Politics
IN FULL: How Every MP Voted as Assisted Dying Bill Falls
Voted Aye LAB 190LIB 52CON 17GRN 5PC 3IND 2 1 Luke Akehurst North Durham LAB 2 Sadik Al-Hassan North Somerset LAB 3 Dan Aldridge Weston-super-Mare LAB 4 Heidi Alexander Swindon South LAB 5 Douglas Alexander Lothian East LAB 6 Callum Anderson Buckingham and Bletchley LAB 7 Steff Aquarone North Norfolk LIB 8 Jas Athwal Ilford…
Reform UK had hoped that their conference in Birmingham last week would draw a line under a dreadful few months for the party.
Nigel Farage wanted the annual get-together to demonstrate to voters what the first 100 days of a Reform government would look like.
Policies would be announced, speeches would be made and the party would be on the front foot once again.
Sadly for Farage and his loyal supporters, things did not turn out that way.
Instead, one week on, Reform find themselves the subject of a police investigation into their financial arrangements while trying to keep a lid on the simmering tensions threatening to tear them apart.
Things looked very different just four months ago, when the party enjoyed resounding success in the elections which took place on May 7 in England, Scotland and Wales.
With the party also enjoying healthy opinion poll leads over Labour and the Tories, it started to look as though Farage really was on course to become the next prime minister.
But the revelation that the Reform leader had failed to declare a £5 million “gift” he received from a crypto-billionaire shortly before becoming an MP was the start of the party’s woes.
Even though Farage insisted that he had done nothing wrong, the row cut through to voters and Reform’s poll numbers started to drop accordingly.
When parliament’s standards watchdog announced that he would be investigating the donation, Farage responded by triggering a by-election in his Clacton seat by dramatically resigning as its MP.
But his attempt to stick it to the establishment fell flat when all the major parties refused to stand, leaving Count Binface as Farage’s only semi-serious rival.
Farage inevitable won – but it was a hollow victory.
The party conference was meant to demonstrate a revived version of Reform, looking professional and ready for government.
However, it was overshadowed by an undercover sting operation, broadcast last Thursday night by Channel 4 News.
Journalists from the investigative group Verbatim posed as an American donor and his British son, supposedly keen to donate to Reform.
Secretly-recorded footage appeared to show senior Reform officials Dan Jukes and James Orr discussing with the pair how they could circumvent electoral law banning foreign donations to boost the party’s coffers.
In one segment, Farage himself even thanks the two men as they enjoyed oysters and Guinness during the Clacton by-election campaign.
The Reform leader has since claimed he “wasn’t even listening” at the lunch meeting.
While Farage initially dismissed the investigation as a “hoax” conducted by left-wing activists, both Jukes and Orr were forced to quit their roles in the early hours of last Friday morning.
The rest of the conference was something of a car crash, too.
Farage’s keynote speech was disrupted by hecklers, who were then attacked by angry Reform activists in the crowd.
Robert Jenrick, Reform’s Treasury spokesman, responded by saying an elderly Reform supporter filmed hitting a protester with his walking stick “should get a medal”.
Meanwhile, Reform’s home affairs spokesperson Zia Yusuf fuelled speculation about his personal ambitionsby releasing a bizarre video about his upbringing which looked to all the world like a blatant leadership pitch.
In a further blow for Farage, Tim Montgomerie – who defected to Reform from the Tories with great fanfare last year – quit the party, claiming it was gripped by “civil war” and urging the leader to put Yusuf back in his box.
The cherry on the top came on Wednesday, when the Metropolitan Police announced it was widening its ongoing investigation into the party’s finances following the Channel 4 sting operation.
A YouGov poll made it clear that voters have noticed the ongoing chaos engulfing Reform.
It showed that more than half the public view Farage as “very sleazy”, and have an equally dim view of the party he leads.
In this week’s edition of the Commons People podcast, we examine why Reform is facing its biggest challenge yet and ask whether Farage can defy the odds yet again by turning their fortunes around.
Listen to Commons People, the podcast that makes politics easy. Every week, Kevin Schofield and Kate Nicholson unpack the week’s biggest stories to keep you informed. Join us for straightforward analysis of what’s going on at Westminster.
There’s no doubt that Reform UK is a party in trouble. While the recent accusations of financial impropriety and illegality are grave in themselves, they also expose an organisation that’s still amateurish and complacent in its attitude and operations. And while it’s true that there are elements in the establishment, particularly in the media, who are and have always been out to get it, the party still needs to get its act in order – sharpish.
It needs to do so because the issues Reform campaigns on still matter hugely to the public. Many working-class people and conservative middle-class types still don’t like what’s happened to their country and they still want it back. In order for this to happen, these people need a functioning party that can effect much-needed radical reform. And if politicians won’t ‘stop the boats’, then members of the public will, as we saw with the blockading of ports in Dover and Portsmouth.
This undiminished undercurrent of feeling was encapsulated by a retired couple who spoke to Josh Glancy of The Sunday Times at the Reform conference last week. The Crisps, from Horsham in West Sussex, voted Conservative for much of their lives but switched over in 2024. Why? ‘It was the big two’, Mr Crisp explained. ‘Welfare and immigration. We’re losing our identity as a nation. We’re in danger of getting subsumed.’
There remains a vast multitude of ordinary, hard-working citizens who loathe the Labour government, who have sour memories of the last Conservative incumbents, who despise the establishment (the Home Office, the civil service, the universities and teaching unions beholden to a hyperliberal dogma, the BBC, charities with internationalist pretensions, human-rights lawyers and idealistic judges), and yearn for its cleansing and the country’s restitution. They ache for a government that will address their acute and chronic concerns.
No matter how many times commentators have written off Nigel Farage, no matter how many times centrists and leftists have sought to smear him as stupid and racist, the populist wave that has expanded into a broadly conservative bloc has not gone away. Millions remain exasperated at the way this country has been and continues to be misruled, a country that appears to be disappearing before their eyes.
There is a hunger for a party that will wrench this country back from the illiberal left, the bien-pensants and the big state spendthrifts. Yet Reform’s ill-thought-out initiatives outlined at the party conference only point to an outfit that is unfocused and even in disarray. Voters don’t want a period of ‘national emergency’ should Reform be voted into power, and they can see the proposal to make the singing of the national anthem obligatory in schools as the gimmick for what it is.
What they want is for children to be taught rigorous lessons absent hyperliberal dogma – for teenage boys not to be dissuaded from reading the classics because they are ‘racist’ or insufficiently ‘diverse’, as is currently the case. They want a competent and efficient government that will seal the borders, not appease Islamists, stop unnecessary benefits for the neurotic and the workshy, and cut taxes in order that small businesses and the economy may thrive.
That really isn’t too much to ask for.
The post-literate left
Even before the release of his new book, The New Dark Ages: The End of Reading and the Dawn of a Post-Literate Society, Times columnist James Marriott had sparked a conversation about the future of civilisation in a present and near future in which no one reads for pleasure, enlightenment or as active citizens.
One of the pressing concerns outlined by Marriott in a recent essay was the debasement of politics in an age when fewer people read newspapers. With people ingesting their politics instead through short-form video, where ‘there is little space for nuance’, this new post-literate settlement ‘seems to correlate with an increased vote share for the far right and populist parties’.
This may indeed be the case, but Marriott overlooks the fact that the biggest dunces in politics today are on the far left, in particular in that intersection between green and left.
The Green Party of England and Wales is perfectly representative of our post-literate society. It’s an outfit run by people who evidently don’t read history or elementary textbooks on economics, and which appeals to a certain younger demographic who similarly lives in a non-literate dreamworld.
The Greens made unprecedented gains in the May local elections largely because they made fantastical promises to a credulous and idealistic section of the electorate. They mooted a universal basic income, vowed to legalise hard drugs and prostitution. A candidate for their sister party, the Scottish Greens, pledged to abolish prisons. The Greens’ avowed position is that ‘migration is not a criminal offence under any circumstances’ and that we should strive for a ‘world without borders’, where ‘the concept of legal nationality [is] abolished’. Their latest illusory wheeze is to abolish private landlords.
The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) are possibly even more brain-dead. They want to abolish the Senate, prisons and borders, replace the presidency and the Supreme Court, and give full voting rights to criminals and non-citizens. According to a poll earlier this year, four in 10 Americans said they would consider voting for a DSA candidate for president.
Vacuous left-green utopianism is a symptom of a society that no longer reads diligently or reflectively.
George Orwell would have had Andy Burnham’s number
For anyone who finds Andy Burnham’s vague, matey ‘northern bloke’ persona increasingly tiresome, not least because it seems to act as a substitute for saying anything meaningful, they may find comfort in the thought that George Orwell would have seen through the act.
‘There exists in England a curious cult of Northernness, a sort of Northern snobbishness’, wrote Orwell in The Road to Wigan Pier (1937).
‘A Yorkshireman in the South will always take care to let you know that he regards you as an inferior. If you ask him why, he will explain that it is only in the North that life is “real” life, that the industrial work done in the North is the only “real” work, that the North is inhabited by “real” people, the South merely by rentiers and their parasites. The Northerner has “grit”, he is grim, “dour”, plucky, warm-hearted and democratic; the Southerner is snobbish, effeminate and lazy…’
In a world of seemingly unceasing tumult, it’s reassuring to know that Burnham, who came from an unremarkable working-class Cheshire background and attended Cambridge University, is still tapping into this ancient and dubious ‘authentic northerner’ stereotype.
Andy Burnham provided one of those rare moments at Prime Minister’s Questions on Wednesday when a politician inadvertently crystallises an entire political philosophy in a single sentence. Challenged over defence spending, the UK prime minister declared: ‘We will do everything to support our national security, but it can’t come at the expense of social security.’ You could almost hear an elderly Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament badge rattling approvingly in a drawer somewhere.
It was the old left slogan, ‘welfare not warfare’, reheated for the TikTok generation. Why bother with tanks when you can have tax credits? Who needs Trident when you’ve got Universal Credit? The immediate objection is obvious. At a time of Russian aggression, geopolitical instability and growing doubts about Britain’s military preparedness, a government’s first responsibility must surely be the defence of the realm. Vladimir Putin is unlikely to abandon his territorial ambitions after discovering that Britain has increased housing benefit.
But there is another problem with Burnham’s distinction between social and national security: the two are increasingly intertwined.
Britain’s welfare state was established principally as a system of national solidarity. Working-age citizens contributed to state resources from which they and their fellow Brits could draw support during unemployment, sickness and old age. Yet the contemporary welfare state increasingly strains against that principle: if anyone from anywhere can access it, it is no longer connected to the national community.
Consider asylum. Government figures show that in June 2025, some 106,000 asylum seekers were receiving state support, with 103,000 provided with accommodation. Remarkably, the government’s own asylum policy acknowledges that accommodation should be ‘decent and humane without becoming a pull factor’. That admission matters. It shows that even ministers recognise that welfare provision can be an incentive for illegal immigration.
It certainly cuts against the mainstream media narrative. We are frequently invited to believe that migrants navigate thousands of miles across continents, contact smugglers and ultimately reach Calais, yet remain mysteriously oblivious to the conditions awaiting them once they arrive. But research shows that many asylum seekers do take conditions and welfare policies into account.
One of these conditions is healthcare. In England, anyone can register with a GP and receive primary medical care without charge. NHS guidance explicitly states that GP practices do not require proof of identity, address or immigration status. That applies even to somebody without lawful immigration status. Campaigns for so-called Safe Surgeries have sought to ensure that migrants can obtain primary healthcare without immigration status becoming a barrier.
Politically, it illustrates something important. The border increasingly ceases to affect access to certain institutions of the British state. Someone can have no legal entitlement to remain in Britain while simultaneously possessing an entitlement to use its healthcare system. For primary care at least, the N in NHS seems remarkably negotiable.
Housing creates similar pressures. Britain already has a chronic shortage of affordable homes, with lengthy waiting lists in many parts of the country. Yet once migrants acquire an eligible immigration status, they can enter the social-housing system. In London, 48 per cent of social housing is occupied by a head of household who wasn’t born in the UK. We frequently read cases of asylum seekers being moved into newly built homes.
Immigration policy therefore cannot sensibly be considered separately from housing, healthcare and welfare capacity. Every additional entitlement creates demands on resources that are already scarce.
Oddly enough, Labour governments understand incentives perfectly well when trying to make us stop smoking, or encouraging us to buy electric cars and install heat pumps. But suggest that incentives might also influence migration, however, and the concept suddenly becomes bafflingly controversial.
The result is a state speaking out of both sides of its mouth. At the Channel, it insists that illegal entry is unacceptable. But once someone has crossed the border, humanitarian and universalist principles increasingly require that important services be provided regardless of how the entrant arrived. The message is essentially: NO ENTRY – but if you do get in (and we won’t stop you), there are clean towels upstairs.
And therein lies the problem. A border is more than a line on a map: it is supposed to determine who may enter, who may remain, and, ultimately, who belongs to the political community. If crossing it unlawfully has diminishing consequences for access to the institutions of the state, the border itself risks becoming little more than a paper barrier.
All this brings us back to Burnham’s false distinction between social and national security. National security isn’t simply aircraft carriers, missiles and NATO spending. It begins closer to home, with maintaining territorial integrity through enforceable borders.
That is why social security cannot simply be set against national security. A fully functioning welfare state depends upon national security. It depends on protecting a political community, demarcated by real borders. Once those borders become porous, welfare provision risks becoming another incentive to cross them, while the distinction between citizen and non-citizen becomes progressively less meaningful.
Andy Burnham can talk all he likes about putting social security before national security. But a state that cannot secure its borders cannot secure its welfare state either.
If there’s one thing we love to do in Britain, it’s debate and discuss the weather. I actually think it’s very sweet and inevitable – we really do experience the drama of all four seasons on this little island so of COURSE we talk about it!
When it comes to this time of year, though, these debates move on to when it’s time to put the heating on and when it’s time to switch to heavier duvets to get us through those long winter nights.
This also brings with it the key question of… what tog rating duvet should we even be getting? Thankfully, the experts at UK retailer M&S have shared their tips for perfecting your autumn duvet routine.
What tog rating duvet should I get this autumn?
Melissa Goldman, senior buyer at M&S comments: “A tog (thermal overall rating) measures the thermal insulation of bedding. The higher the number, the better the duvet will retain heat and keep you warm.
“As a general rule of thumb, we recommend changing your duvet in line with outside temperatures to ensure optimal sleep quality.”
The best duvet tog ratings based on temperature
So, thankfully for those of us who aren’t in-the-know, the experts have created a guide on tog ratings.
- For temperatures above 18°C, the ideal tog rating is 4.5 or lower
- For temperatures between 15 -18°C, 7.5 to 10.5 tog is ideal
- For temperatures under 15°C, 10.5 and higher togs are best
Goldman adds: “The lightest duvets (anything below a 4.5 tog rating) are best suited to the summer months when temperatures frequently exceed 18°C. Duvets ranging between a 7.5 and 10.5 tog rating are best for transitional seasons like spring and autumn and 10.5 duvets are ideal for winter.
“While a 10.5 tog duvet is sufficient for most modern homes with central heating, for those who feel the cold especially at night, a 13.5 tog duvet is a good option for the coldest winter months.”
When is the best date to change my duvet?
The experts at M&S have analysed weather data from 2025 to reveal the exact dates people in the UK should change their duvet.
Goldman advises: “The 20th September has been revealed as the date when UK households should switch their duvet for autumn.
“Last year, temperatures fell below 18°C on this date and didn’t rise above that point again for the rest of the year, marking it as the ideal time for people in the UK to swap their summer duvet for a 7.5 to 10.5 tog duvet.”
If you want to transition to a thicker duvet again for winter, she suggests 7th November, saying: “Temperatures dropped below 15°C on this date in 2025 and remained there or below until year-end, making this the perfect time to switch to a warmer winter duvet of 10.5 tog or above.”
More than three months ago now, we sent Police Scotland a Freedom Of Information request. A few minutes ago we finally received a response. Brace yourselves.
That is, um… interesting.
Retaining gifts you know were bought with embezzled money is the common-law crime of reset in Scots law, under the Criminal Law (Consolidation) (Scotland) Act 1995.
There used to be an exception whereby a wife could not be found guilty of reset in respect of items given to her by her husband, but it was abolished by the Marriage and Civil Partnership (Scotland) Act 2014.
So the numerous high-value items which we know Nicola Sturgeon was given by Peter Murrell and paid for with embezzled money are legally the proceeds of crime, and must be handed over as soon as the recipient becomes aware of their provenance.
It is, to the best of our knowledge, still the police’s job to investigate crimes and the crime of reset is unarguably being committed here. Sturgeon knows how Murrell came about the items, but has publicly stated that she has no intention of returning them, telling Laura Kuenssberg in May this year that:
“There will now be, I would imagine, a legal process to recover the money from Peter that he embezzled from the SNP […] I am not guilty of that embezzlement, so nothing that belongs to me should be part of that.”
It is somewhat staggering, then, that Police Scotland not only have no knowledge of whether any of the items have been returned, but also have no knowledge of whether they’re intending to investigate the crime, or to just turn a blind eye to it as they’ve done with the original missing £700,000.
We’ll be honest with you, readers, we’re at something of a loss for words at this point. It genuinely does not appear to be at all clear whether the laws of Scotland apply to Nicola Sturgeon or not. We’re going to have to contemplate how to respond to that for a little bit. All we can say for now is, she must REALLY love those fancy pens.
Lauren Edwards MP sponsored the bill that was voted down on Friday (Alamy)
3 min read
MPs have voted against a bill that would have allowed terminally ill adults in England and Wales to seek medical assistance to end their lives.
At the vote following the bill’s second reading, 286 MPs voted to prevent the bill from passing, while 270 voted in favour – a majority of 16 in favour of the ‘no’s.
The bill would have allowed adults with fewer than six months to live to apply to be given help to end their own life, but with certain safeguards in place.
In the debate before the vote, Labour MP Lauren Edwards, the bill’s sponsor, criticised the House of Lords for stalling the previous assisted dying bill by tabling more than 1,200 amendments after it was supported by MPs.
“Many members would no doubt prefer to be working in their constituencies today,” she said.
“They are not, because a small number of peers in the other place chose to prevent any votes taking place on the substance of that bill.
“That decision means that one of the most significant national conversations that we have been having as legislators was brought to an abrupt halt. And who suffers detriment as a result? Clearly, the terminally ill and their families, who had a fair assumption that the will of the people they elected to represent them in this chamber would be respected.”
Labour MP Kim Leadbeater, who brought the previous bill forward during the last parliamentary session, said MPs had a “duty to restart the process”.
The issue has divided MPs, with opponents arguing that the healthcare system is not ready or equipped to deliver assisted dying safely and fairly, and that the government should focus instead on improving palliative care. Many disability rights campaigners were concerned that assisted dying could lead to vulnerable people being at risk of coercion.
Labour MP Patrick Hurley, who opposed the bill, recently wrote in The House that the government’s own new equality impact assessment on the bill highlights concerns about coercion and finds that ethnic minorities are also particularly vulnerable under this legislation.
“The better answer to suffering is to care better,” Hurley wrote.
“Invest in hospices and palliative medicine, support unpaid carers, improve social care, tackle loneliness and protect older and disabled people from abuse. Above all, ensure that nobody approaching the end of life feels that their family would be better off without them.”
However, Labour MP Simon Opher, who is also a doctor who has delivered palliative care, wrote for The House that patients should be given “a choice over the manner of their own death”.
“What we all agree on is that the status quo isn’t working,” he wrote.
“What we have now is choice at the end of life but only for the wealthy. It’s there for those who have £15,000 in the bank. They can travel overseas while others are denied choice. Inequity is at the heart of the status quo.”
The vote on Friday means that the issue is unlikely to be revisited by Parliament before the next general election.
Politics
Abbie MacGregor: We need a more serious approach to risk around greyhound racing and gambling
Abbie MacGregor is Director of Corporate Affairs for the Greyhound Board of Great Britain
There is something increasingly unhealthy about the way risk is discussed by campaigners against gambling and greyhound racing.
We’ve seen it in full force recently with Andy Burnham’s comments that high street betting shops are bad for communities, and then Lisa Smart MP’s Private Members Bill to ban greyhound racing.
Their arguments often begin with a real instance of harm: a person develops a gambling problem; a greyhound suffers an injury; an animal dies. These events deserve to be taken seriously, and every responsible industry should work continuously to prevent avoidable harm, improve safeguards and reduce risk wherever it reasonably can. The problem is, that is no longer where much campaigning ends. Instead, the existence of any harm at all is treated as proof that the entire activity is unacceptable; one injury becomes evidence that racing can never be safe, likewise, one person’s gambling addiction becomes evidence that betting itself is inherently predatory. One death becomes proof that an animal should never have been allowed to participate in the activity in the first place.
This is not a serious approach to risk. It is a demand for a world that has never existed and never could. Nothing involving human beings or animals can be made entirely risk-free. People are injured playing football, riding horses, cycling, climbing mountains and simply walking down the stairs. Dogs are injured running in parks, chasing balls, playing with other dogs and living ordinary domestic lives. Animals become ill, accidents happen. Eventually, every living thing dies.
We do not normally respond to those realities by banning everything that carries risk. We ask more intelligent questions.
How likely is the harm? How serious is it? Could it reasonably have been prevented? Are proper safeguards in place? Are standards improving? Does the activity provide benefits that justify allowing a managed level of risk? Yet when the subject is gambling or greyhound racing, that balanced assessment is frequently abandoned; risk is treated not as something to understand and manage, but as a rhetorical weapon.
This produces a peculiar double standard. Every time we board an aeroplane, we do so hoping – and expecting- that it will land safely. Nobody wants the aircraft to crash, but we nevertheless accept that the risk, however remote, cannot be reduced to absolute zero. That is precisely why we listen to a safety briefing: not because we expect disaster, nor because we are indifferent to it, but because responsible risk management means taking sensible precautions against even unlikely events. I suspect many of the activists demanding the abolition of anything that cannot guarantee perfect safety still travel by air. They do not point to the existence of air accidents and conclude that flying must end.
Similarly, a greyhound injured while racing is presented as a victim of the sport. A pet dog injured while running freely is regarded as having suffered an unfortunate accident. The injury may be similar, but the moral judgment changes according to the campaigner’s opinion of the activity.
The same distortion appears in debates about gambling. Most adults who place a bet do so as one part of their leisure and without experiencing serious harm. That does not make gambling addiction any less real or any less deserving of intervention, but the existence of problem gambling cannot logically mean that every gambler is a victim, any more than the existence of alcoholism means every person who enjoys a glass of wine has been exploited.
A mature society understands the difference between use and misuse, enjoyment and dependency, risk and recklessness. An increasingly paternalistic strain of campaigning refuses to acknowledge those distinctions.
That refusal has consequences. If zero harm becomes the only acceptable standard, evidence of improvement becomes almost irrelevant. An industry can introduce stronger regulation, better veterinary care, greater transparency, improved traceability or more effective consumer protections, but campaigners can simply point to the fact that some risk remains.
There is also a danger in pretending that prohibition eliminates risk rather than redistributing it. People do not necessarily stop gambling because the legal, regulated options are restricted. Nor does every greyhound automatically enjoy a better life simply because organised racing is abolished. Removing regulation, oversight and investment can create new risks which are less visible, less measurable and considerably harder to control.
We should always strive to make life safer. But we should be deeply wary of campaigners who treat anything short of perfect safety as a moral failure. They are not offering a safer version of the real world. They are demanding an imaginary one – and applying that impossible standard only to the activities and communities they already dislike.
That is not the foundation for a serious debate that will help to improve outcomes.
MPs have voted by 286-270 – a majority of 16 – to reject the assisted dying bill at its House of Commons second reading.
The bill, which fell in the House of Lords at the end of the last parliamentary session, was brought back by Labour MP Lauren Edwards after she placed second in the ballot for private members’ bills.
The bill’s co-sponsors had planned to push it through the House of Commons quickly in order to return it to the upper chamber. Speaking to Politics.co.uk, Edwards confirmed that supporters of the bill would not accept amendments during its commons stages. This was in order to keep the Parliament Act, a constitutional mechanism to force bills through the Lords if they have been approved by MPs in two consecutive parliamentary sessions, on the table.
Edwards described the Parliament Act as a “backstop”.
MDU warns Chancellor clinical negligence system ‘not fit for purpose’
Northern Ireland RE curriculum is ‘indoctrination’ – Supreme Court
Lauren Edwards on assisted dying, the Parliament Act – and disappointment with Keir Starmer
The commons backed last session’s assisted dying bill by margins of 330-275 (majority of 55) and 314-291 (23) at second and third reading respectively.
Below is a breakdown of how all MPs voted on this occasion.
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Tellers
==========
Ayes: Jeff Smith (Labour – Manchester Withington) and Bambos Charalambous (Labour – Southgate and Wood Green)
Noes: Katrina Murray (Labour – Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch) and Ruth Jones (Labour – Newport West and Islwyn)
Ayes
==========
Luke Akehurst (Labour – North Durham)
Sadik Al-Hassan (Labour – North Somerset)
Dan Aldridge (Labour – Weston-super-Mare)
Heidi Alexander (Labour – Swindon South)
Douglas Alexander (Labour – Lothian East)
Callum Anderson (Labour – Buckingham and Bletchley)
Steff Aquarone (Liberal Democrat – North Norfolk)
Jas Athwal (Labour – Ilford South)
Victoria Atkins (Conservative – Louth and Horncastle)
Lewis Atkinson (Labour – Sunderland Central)
Josh Babarinde (Liberal Democrat – Eastbourne)
Calvin Bailey (Labour – Leyton and Wanstead)
Alex Ballinger (Labour – Halesowen)
Paula Barker (Labour – Liverpool Wavertree)
Lee Barron (Labour – Corby and East Northamptonshire)
Alex Barros-Curtis (Labour – Cardiff West)
Danny Beales (Labour – Uxbridge and South Ruislip)
Lorraine Beavers (Labour – Blackpool North and Fleetwood)
Peter Bedford (Conservative – Mid Leicestershire)
Torsten Bell (Labour – Swansea West)
Hilary Benn (Labour – Leeds South)
Alison Bennett (Liberal Democrat – Mid Sussex)
Siân Berry (Green Party – Brighton Pavilion)
Matt Bishop (Labour – Forest of Dean)
Olivia Blake (Labour – Sheffield Hallam)
Rachel Blake (Labour – Cities of London and Westminster)
Chris Bloore (Labour – Redditch)
Kevin Bonavia (Labour – Stevenage)
Jade Botterill (Labour – Ossett and Denby Dale)
Aphra Brandreth (Conservative – Chester South and Eddisbury)
Jonathan Brash (Labour – Hartlepool)
Alex Brewer (Liberal Democrat – North East Hampshire)
Julia Buckley (Labour – Shrewsbury)
Maureen Burke (Labour – Glasgow North East)
David Burton-Sampson (Labour – Southend West and Leigh)
Ruth Cadbury (Labour – Brentford and Isleworth)
Alan Campbell (Labour – Tynemouth)
Charlotte Cane (Liberal Democrat – Ely and East Cambridgeshire)
Sam Carling (Labour – North West Cambridgeshire)
Alistair Carmichael (Liberal Democrat – Orkney and Shetland)
James Cartlidge (Conservative – South Suffolk)
David Chadwick (Liberal Democrat – Brecon, Radnor and Cwm Tawe)
Danny Chambers (Liberal Democrat – Winchester)
Sarah Champion (Labour – Rotherham)
Ellie Chowns (Green Party – North Herefordshire)
Chris Coghlan (Liberal Democrat – Dorking and Horley)
Jacob Collier (Labour – Burton and Uttoxeter)
Lizzi Collinge (Labour – Morecambe and Lunesdale)
Victoria Collins (Liberal Democrat – Harpenden and Berkhamsted)
Sarah Coombes (Labour – West Bromwich)
Andrew Cooper (Labour – Mid Cheshire)
Daisy Cooper (Liberal Democrat – St Albans)
Beccy Cooper (Labour – Worthing West)
Yvette Cooper (Labour – Pontefract, Castleford and Knottingley)
Deirdre Costigan (Labour – Ealing Southall)
Pam Cox (Labour – Colchester)
Chris Curtis (Labour – Milton Keynes North)
Nicholas Dakin (Labour – Scunthorpe)
Adam Dance (Liberal Democrat – Yeovil)
Emily Darlington (Labour – Milton Keynes Central)
Paul Davies (Labour – Colne Valley)
Shaun Davies (Labour – Telford)
David Davis (Conservative – Goole and Pocklington)
Bobby Dean (Liberal Democrat – Carshalton and Wallington)
Josh Dean (Labour – Hertford and Stortford)
Carla Denyer (Green Party – Bristol Central) (Proxy vote cast by Siân Berry)
Jim Dickson (Labour – Dartford)
Lee Dillon (Liberal Democrat – Newbury)
Samantha Dixon (Labour – Chester North and Neston)
Helena Dollimore (Labour – Hastings and Rye)
Oliver Dowden (Conservative – Hertsmere)
Graeme Downie (Labour – Dunfermline and Dollar)
Neil Duncan-Jordan (Labour – Poole)
Sarah Dyke (Liberal Democrat – Glastonbury and Somerton)
Maria Eagle (Labour – Liverpool Garston)
Cat Eccles (Labour – Stourbridge)
Lauren Edwards (Labour – Rochester and Strood)
Sarah Edwards (Labour – Tamworth)
Damien Egan (Labour – Bristol North East)
Kirith Entwistle (Labour – Bolton North East)
Luke Evans (Conservative – Hinckley and Bosworth)
Miatta Fahnbulleh (Labour – Peckham)
Hamish Falconer (Labour – Lincoln)
Linsey Farnsworth (Labour – Amber Valley)
Mark Ferguson (Labour – Gateshead Central and Whickham)
Natalie Fleet (Labour – Bolsover)
Emma Foody (Labour – Cramlington and Killingworth)
Catherine Fookes (Labour – Monmouthshire)
Richard Foord (Liberal Democrat – Honiton and Sidmouth)
Will Forster (Liberal Democrat – Woking)
Ashley Fox (Conservative – Bridgwater)
Zöe Franklin (Liberal Democrat – Guildford)
Mark Garnier (Conservative – Wyre Forest)
Anna Gelderd (Labour – South East Cornwall)
Alan Gemmell (Labour – Central Ayrshire)
Andrew George (Liberal Democrat – St Ives)
Gill German (Labour – Clwyd North)
Sarah Gibson (Liberal Democrat – Chippenham)
Becky Gittins (Labour – Clwyd East)
Olly Glover (Liberal Democrat – Didcot and Wantage)
Tom Gordon (Liberal Democrat – Harrogate and Knaresborough)
Jodie Gosling (Labour – Nuneaton)
Georgia Gould (Labour – Queen’s Park and Maida Vale)
Sarah Green (Liberal Democrat – Chesham and Amersham)
Sarah Hall (Labour – Warrington South)
Fabian Hamilton (Labour – Leeds North East)
Lloyd Hatton (Labour – South Dorset)
Tom Hayes (Labour – Bournemouth East)
Claire Hazelgrove (Labour – Filton and Bradley Stoke)
Pippa Heylings (Liberal Democrat – South Cambridgeshire)
Wera Hobhouse (Liberal Democrat – Bath)
Rachel Hopkins (Labour – Luton South and South Bedfordshire)
Claire Hughes (Labour – Bangor Aberconwy)
Alison Hume (Labour – Scarborough and Whitby)
Jeremy Hunt (Conservative – Godalming and Ash)
Leigh Ingham (Labour – Stafford)
Natasha Irons (Labour – Croydon East)
Christine Jardine (Liberal Democrat – Edinburgh West)
Dan Jarvis (Labour – Barnsley North)
Liz Jarvis (Liberal Democrat – Eastleigh)
Diana Johnson (Labour – Kingston upon Hull North and Cottingham)
Clive Jones (Liberal Democrat – Wokingham)
Gerald Jones (Labour – Merthyr Tydfil and Aberdare)
Warinder Juss (Labour – Wolverhampton West)
Chris Kane (Labour – Stirling and Strathallan)
Alicia Kearns (Conservative – Rutland and Stamford)
Liz Kendall (Labour – Leicester West)
Stephen Kinnock (Labour – Aberafan Maesteg)
Jayne Kirkham (Labour – Truro and Falmouth)
Sonia Kumar (Labour – Dudley)
Peter Kyle (Labour – Hove and Portslade)
Laura Kyrke-Smith (Labour – Aylesbury)
Ben Lake (Plaid Cymru – Ceredigion Preseli)
Noah Law (Labour – St Austell and Newquay)
Kim Leadbeater (Labour – Spen Valley)
Andrew Lewin (Labour – Welwyn Hatfield)
Simon Lightwood (Labour – Wakefield and Rothwell)
Josh MacAlister (Labour – Whitehaven and Workington)
James MacCleary (Liberal Democrat – Lewes)
Alice Macdonald (Labour – Norwich North)
Andy MacNae (Labour – Rossendale and Darwen)
Ben Maguire (Liberal Democrat – North Cornwall)
Helen Maguire (Liberal Democrat – Epsom and Ewell) (Proxy vote cast by Will Forster)
Kit Malthouse (Conservative – North West Hampshire)
Mike Martin (Liberal Democrat – Tunbridge Wells)
Keir Mather (Labour – Selby)
Alex Mayer (Labour – Dunstable and Leighton Buzzard)
Charlie Maynard (Liberal Democrat – Witney)
Kerry McCarthy (Labour – Bristol East)
John McDonnell (Labour – Hayes and Harlington)
Pat McFadden (Labour – Wolverhampton South East)
Alison McGovern (Labour – Birkenhead)
Kevin McKenna (Labour – Sittingbourne and Sheppey)
Anna McMorrin (Labour – Cardiff North)
Kirsty McNeill (Labour – Midlothian)
Llinos Medi (Plaid Cymru – Ynys Môn)
Ed Miliband (Labour – Doncaster North)
John Milne (Liberal Democrat – Horsham)
Navendu Mishra (Labour – Stockport)
Andrew Mitchell (Conservative – Sutton Coldfield)
Layla Moran (Liberal Democrat – Oxford West and Abingdon)
Jessica Morden (Labour – Newport East)
Edward Morello (Liberal Democrat – West Dorset)
Helen Morgan (Liberal Democrat – North Shropshire)
Tessa Munt (Liberal Democrat – Wells and Mendip Hills)
Luke Murphy (Labour – Basingstoke)
Chris Murray (Labour – Edinburgh East and Musselburgh)
Ian Murray (Labour – Edinburgh South)
James Murray (Labour – Ealing North)
Susan Murray (Liberal Democrat – Mid Dunbartonshire)
Pamela Nash (Labour – Motherwell, Wishaw and Carluke)
Samantha Niblett (Labour – South Derbyshire)
Alex Norris (Labour – Nottingham North and Kimberley)
Dan Norris (Independent – North East Somerset and Hanham) (Proxy vote cast by Damien Egan)
Simon Opher (Labour – Stroud)
Kate Osborne (Labour – Jarrow and Gateshead East)
Tristan Osborne (Labour – Chatham and Aylesford)
Sarah Owen (Labour – Luton North)
Michael Payne (Labour – Gedling)
Jon Pearce (Labour – High Peak)
Matthew Pennycook (Labour – Greenwich and Woolwich)
Toby Perkins (Labour – Chesterfield)
Manuela Perteghella (Liberal Democrat – Stratford-on-Avon)
Jess Phillips (Labour – Birmingham Yardley)
Chris Philp (Conservative – Croydon South)
Lee Pitcher (Labour – Doncaster East and the Isle of Axholme)
Jo Platt (Labour – Leigh and Atherton)
Luke Pollard (Labour – Plymouth Sutton and Devonport)
Joe Powell (Labour – Kensington and Bayswater)
Lucy Powell (Labour – Manchester Central)
Gregor Poynton (Labour – Livingston)
Peter Prinsley (Labour – Bury St Edmunds and Stowmarket)
Adrian Ramsay (Green Party – Waveney Valley)
Connor Rand (Labour – Altrincham and Sale West)
Andrew Ranger (Labour – Wrexham)
Steve Reed (Labour – Streatham and Croydon North)
Ellie Reeves (Labour – Lewisham West and East Dulwich)
Rachel Reeves (Labour – Leeds West and Pudsey)
Emma Reynolds (Labour – Wycombe)
Joshua Reynolds (Liberal Democrat – Maidenhead)
Jake Richards (Labour – Rother Valley)
Jenny Riddell-Carpenter (Labour – Suffolk Coastal)
Lucy Rigby (Labour – Northampton North)
Dave Robertson (Labour – Lichfield)
Tim Roca (Labour – Macclesfield)
Ian Roome (Liberal Democrat – North Devon)
Sarah Russell (Labour – Congleton)
Tom Rutland (Labour – East Worthing and Shoreham)
Anna Sabine (Liberal Democrat – Frome and East Somerset)
Sarah Sackman (Labour – Finchley and Golders Green)
Louise Sandher-Jones (Labour – North East Derbyshire)
Jeevun Sandher (Labour – Loughborough)
Liz Saville Roberts (Plaid Cymru – Dwyfor Meirionnydd)
Mark Sewards (Labour – Leeds South West and Morley)
Baggy Shanker (Labour – Derby South)
Neil Shastri-Hurst (Conservative – Solihull West and Shirley)
Tulip Siddiq (Labour – Hampstead and Highgate)
Vikki Slade (Liberal Democrat – Mid Dorset and North Poole)
Andy Slaughter (Labour – Hammersmith and Chiswick)
John Slinger (Labour – Rugby)
Lisa Smart (Liberal Democrat – Hazel Grove)
Cat Smith (Labour – Lancaster and Wyre)
Nick Smith (Labour – Blaenau Gwent and Rhymney)
Karin Smyth (Labour – Bristol South)
Gareth Snell (Labour – Stoke-on-Trent Central)
Ian Sollom (Liberal Democrat – St Neots and Mid Cambridgeshire)
Hannah Spencer (Green Party – Gorton and Denton)
Euan Stainbank (Labour – Falkirk)
Jo Stevens (Labour – Cardiff East)
Will Stone (Labour – Swindon North)
Alistair Strathern (Labour – Hitchin)
Mel Stride (Conservative – Central Devon)
Peter Swallow (Labour – Bracknell)
Mark Tami (Labour – Alyn and Deeside)
Mike Tapp (Labour – Dover and Deal)
David Taylor (Labour – Hemel Hempstead)
Luke Taylor (Liberal Democrat – Sutton and Cheam)
Rachel Taylor (Labour – North Warwickshire and Bedworth)
Cameron Thomas (Independent – Tewkesbury) (Proxy vote cast by Will Forster)
Fred Thomas (Labour – Plymouth Moor View)
Gareth Thomas (Labour – Harrow West)
Marie Tidball (Labour – Penistone and Stocksbridge)
Jessica Toale (Labour – Bournemouth West)
Henry Tufnell (Labour – Mid and South Pembrokeshire)
Anna Turley (Labour – Redcar)
Matt Turmaine (Labour – Watford)
Harpreet Uppal (Labour – Huddersfield)
Freddie van Mierlo (Liberal Democrat – Henley and Thame)
Tony Vaughan (Labour – Folkestone and Hythe)
Chris Vince (Labour – Harlow)
Caroline Voaden (Liberal Democrat – South Devon)
Christian Wakeford (Labour – Bury South)
Chris Ward (Labour – Brighton Kemptown and Peacehaven)
Chris Webb (Labour – Blackpool South)
Michelle Welsh (Labour – Sherwood Forest)
Catherine West (Labour – Hornsey and Friern Barnet)
Andrew Western (Labour – Stretford and Urmston)
Michael Wheeler (Labour – Worsley and Eccles)
John Whitby (Labour – Derbyshire Dales)
Katie White (Labour – Leeds North West)
Nadia Whittome (Labour – Nottingham East)
James Wild (Conservative – North West Norfolk)
Max Wilkinson (Liberal Democrat – Cheltenham)
Steve Witherden (Labour – Montgomeryshire and Glyndŵr)
Rosie Wrighting (Labour – Kettering)
Martin Wrigley (Liberal Democrat – Newton Abbot)
Steve Yemm (Labour – Mansfield)
Claire Young (Liberal Democrat – Thornbury and Yate)
Daniel Zeichner (Labour – Cambridge)
Noes
==========
Diane Abbott (Labour – Hackney North and Stoke Newington)
Shockat Adam (Independent – Leicester South)
Zubir Ahmed (Labour – Glasgow South West)
Bayo Alaba (Independent – Southend East and Rochford)
Rushanara Ali (Labour – Bethnal Green and Stepney)
Tahir Ali (Labour – Birmingham Hall Green and Moseley)
Rosena Allin-Khan (Labour – Tooting)
Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice – North Antrim)
Gideon Amos (Liberal Democrat – Taunton and Wellington)
Fleur Anderson (Labour – Putney)
Lee Anderson (Reform UK – Ashfield)
Stuart Anderson (Conservative – South Shropshire)
Stuart Andrew (Conservative – Daventry)
Edward Argar (Conservative – Melton and Syston)
Scott Arthur (Labour – Edinburgh South West)
Jess Asato (Labour – Lowestoft)
James Asser (Labour – West Ham and Beckton)
Catherine Atkinson (Labour – Derby North)
Gareth Bacon (Conservative – Orpington)
Kemi Badenoch (Conservative – North West Essex)
Olivia Bailey (Labour – Reading West and Mid Berkshire)
David Baines (Labour – St Helens North)
Alex Baker (Labour – Aldershot)
Richard Baker (Labour – Glenrothes and Mid Fife)
Harriett Baldwin (Conservative – West Worcestershire)
Antonia Bance (Labour – Tipton and Wednesbury)
Steve Barclay (Conservative – North East Cambridgeshire)
Johanna Baxter (Labour – Paisley and Renfrewshire South)
Apsana Begum (Labour – Poplar and Limehouse)
Saqib Bhatti (Conservative – Meriden and Solihull East)
Polly Billington (Labour – East Thanet)
Bob Blackman (Conservative – Harrow East)
Sarah Bool (Conservative – South Northamptonshire)
Andrew Bowie (Conservative – West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine)
Sureena Brackenridge (Labour – Wolverhampton North East)
Karen Bradley (Conservative – Staffordshire Moorlands)
Suella Braverman (Reform UK – Fareham and Waterlooville)
Jess Brown-Fuller (Liberal Democrat – Chichester)
Alex Burghart (Conservative – Brentwood and Ongar)
Richard Burgon (Labour – Leeds East)
Dawn Butler (Labour – Brent East)
Ian Byrne (Labour – Liverpool West Derby)
Liam Byrne (Labour – Birmingham Hodge Hill and Solihull North)
Nesil Caliskan (Labour – Barking)
Markus Campbell-Savours (Labour – Penrith and Solway)
Juliet Campbell (Labour – Broxtowe)
Gregory Campbell (Democratic Unionist Party – East Londonderry)
Christopher Chope (Conservative – Christchurch)
Feryal Clark (Labour – Enfield North)
James Cleverly (Conservative – Braintree)
Geoffrey Clifton-Brown (Conservative – North Cotswolds)
Lewis Cocking (Conservative – Broxbourne)
Ben Coleman (Labour – Chelsea and Fulham)
Tom Collins (Labour – Worcester)
Liam Conlon (Labour – Beckenham and Penge)
John Cooper (Conservative – Dumfries and Galloway)
Jeremy Corbyn (Your Party – Islington North)
Alberto Costa (Conservative – South Leicestershire)
Claire Coutinho (Conservative – East Surrey) (Proxy vote cast by Gagan Mohindra)
Geoffrey Cox (Conservative – Torridge and Tavistock)
Neil Coyle (Labour – Bermondsey and Old Southwark)
Jen Craft (Labour – Thurrock)
Mary Creagh (Labour – Coventry East)
Torcuil Crichton (Labour – Na h-Eileanan an Iar)
Harriet Cross (Conservative – Gordon and Buchan)
Janet Daby (Labour – Lewisham East)
Ashley Dalton (Labour – West Lancashire)
Steve Darling (Liberal Democrat – Torbay)
Ed Davey (Liberal Democrat – Kingston and Surbiton)
Ann Davies (Plaid Cymru – Caerfyrddin)
Gareth Davies (Conservative – Grantham and Bourne)
Jonathan Davies (Labour – Mid Derbyshire)
Mims Davies (Conservative – East Grinstead and Uckfield)
Marsha De Cordova (Labour – Battersea)
Charlie Dewhirst (Conservative – Bridlington and The Wolds)
Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi (Labour – Slough)
Anna Dixon (Labour – Shipley)
Anneliese Dodds (Labour – Oxford East)
Stephen Doughty (Labour – Cardiff South and Penarth)
Rosie Duffield (Independent – Canterbury)
Iain Duncan Smith (Conservative – Chingford and Woodford Green)
Alex Easton (Independent – North Down)
Sorcha Eastwood (Alliance – Lagan Valley)
Maya Ellis (Labour – Ribble Valley)
Florence Eshalomi (Labour – Vauxhall and Camberwell Green)
Chris Evans (Labour – Caerphilly)
Tim Farron (Liberal Democrat – Westmorland and Lonsdale)
Josh Fenton-Glynn (Labour – Calder Valley)
Patricia Ferguson (Labour – Glasgow West)
Peter Fortune (Conservative – Bromley and Biggin Hill)
Paul Foster (Labour – South Ribble)
Vicky Foxcroft (Labour – Lewisham North)
Mary Kelly Foy (Labour – City of Durham)
Daniel Francis (Labour – Bexleyheath and Crayford)
Mark Francois (Conservative – Rayleigh and Wickford)
George Freeman (Conservative – Mid Norfolk) (Proxy vote cast by Gagan Mohindra)
Louie French (Conservative – Old Bexley and Sidcup)
James Frith (Labour – Bury North)
Richard Fuller (Conservative – North Bedfordshire)
Barry Gardiner (Labour – Brent West)
Allison Gardner (Labour – Stoke-on-Trent South)
Preet Kaur Gill (Labour – Birmingham Edgbaston)
John Glen (Conservative – Salisbury)
Mary Glindon (Labour – Newcastle upon Tyne East and Wallsend)
Marie Goldman (Liberal Democrat – Chelmsford)
Ben Goldsborough (Labour – South Norfolk)
John Grady (Labour – Glasgow East)
Helen Grant (Conservative – Maidstone and Malling)
Andrew Griffith (Conservative – Arundel and South Downs)
Nia Griffith (Labour – Llanelli) (Proxy vote cast by Meg Hillier)
Alison Griffiths (Conservative – Bognor Regis and Littlehampton)
Amanda Hack (Labour – North West Leicestershire)
Monica Harding (Liberal Democrat – Esher and Walton)
Emma Hardy (Labour – Kingston upon Hull West and Haltemprice)
Rebecca Harris (Conservative – Castle Point)
Helen Hayes (Labour – Dulwich and West Norwood)
John Hayes (Conservative – South Holland and The Deepings)
Mark Hendrick (Labour – Preston)
Meg Hillier (Labour – Hackney South and Shoreditch)
Jonathan Hinder (Labour – Pendle and Clitheroe)
Damian Hinds (Conservative – East Hampshire)
Simon Hoare (Conservative – North Dorset)
Richard Holden (Conservative – Basildon and Billericay)
Paul Holmes (Conservative – Hamble Valley)
Nigel Huddleston (Conservative – Droitwich and Evesham)
Neil Hudson (Conservative – Epping Forest)
Rupa Huq (Labour – Ealing Central and Acton)
Patrick Hurley (Labour – Southport)
Imran Hussain (Labour – Bradford East)
Adnan Hussain (Independent – Blackburn)
Sally Jameson (Labour – Doncaster Central)
Bernard Jenkin (Conservative – Harwich and North Essex)
Robert Jenrick (Reform UK – Newark)
Caroline Johnson (Conservative – Sleaford and North Hykeham)
Darren Jones (Labour – Bristol North West)
Lillian Jones (Labour – Kilmarnock and Loudoun)
Lincoln Jopp (Conservative – Spelthorne)
Gurinder Singh Josan (Labour – Smethwick)
Sojan Joseph (Labour – Ashford)
Mike Kane (Labour – Wythenshawe and Sale East)
Ayoub Khan (Independent – Birmingham Perry Barr)
Naushabah Khan (Labour – Gillingham and Rainham)
Paul Kohler (Liberal Democrat – Wimbledon)
Danny Kruger (Reform UK – East Wiltshire)
Uma Kumaran (Labour – Stratford and Bow)
Peter Lamb (Labour – Crawley)
David Lammy (Labour – Tottenham)
John Lamont (Conservative – Berwickshire, Roxburgh and Selkirk)
Ian Lavery (Labour – Blyth and Ashington)
Edward Leigh (Conservative – Gainsborough)
Emma Lewell (Labour – South Shields)
Julian Lewis (Conservative – New Forest East)
Carla Lockhart (Democratic Unionist Party – Upper Bann)
Rebecca Long Bailey (Labour – Salford)
Julia Lopez (Conservative – Hornchurch and Upminster)
Rupert Lowe (Restore Britain – Great Yarmouth)
Angus MacDonald (Liberal Democrat – Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire)
Justin Madders (Labour – Ellesmere Port and Bromborough)
Shabana Mahmood (Labour – Birmingham Ladywood)
Alan Mak (Conservative – Havant)
Seema Malhotra (Labour – Feltham and Heston)
Rachael Maskell (Labour – York Central)
Brian Mathew (Liberal Democrat – Melksham and Devizes)
Jerome Mayhew (Conservative – Broadland and Fakenham)
Douglas McAllister (Labour – West Dunbartonshire)
Martin McCluskey (Labour – Inverclyde and Renfrewshire West)
Siobhain McDonagh (Labour – Mitcham and Morden)
Andy McDonald (Labour – Middlesbrough and Thornaby East)
Chris McDonald (Labour – Stockton North)
Blair McDougall (Labour – East Renfrewshire)
Lola McEvoy (Labour – Darlington)
Alex McIntyre (Labour – Gloucester)
Gordon McKee (Labour – Glasgow South)
Catherine McKinnell (Labour – Newcastle upon Tyne North)
Jim McMahon (Labour – Oldham West, Chadderton and Royton)
James McMurdock (Independent – South Basildon and East Thurrock)
Frank McNally (Labour – Coatbridge and Bellshill)
Anneliese Midgley (Labour – Knowsley)
Calum Miller (Liberal Democrat – Bicester and Woodstock)
Julie Minns (Labour – Carlisle)
Abtisam Mohamed (Labour – Sheffield Central)
Iqbal Mohamed (Independent – Dewsbury and Batley)
Gagan Mohindra (Conservative – South West Hertfordshire)
Robbie Moore (Conservative – Keighley and Ilkley)
Grahame Morris (Labour – Easington)
Tom Morrison (Liberal Democrat – Cheadle)
Joy Morrissey (Conservative – Beaconsfield)
Wendy Morton (Conservative – Aldridge-Brownhills)
Kieran Mullan (Conservative – Bexhill and Battle)
Margaret Mullane (Labour – Dagenham and Rainham)
David Mundell (Conservative – Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)
Andrew Murrison (Conservative – South West Wiltshire)
Luke Myer (Labour – Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland)
Kanishka Narayan (Labour – Vale of Glamorgan)
Josh Newbury (Labour – Cannock Chase)
Jesse Norman (Conservative – Hereford and South Herefordshire)
Neil O’Brien (Conservative – Harborough, Oadby and Wigston)
Ben Obese-Jecty (Conservative – Huntingdon)
Sarah Olney (Liberal Democrat – Richmond Park)
Chi Onwurah (Labour – Newcastle upon Tyne Central and West)
Abena Oppong-Asare (Labour – Erith and Thamesmead)
Kate Osamor (Labour – Edmonton and Winchmore Hill)
Darren Paffey (Labour – Southampton Itchen)
Andrew Pakes (Labour – Peterborough)
Priti Patel (Conservative – Witham)
Matthew Patrick (Labour – Wirral West)
Rebecca Paul (Conservative – Reigate)
Stephanie Peacock (Labour – Barnsley South)
Bridget Phillipson (Labour – Houghton and Sunderland South)
Al Pinkerton (Liberal Democrat – Surrey Heath)
David Pinto-Duschinsky (Labour – Hendon)
Mark Pritchard (Conservative – The Wrekin)
Richard Quigley (Labour – Isle of Wight West)
Yasmin Qureshi (Labour – Bolton South and Walkden)
Shivani Raja (Conservative – Leicester East)
Jack Rankin (Conservative – Windsor)
Angela Rayner (Labour – Ashton-under-Lyne)
Mike Reader (Labour – Northampton South)
David Reed (Conservative – Exmouth and Exeter East)
Jonathan Reynolds (Labour – Stalybridge and Hyde)
Martin Rhodes (Labour – Glasgow North)
Bell Ribeiro-Addy (Labour – Clapham and Brixton Hill)
Marie Rimmer (Labour – St Helens South and Whiston) (Proxy vote cast by Rachael Maskell)
Joe Robertson (Conservative – Isle of Wight East)
Gavin Robinson (Democratic Unionist Party – Belfast East)
Matt Rodda (Labour – Reading Central)
Andrew Rosindell (Reform UK – Romford)
Sam Rushworth (Labour – Bishop Auckland)
Oliver Ryan (Labour – Burnley)
Roz Savage (Liberal Democrat – South Cotswolds)
Michelle Scrogham (Labour – Barrow and Furness)
Naz Shah (Labour – Bradford West)
Michael Shanks (Labour – Rutherglen)
Jim Shannon (Democratic Unionist Party – Strangford)
Alec Shelbrooke (Conservative – Wetherby and Easingwold)
David Simmonds (Conservative – Ruislip, Northwood and Pinner)
David Smith (Labour – North Northumberland)
Greg Smith (Conservative – Mid Buckinghamshire)
Rebecca Smith (Conservative – South West Devon)
Sarah Smith (Labour – Hyndburn)
Julian Smith (Conservative – Skipton and Ripon)
Gareth Snell (Labour – Stoke-on-Trent Central)
Andrew Snowden (Conservative – Fylde)
Ben Spencer (Conservative – Runnymede and Weybridge)
Patrick Spencer (Conservative – Central Suffolk and North Ipswich)
Gregory Stafford (Conservative – Farnham and Bordon)
Blake Stephenson (Conservative – Mid Bedfordshire)
Kenneth Stevenson (Labour – Airdrie and Shotts)
Jamie Stone (Liberal Democrat – Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross) (Proxy vote cast by Will Forster)
Wes Streeting (Labour – Ilford North)
Alan Strickland (Labour – Newton Aycliffe and Spennymoor)
Graham Stringer (Labour – Blackley and Middleton South)
Lauren Sullivan (Labour – Gravesham)
Kirsteen Sullivan (Labour – Bathgate and Linlithgow)
Zarah Sultana (Your Party – Coventry South)
Robin Swann (Ulster Unionist Party – South Antrim)
Desmond Swayne (Conservative – New Forest West)
Alison Taylor (Labour – Paisley and Renfrewshire North)
Nick Thomas-Symonds (Labour – Torfaen)
Bradley Thomas (Conservative – Bromsgrove)
Stephen Timms (Labour – East Ham)
Nick Timothy (Conservative – West Suffolk)
Dan Tomlinson (Labour – Chipping Barnet)
Jon Trickett (Labour – Normanton and Hemsworth)
Tom Tugendhat (Conservative – Tonbridge)
Karl Turner (Independent – Kingston upon Hull East)
Laurence Turner (Labour – Birmingham Northfield)
Derek Twigg (Labour – Widnes and Halewood)
Liz Twist (Labour – Blaydon and Consett)
Valerie Vaz (Labour – Walsall and Bloxwich)
Martin Vickers (Conservative – Brigg and Immingham)
Matt Vickers (Conservative – Stockton West)
Imogen Walker (Labour – Hamilton and Clyde Valley)
Melanie Ward (Labour – Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy)
Paul Waugh (Labour – Rochdale)
Helen Whately (Conservative – Faversham and Mid Kent)
John Whittingdale (Conservative – Maldon)
David Williams (Labour – Stoke-on-Trent North)
Gavin Williamson (Conservative – Stone, Great Wyrley and Penkridge)
Munira Wilson (Liberal Democrat – Twickenham)
Sammy Wilson (Democratic Unionist Party – East Antrim)
Mike Wood (Conservative – Kingswinford and South Staffordshire)
Sean Woodcock (Labour – Banbury)
Jeremy Wright (Conservative – Kenilworth and Southam)
Yuan Yang (Labour – Earley and Woodley)
Mohammad Yasin (Labour – Bedford)
No Vote Recorded
==========
Jack Abbott (Labour – Ipswich)
Debbie Abrahams (Labour – Oldham East and Saddleworth)
Tonia Antoniazzi (Labour – Gower)
Órfhlaith Begley (Sinn Féin – West Tyrone)
Clive Betts (Labour – Sheffield South East)
Lara Bird (Scottish National Party – Arbroath and Broughty Ferry)
Kirsty Blackman (Scottish National Party – Aberdeen North)
Elsie Blundell (Labour – Heywood and Middleton North)
Phil Brickell (Labour – Bolton West)
Chris Bryant (Labour – Rhondda and Ogmore)
Andy Burnham (Labour – Makerfield)
Irene Campbell (Labour – North Ayrshire and Arran)
Dan Carden (Labour – Liverpool Walton)
Al Carns (Labour – Birmingham Selly Oak)
Wendy Chamberlain (Liberal Democrat – North East Fife)
Luke Charters (Labour – York Outer)
Stella Creasy (Labour – Walthamstow)
Pat Cullen (Sinn Féin – Fermanagh and South Tyrone)
Judith Cummins (Deputy Speaker – Bradford South)
Alex Davies-Jones (Labour – Pontypridd)
Kate Dearden (Labour – Halifax)
Caroline Dinenage (Conservative – Gosport)
Dave Doogan (Scottish National Party – Angus and Perthshire Glens)
Peter Dowd (Labour – Bootle)
Angela Eagle (Labour – Wallasey)
Colum Eastwood (Social Democratic & Labour Party – Foyle)
Clive Efford (Labour – Eltham and Chislehurst)
Chris Elmore (Labour – Bridgend)
Bill Esterson (Labour – Sefton Central)
Nigel Farage (Reform UK – Clacton)
John Finucane (Sinn Féin – Belfast North)
Gill Furniss (Labour – Sheffield Brightside and Hillsborough)
Roger Gale (Conservative – Herne Bay and Sandwich)
Nusrat Ghani (Deputy Speaker – Sussex Weald)
Tracy Gilbert (Labour – Edinburgh North and Leith)
Rachel Gilmour (Liberal Democrat – Tiverton and Minehead)
Lilian Greenwood (Labour – Nottingham South)
Louise Haigh (Labour – Sheffield Heeley)
Paulette Hamilton (Labour – Birmingham Erdington)
Claire Hanna (Social Democratic & Labour Party – Belfast South and Mid Down)
Carolyn Harris (Labour – Neath and Swansea East)
Chris Hazzard (Sinn Féin – South Down)
John Healey (Labour – Rawmarsh and Conisbrough)
Chris Hinchliff (Labour – North East Hertfordshire)
Sharon Hodgson (Labour – Washington and Gateshead South)
Kevin Hollinrake (Conservative – Thirsk and Malton)
Lindsay Hoyle (Speaker – Chorley)
Dáire Hughes (Sinn Féin – Newry and Armagh)
Terry Jermy (Labour – South West Norfolk)
Adam Jogee (Labour – Newcastle-under-Lyme)
Kim Johnson (Labour – Liverpool Riverside)
Sarah Jones (Labour – Croydon West)
Satvir Kaur (Labour – Southampton Test)
Afzal Khan (Labour – Manchester Rusholme)
Gen Kitchen (Labour – Wellingborough and Rushden)
Katie Lam (Conservative – Weald of Kent)
Chris Law (Scottish National Party – Dundee Central)
Graham Leadbitter (Scottish National Party – Moray West, Nairn and Strathspey)
Brian Leishman (Labour – Alloa and Grangemouth)
Clive Lewis (Labour – Norwich South)
Seamus Logan (Scottish National Party – Aberdeenshire North and Moray East)
Douglas Lumsden (Conservative – Aberdeen South)
Cathal Mallaghan (Sinn Féin – Mid Ulster)
Amanda Martin (Labour – Portsmouth North)
Paul Maskey (Sinn Féin – Belfast West)
Esther McVey (Conservative – Tatton)
Perran Moon (Labour – Camborne and Redruth)
Stephen Morgan (Labour – Portsmouth South)
Joe Morris (Labour – Hexham)
James Naish (Labour – Rushcliffe)
Connor Naismith (Labour – Crewe and Nantwich)
Lisa Nandy (Labour – Wigan)
Charlotte Nichols (Labour – Warrington North)
Caroline Nokes (Deputy Speaker – Romsey and Southampton North)
Brendan O’Hara (Scottish National Party – Argyll, Bute and South Lochaber)
Melanie Onn (Labour – Great Grimsby and Cleethorpes)
Taiwo Owatemi (Labour – Coventry North West)
Sarah Pochin (Reform UK – Runcorn and Helsby)
Steve Race (Labour – Exeter)
Joani Reid (Labour – East Kilbride and Strathaven)
Alex Sobel (Labour – Leeds Central and Headingley)
Elaine Stewart (Labour – Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock)
Graham Stuart (Conservative – Beverley and Holderness)
Rishi Sunak (Conservative – Richmond and Northallerton)
Adam Thompson (Labour – Erewash)
Emily Thornberry (Labour – Islington South and Finsbury)
Richard Tice (Reform UK – Boston and Skegness)
Laura Trott (Conservative – Sevenoaks)
Matt Western (Labour – Warwick and Leamington)
Jo White (Labour – Bassetlaw)
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The weather outside might be frightful, but your bed is so delightful. The only thing that can make it any better is adding a sex toy into the mix.
They don’t call it the most wonderful time of the year for nothing. We’re cooped up inside, surrounded by mistletoe, what else are we supposed to do but make love, if not to a lover, then to ourselves?
Thankfully, there’s just the thing for that. While beauty Advent calendars top the market each year, I think there’s another kind of calendar that deserves to be given just as much attention: sex toy Advent calendars.
Behind each door you get a treat, not to put on your face, but to rest on your genitals or tickle or tie yourself with all over.
If that sounds like the kind of festive cheer you want to be having this Christmas 2026, keep reading for my round up of the best – tried and tested by me.
Best sex toy Advent calendars to shop at a glance:
How I tested the best sex toy Advent calendars
I’ve been testing sex toy Advent calendars for the last three years now: first, for my podcast Sextras, then for Cosmpolitan, Women’s Health, and Men’s Health, and now in my role as Shopping Writer at HuffPost.
So, yeah, I reckon that means I know what I’m talking about. Having tested every one on the market, from Ann Summers to Lovehoney, Sinful, and Satisfyer, I know what makes a good sex toy Advent calendar.
To test each, I opened all of the doors at once (as early as August, sorry!) to see what they had to offer. I considered whether each was worth the price for the number of doors.
If I hadn’t already tried the main sex toys, I then used them to see what I thought (God, it’s trying). I also took into account whether the toys could be used together, with whom, if there was a good combination of toys for penises, vulvas, and couples, and how long I thought each toy would last for.
There was also material, power, and waterproofness to consider.
About me: I’m a 26 year old cis woman who is in a queer relationship. As a journalist who’s been writing and podcasting about sex and relationships for six years, I’ve tested probably thousands of sex toys at this point, both by myself and with a partner.
Best sex toy Advent calendars to shop now
Ann Summers 12 Nights Of Pleasure Advent Calendar
Best for: Couples or adventurous singles
Release date: Out now
Number of days: 12
Number of products: 13
+ The boxes feel seriously premium
+ There’s enough for beginners and sex toy aficionados alike
+ Never tried bondage? Now’s your chance
– It’s on the spennier side…
The Advent might be 24 days, but this 12-day calendar has enough to keep you coming year-round.
’Tis the season to be horny, so tucked inside each individual frosty blue and gold box, you have 13 products that will improve your intimacy in one way or another.
For the clit owner, there’s a full-sized thrusting rabbit, mini magic wand, and G-spot vibrator.
You won’t have to choose between toys you use separately, either, because there’s plenty to keep you both toasty, even without a fire place.
Think: a vibrating rabbit-eared cock ring, which will get one of you there faster and keep the other harder for longer (not naming any names) along with a butt plug, flexible cock ring, and a bullet.
Should you have made their naughty list this year, there’s also all the makings of a beginner’s BDSM adventure, from a studded padel, to hand cuffs, and six ‘exploration’ cards that will help you sexplore your new bedmates.
Ann Summers 12 Nights Of Naughtiness
Release date: Available now
Best for: Beginners and couples
Number of days: 12
Number of products: 12
+ More affordable than the Ann Summers 12 Nights Of Pleasure
+ The cock ring is more beginner-friendly
+ Silk tie can be used as a mask or handcuffs
– No full sized toys, sadly.
Santa is going to put whoever named this 12 nights of ‘naughtiness’ (ick) on his sleigh and take them home to spank them with the padel.
Other than that, this calendar is the more affordable of the Ann Summers routes into WAP-land this Christmas.
It might only include mini toys, but they still pack enough power to get even the single gal’s bells a-jingling.
There’s a weeny rabbit, a G-spot wand, two bullets, and a magic wand that will have you reaching your O (Holy Night) faster than you can say ‘rudolph’.
Then, if you do happen to have another creature stirring in your house, there’s plenty to be shared with them, too: anal beads that attach to your bullet, a stretchy cock ring, and a stroker.
Don’t worry, you won’t have to get coal as a pressie, because the padel and silk tie will make up for all the punishing you missed.
Lovehoney Couple’s Advent Calendar
Release date: Available now
Best for: Couples
Number of days: 24
Number of products:
Worth: £487.75
+ Products can be used together or separately
+ Options to stack products, like the bullet vibrator and dildo or cock ring, and finger vibrator
+ 69% off is a bargain
+ The Womanizer Liberty 2 and We-Vibe Sync alone makes up the cost
– Might be intimidating for beginners, but there are products suitable for everyone in there.
Now that’s what I’m talking about. For lovers who have someone to trim their tree, this calendar has all the trimmings you could hope for.
Let’s start with something incredible: a Womanizer-shaped Christmas tree decoration, so you can tell the whole world what a wanker you are.
The stars of the show are clearly the Womanizer Liberty 2, which is loaded with the brand’s special Pleasure Air Technology suction power, and is worth £90 alone.
Then there’s the We-Vibe Sync Lite, a C-shaped toy that can be slipped down your chimney during penetrative sex to make sure your clit gets in on the action.
Where to start with the other 22 products? There are bullets, dildos, anal beads, butt plugs, and prostate massagers galore. Oh, and Santa baby, forgot to mention that little cock ring.
Or an O ring, attached to the end of a hog tie that can connect to your ankle and hand cuffs and turn you into the Christmas ham. That’s the spirit!
Lovehoney Luxury Advent Calendar
Release date: Available now
Best for: Sex toy aficionados
Number of days: 24
Number of products: 24
Worth: £726.74
+ The Enhance is one of my favourite products probably… ever
+ The savings are out of the wazoo on this one
+ There’s something for clits and penises
+ Fun that there’s a Christmas-themed toy in there too (and it’s glass – jel)
– Naturally you won’t use everything, but you can share the things you don’t want with friends!
Sex toy aficionados, listen up! If you’ve rocked round the vibrator game a few times, you’ll know exactly what you’re into, and if you’re not afraid to ask for what you like, this calendar will keep you silent for more than a few nights.
One of my favourite products of all time is the Womanizer Enhance, so it’s huge for me personally that that has made the cut as the tree topper of this calendar.
Loaded with vibrations and suction (at the same time), it promises 100% orgasm success rate.
But add to it the charcuterie board of other products on the table, and you’ll be fizzing out multiple orgasms all year long.
A mini magic wand will keep you enchanted for life, so I’m jingling my bells at its inclusion in the Luxury calendar, along with an Arcwave Zing for our penis possessors out there.
Lest we forget it’s Christmas, there’s also a candy cane-shaped glass dildo, which you can get icy cold by leaving on the porch for a few hours before using it (or popping in a bowl of ice cold water, thanks climate change!).
Like the Couple’s calendar, there’s a cock ring, bullet, butt plug, anal beads, finger vibrator, and rabbit.
But what will really send you into overdrive is the tons of BDSM products to play with: a pinwheel for a spot of pain play, nipple clamps, a padel, and a shiny blue eye mask.
Lovehoney Indulge Advent Calendar
Release date: Available now
Best for: Sex toy beginners
Number of days: 24
Number of products: 24
Worth: £280.76
+ Great if you’re on a budget
+ Love the pink colour scheme
+ An ideal way to try lots of toys if you don’t know what you’re into
– The jelly toys aren’t the best quality so you’ll have to buy replacements eventually.
Thinking of getting into the sex toy world? This bargain £99 calendar from Lovehoney is your ideal starter pack to figure out what you’re in to.
While the toys themselves aren’t as good quality as in the Luxury or Couple’s Advent calendar, they’ll get the job done.
There’s a battery-powered suction toy that gets pretty close to the sensations of the Enhance, along with a baby magic wand to make all your Christmas wishes come true.
Meanwhile the finger stimulator, rabbit stimulator, and anal beads can be popped atop the bullet vibrator.
There’s also room to experiment with BDSM, including a pink rope (sleigh), tickler, massager, and a set of sparkly nipple covers, so you can make your Santa baby twinkle this XXXmas.
Final verdict
There are almost too many Advent calendars to choose from, so if you want to wank your way to wonder this Christmas, there are a few things to consider (and some I’d choose over others).
You’ll want to think about if you want a 12 or 24 day calendar – admittedly 24 sex products might be a bit much for some. Then, think about how you’ll be using them: with a partner or without is the main thing here.
If you’re after a calendar that covers all bases, the Ann Summers 12 Nights of Pleasure calendar has full-sized toys that can be used solo or with a partner.
The Lovehoney Couple’s Calendar is my favourite for couples, while the Luxury calendar might be best for advanced sex toy users. Beginners, on the other hand, will love the Indulge calendar (I’m a big fan of the pink colourway).
More sex toy Advent calendars to watch out for
If none of these calendars are tickling your fancy, don’t worry: last year, there were plenty more sex toy calendars to play with.
This year, we’re expecting drops from:
When is Advent 2026?
This year, Advent starts on 29 November 2026, which falls on a Sunday. But if you want to make the most of your sex toy Advent calendars, I’d recommend starting from 1 December, so you can open one box each day in the run up to Christmas.
Christmas might be months away still, but if there’s one thing you can bet on for sure it’s that kids will want toys for a present.
While older kids might be easier to buy for (as in, they’ll tell you straight up what they want) younger toddlers can be tricker.
If you’re after a toy that blends learning with creative play and, most importantly, fun, there’s no better brand than LEGO’s Duplo.
Designed specifically for little fingers, the Duplo keeps in mind that smaller children will still be developing motor skills and building confidence with play, so the blocks are bigger.
But that doesn’t mean they’re not just as fun; this year it has a ton of sets to choose from, from Bluey to Peppa Pig, and even Spider Man.
In even better news, there’s 25% off LEGO Duplo sets at Next from now until 16 September. So if you want to get a head start of your Christmas shopping, run, don’t walk!
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