5 min read1 hr

There was something about it that wasn’t quite like the other chess boards piled in a corner as if hiding. It was the day after Boxing Day and I was idling in a favourite shop in the town of Corbridge, between Newcastle and Hexham. With little else to do, I investigated and so stumbled on an artefact at once trivial and timely. For instead of the regulation black and white squares, this board carried slogans such as One Man One Vote, Home Rule and Abolition of the Lords.

What was this? The front of the board proclaimed it to be House of Commons – The New Parliamentary Game. New it might once have been: the packaging suggested that it had not been new for at least a century.

Delight at unearthing this piece of parliamentary ephemera was tempered by the fact that were no playing pieces – and no rules. Further investigation was needed. I handed over my £3 and embarked on the quest.

The first point of inquiry after the Christmas recess was Patrick Vollmer, chief librarian of the Lords. Did this game exist in the parliamentary archives, a virgin copy kept in one of its vaults?

No, but he did pass on some leads to chase. A website for board game geeks gave the rules (extraordinarily complicated), and more surprisingly a link to the Bodleian Library, surely the repository of historic and valuable manuscripts? True, but also it turns out the home of 1,600 games and pastimes gifted this century. And there it was, on the Bodleian website, a photo of five of the eight required playing pieces, featuring pictures of prominent Liberal and Conservative MPs and peers from the game’s 1896 creation.

Jo Maddocks, the Bodleian’s curator of ephemera invited us (my wife Clare had by now joined the quest) up to Oxford to take a look, where we discovered that although the library has some of the playing pieces it doesn’t possess the rules or the board. We reunited them all for photos. Asquith, Campbell-Bannerman, Rosebery, Devonshire and Chamberlain re-emerged into the limelight. Turned out we were the first people to have requested a view.

Back in Parliament, a plan was hatched to play the game, possibly for the first time in 100 years. Given that ‘Abolition of the Lords’ (in its all hereditary form) is one of the squares on the board, two hereditaries were my obvious target.

While Clare brilliantly copied the Bodleian pieces and made the required additional three, I went on the trail of game hereditary peers. Fortuitously, the Earl of Clancarty was enthusiastic, and he was about to meet up with the Earl of Lytton. A brace of earls, result!

A week later we gathered in one of the splendid rooms formerly part of the Lord Chancellor’s flat. For Lord Lytton, Parliament’s foremost expert on Planning and Building law, it was a special day (his last in the Lords), having decided a year ago to retire at 75. The minister, Baroness Taylor of Stevenage, had paid tribute to him. Opposite: Lord Clancarty a prominent champion of the arts and the creative industries. He’s just discovered that he is to be one of the few outgoing hereditaries to  receive a life peerage. Both crossbenchers, Lord Clancarty gamely took the governing Tories’ side, Lord Lytton the opposition Liberals. Shaking hands, the game commenced.

Poor old backbench pawns move just one square at a time

Of course, the object of the game is for the government to pass acts on the subjects depicted on the board by landing a player on each of the two similarly named squares. The opposition’s job is to prevent that. According to the rules, the PM and what the board refers to as the Chief Opposition Spokesman can move in all directions across the board, while his cabinet and their shadows (a term formalised in the 1920s) rather fewer. Poor old backbench pawns move just one square at a time.

Let battle commence. First bill? Abolition of the Lords of course. Lord Lytton scored an early victory in saving the House; on the rematch Lord Clancarty got it abolished. Soon a whole radical manifesto was laid before them: licensing laws, payment of MPs, Home Rule, disestablishment and voting rights. It’s a fun game, perhaps the parliamentary shops should bring out a new edition?

Having reached an honourable draw, the two earls went their way. Lord Clancarty to a meeting, Lord Lytton heading off for a last stint in the Chamber, say his goodbyes and clear his desk after some 30 years. As the politician playing pieces were packed away, I noticed that all the measures on the board have been tackled since the game’s creation. All except one: Disestablishment of the Church of England. That thorny question has even managed to outlive the hereditaries in the House of Lords. 

Officers at work on the bridge of HMS Dragon as it sails into Limassol, Cyprus, 27 April 2026 (Photography, LPhot Helayna Birkett. UK MOD © Crown copyright 2026)

6 min read1 hr

In the early days of the Iran conflict, as UK allies in the Gulf – and even Cyprus – were being hit by drones and missiles, Keir Starmer pledged to send a warship to help defend them.

The only problem was the only available vessel, HMS Dragon, was undergoing a refit in Portsmouth. The effort to get the ship ready was extraordinary but there was no escaping the embarrassment.

The Royal Navy has been the object of ridicule from US secretary of war Pete Hegseth and, repeatedly, Donald Trump himself. It is widely acknowledged that the UK has an inadequate number of warships currently available, with new frigates only coming into service at the end of the decade.

But a navy is about more than its vessels – and data uncovered by The House suggests that not all is well with its personnel.

On the face of it, the health of the Royal Navy is improving after decades of cuts. By January 2026, it was reported that there had been a 14.5 per cent uptick in the numbers of people joining the navy, with the fleet boasting a strength of around 32,160 personnel.

But according to a Freedom of Information request made by The House, the number of personnel who passed their fitness tests between 2014 and 2024 fell dramatically.

 Between 2014 and 2015, 96.6 per cent of both men and women in the fleet passed their fitness tests on first attempt. However, 10 years later only 77 per cent of people passed the exams initially – a drop of almost 20 percentage points.

The number of Royal Navy personnel who failed their fitness tests at the first time of asking but passed within a year increased from 21 people to 1,219, 10 years later. Meanwhile, the same data found that Royal Navy personnel who failed their fitness tests on their first attempt then passed more than a year later rose from six people in 2014 to 86 a decade later.

As the navy grapples with falling standards and recruitment shortfalls, how can it restore and improve standards within its ranks?

Fred Thomas, Labour MP for Plymouth Moor View and a former Royal Marines officer, tells The House why he believes the numbers have declined.

“The overall offer was eroded year by year under the Conservative Party when they heavily cut funding,” he says. “The combined total of: how enjoyable is the job, what does it pay, what perks do you get including housing and medical benefits, how much status does it confer in society? How proud are you of your work for the navy and what sacrifices are you willing to make for the job?

“This will sound political but they hollowed out the military and it’s in a bad place now. It’ll take many years to turn it around. And at the same time we desperately need to modernise our capabilities.”

Many of the navy’s problems do not emanate from just cash flow problems either. Experts argue that in an increasingly competitive job market there are more careers out there which attract people’s interest – whether they be easier or more glamorous.

Commodore (Ret’d) Steve Prest, Rusi associate fellow, says people join the navy for one reason and that is it is better than the alternatives.

He adds: “Now it is different because young people, especially, often don’t want to be away and disconnected. A recent patrol had submariners away for 205 days under water, where they don’t have the ability to send information off the submarine. In the modern era, people expect to remain connected; when they see a blue tick, they expect a response instantaneously.

“It’s not to say a career in the Royal Navy is not rewarding. I know of people who were recently on that trip and thought it was one of the best things they ever did. It’s just harder to persuade people to go into the navy when everywhere else is so connected.”

Prest admits numbers have gone up a little, as recruitment has improved – despite the trained strength in the fleet having dropped. This means that the overall experience in the navy has reduced, with experienced staff leaving faster than the experience which can be grown in newcomers.

This will sound political but they hollowed out the military and it’s in a bad place now. It’ll take many years to turn it around

“With limited opportunities for people to gain sea experience, owing to the paucity of seagoing vessels, this is a real concern,” Prest tells The House.

 “It means the ships’ companies bringing the new-build frigates into service will be vastly less experienced than their predecessors.

“We need a more balanced pipeline. The new recruits all need time at sea and interesting places to visit. There are no shortcuts to learning under those who know the ropes.”

The navy has also been affected by falling wages, which have cut across the public sector.

From day one, new officer recruits earn £34,676 per year. This will increase to £41,456 after their first promotion, followed by £52,815 as a lieutenant. The highest captain within the fleet will earn £122,849.

With a healthy pension and access to subsidised accommodation, the offer on the face of it looks good. Yet the problem is two-fold: talented people can earn far more in the private sector, in blossoming careers such as software engineering and coding; secondly, experts say demand is still depressed from cuts inflicted during austerity.

Admiral Lord West, former first sea lord and chief of the Naval Staff from 2002 to 2006, says: “Part of the problem is there was no pressure to recruit more people, the manpower was cut. When you depress something it’s difficult to try and bring it up to the same level again.”

He tells The House that the bottom line is that there is not enough money for the MoD – like most government departments.

And without greater investment, existing naval talent is going to waste, warns Prest: “If we don’t have enough ships to get them out on missions, then we can lose some of the best recruits as they idle ashore – that’s not what they joined to do.” 

The UK stands at an important moment in its pursuit of economic renewal. Plans and policies agreed in the next few months will determine the pace and progress of infrastructure development over the next decade.

Against that backdrop, the King’s Speech yet again reinforced the role of infrastructure in supporting economic growth across the UK. In the days following UKREiiF, as the public sector, industry, and investors reflect on discussions, the task now is to turn intent into confidence.

That confidence is essential if private investment is to be attracted at the scale and pace required.

Recent research among over 100 institutional investors shows clear appetite: 90 per cent rank the UK as an attractive destination for infrastructure investment in the next three years, and 71 per cent see UK projects as low-to-medium risk. These are encouraging signals, reflecting the shift in the government’s approach to planning and regulation, reinforced by new mechanisms such as the National Wealth Fund and pension fund reforms.

Beneath this optimism, however, the window of opportunity is narrowing. Only 19 per cent of investors firmly prioritise the UK over other regions, and nearly two-thirds have walked away from UK projects in the past where business cases failed to stack up. If we do not address the barriers – uncertain returns, planning delays, and delivery risk – we will lose momentum and capital to more competitive markets.

De-risking: building confidence through early integration

Investors are not averse to risk, but they demand clarity, predictability, and robust governance.

Early integration of public bodies, investors, and delivery organisations ensures that projects are both well-conceived and deliverable from the outset. This integrated approach must extend across the asset lifecycle, embedding risk management at every stage.

Collaborative contracting models have proven to reduce cost and schedule overruns through this approach, with the Construction Leadership Council estimating it can achieve savings of up to 20 per cent.

The East West Rail Alliance demonstrates this in practice: Phase 2 planning was completed 30 per cent faster than Phase 1 despite being twice the size. This is the kind of outcome that builds investor confidence – and it is replicable.

Incentivising: funding models that work

The government’s commitment to mobilise £3 of private capital for every £1 of public funding and the £50bn Mansion House Accord are a step in the right direction, but these must be underpinned by credible delivery plans and viable business cases.

To mobilise private finance, we need funding models that provide investors with the clarity and returns they require. Public-private partnerships remain central, with 37 per cent of investors citing their importance. However, 30 per cent are willing to pilot new funding models and participate in blended finance initiatives – provided the rewards outweigh the risks.

Thames Tideway illustrates what that looks like in practice. Its financing structure ensured returns during construction and provided the government as the insurer of last resort, giving investors the predictability they need.

Success depends on clear risk-sharing – reflected in models such as the Regulated Asset Base – well-defined governance, and policy stability that transcends electoral cycles.

Delivering: place-based partnerships

Regional and place-based investment programmes are pivotal to delivering impact at pace. Nearly 80 per cent of investors are interested in regional growth programmes, and a third are actively exploring options. This appetite now has a more enabling policy framework behind it, laying the foundation for regional delivery with place-based business cases.

Long-term, bundled regional programmes can open new funding pathways and turn complex, fragmented projects into stable propositions for institutional investors. These are the delivery mechanisms for the government’s growth mission: regional rail links, industrial clusters, science and manufacturing corridors.

However, such programmes could reveal capability gaps in public bodies and stretch them further, previously highlighted as a key lesson in the National Audit Office report, Lessons learned: private finance for infrastructure. In our research, investors acknowledged their experience of local bureaucracy as a barrier to invest, from perceptions of slow planning and difficulty securing approvals to the pace of local government.

Deploying digital tools such as AI and spatial data can accelerate delivery and reduce uncertainty. Additionally, integrators can fill local government capability gaps.

AtkinsRéalis is already working with a number of Mayoral Combined Authorities to plan and structure their regional growth programmes, including supporting national Green Book pilots that are demonstrating how place-based appraisal can unlock infrastructure value at scale. Scaling these pilots has the potential to get more cranes in the sky.

A window of opportunity

Policy conditions are better aligned than they have been for years. Place-based business cases, new funding models, and National Wealth Fund pilots together provide a credible platform for the ten-year infrastructure pipeline to attract the private investment it needs. The next step will be to move from strategy to delivery.

Programmes that succeed share common characteristics: early integration of the right stakeholders, clear risk allocation, and a commitment to collaborative delivery. Financial clarity, policy stability, and coordinated public-private effort are the conditions for unlocking investment and driving growth across every region.

Trump Jr. is set to marry model-socialite Bettina Anderson this weekend in the Bahamas, but it doesn’t look like his dad will be in attendance based on what he told reporters on Thursday.

Spoiler alert: If you’re looking for enthusiasm, you’ve come to the wrong place.

“He’d like me to go, but it’s gonna be just a small, little, private affair, and I’m gonna try and make it,” Trump said. “I said, you know, this is not good timing for me. I have a thing called Iran and other things.”

He added that if he does attend, “I get killed. If I don’t attend, I get killed. By the fake news, of course.”

The president’s waffling over whether he’ll attend his son’s wedding inspired a tizzy on social media among people who couldn’t believe he’d miss an important family event.

Donald Trump Jr. had not commented on his Dad’s inability to commit to attending his wedding as of Thursday evening.

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I set up my own OnlyFans account – and was inundated with DMs

We recently announced the launch of a new suite of dedicated GLP-1 support, designed to help people using weight loss medication build the healthy habits they need to achieve and, crucially, sustain their weight loss long-term.

We steadfastly believe our methods can help anyone to lose weight, and for more than 55 years, our mission has been to support anyone and everyone who wants help to do that, with no judgement. The dawn of weight loss medication has not changed this.

We understand the hurt and desperation that overweight can bring. No matter which route people take to lose weight and improve their health – especially through surgery and injections – the decision is unlikely to have been made lightly.

Evidence shows that these medications don’t work long-term on their own, and from speaking to members who have joined us since starting medication, regaining weight when they stop taking it is a worry. The emotional impact alongside the physical toll of regaining weight is why weight loss medication must be partnered with evidence-based wraparound support delivered with empathy and compassion.

Over the past five decades, through our healthy, balanced eating plan, active lifestyle programme and behaviour change support, we’ve helped millions of people reduce their risk of long-term health conditions, improve their weight, fitness and overall metabolic health, and develop healthier habits that last. Our body of evidence doesn’t just show effective – and cost-effective – weight loss, though; it also demonstrates improvements in our members’ self-esteem, confidence and mental wellbeing.

Slimming World’s newly launched GLP-1 support reflects our clear and consistent belief: while medication can play a role in weight loss, lasting success comes from getting the support to make changes around food, drink and exercise, develop strategies and resilience, and build positive lasting habits for life – not medication alone. The GLP-1 support offers an additional layer to our existing programme of tailored guidance specifically for people who are using weight loss medications. It provides practical, evidence-based guidance on nutrition, muscle strengthening activity and appetite management, alongside the emotional and behavioural support people need – areas increasingly recognised as critical for long-term GLP-1 outcomes.

We’ve made a conscious decision not to follow others in the weight management sector in offering a weight loss medication prescription service, and we believe our in-person model sets us apart from those offering digital-only or short-term, medication-led solutions.

Our 12,000 groups are located in the heart of communities across the UK and run by expertly trained consultants who have all been members themselves. They’ve walked in their members’ shoes, they’ve made the decision to lose weight, and they know what it feels like to regain weight. I became a Slimming World member myself in my 20s after putting on weight while at university, and I truly believe the personal understanding and empathy that our consultants have makes all the difference.

Whether members lose weight with Slimming World alone or alongside medication, our commitment is clear: to help people not just lose weight, but stay healthy, confident and at the size and weight they want to be for life.

We share the same ambition as policymakers: a healthier population, reduced pressure on the NHS and lives transformed for the better for the long term. We wholeheartedly believe Slimming World is more relevant than ever in our ability to support the government and the NHS in achieving these goals.

We would welcome the opportunity to meet with the government to discuss our commitment to supporting its efforts to help people whose lives are adversely impacted by obesity and introduce them to our members, some of whom are using weight loss medication, who have lost weight and created lasting healthy habits.

For more information on our latest research and outcomes or our programme, please visit slimmingworld.co.uk.