farage’s longtime aide Dan Jukes and the party’s head of policy, Cambridge professor James Orr, stepped down over the investigative report.
Even the way this unfolded became a source of contention, highlighting splits in the party when Anderson said the two men were “not coming back” and others said they had merely been suspended pending an investigation.
When asked about the matter, Robert Jenrick appeared to split the difference, saying Jukes and Orr had been “permanently suspended”.
Farage himself came out swinging, insisting they had been victims of entrapment and had done nothing illegal, referring to it as “a little local difficulty”.
But it undoubtedly cast a pall over events in Birmingham. At a press conference with French far-right politician Jordan Bardella, after he and Farage had signed a flagship “memorandum of understanding” aimed at stopping small boat crossings forever, every question directed at the Reform leader was about the donations scandal instead.
National Rally president Bardella – whose tub-thumping speech on the merits of patriotism won over an initially sceptical audience, threatening to make him the breakout star of conference – watched on as Farage read out a pre-prepared written statement. Comments made by Jukes and Orr in the report were, Farage said, simply “loose pub talk”.
The Reform leader’s afternoon went from bad to worse after his speech was delayed for an hour due to security concerns, then interrupted on five separate occasions by climate protesters. The police are now investigating claims that the disruptors were assaulted while being removed from the auditorium.
Party members in attendance did not appear bothered. The latest development in the Reform donations scandal was yet another attempt to “smear” the party, according to two young activists who spoke to PoliticsHome. It was “just a stitch-up by the media establishment”, said a Reform councillor.
Reform officials similarly sought to play down the significance of the investigation, as well as the teething problems of hosting a big event. They made the case on Saturday that the story had faded in importance, allowing Jenrick to deliver his big new tax policy.
In his first address to conference since defecting from the Conservatives, the party’s economic spokesman announced that he would raise the tax-free personal allowance to £15,000 within the first 100 days of a Reform government.
A Jenrick adviser said Farage had dealt with the donations story, allowing them “to get a hearing” on a policy they were excited about, describing it as a “wedge in between Labour and the Tories” on taxation.
After Jenrick’s speech, Farage made an unannounced appearance on the Reform livestream alongside presenter Jeremy Kyle, looking relaxed ahead of his own closing speech. Despite fears protesters could disrupt him again, he romped through his thank-yous and sent the remaining members home in high spirits.
Insisting on his prediction that Andy Burnham will call an early election within months, Farage wanted to land the message that Reform is ready for government and would be able to force through its policy agenda after an election win. But while conference may have ended with an enthusiastic rendition of the national anthem, lingering doubts are yet to be drowned out.
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