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We’ve Found 21 Of The Best Sex Toys To Boost Your Sex Life After Menopause

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We've Found 21 Of The Best Sex Toys To Boost Your Sex Life After Menopause

We hope you love the products we recommend! All of them were independently selected by our editors. Just so you know, HuffPost UK may collect a share of sales or other compensation from the links on this page if you decide to shop from them. Oh, and FYI — prices are accurate and items in stock as of time of publication.

Until way too recently, women of ‘a certain age’ have been unfairly labelled as undesirable and past wanting sex. To which we have to say: what the hell?

While menopause can bring with it a whole host of bodily changes, including taking a swing at your libido, contrary to popular belief, it is not the end of desire and pleasure for vulva owners.

In fact, menopause is a ‘new phase’ of pleasure, according to Samantha Marshall, head of brand at Smile Makers Collection, a GenM MTick-certified sexual wellness brand.

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“Libido isn’t something that stays constant throughout life, and menopause is one of many moments where it can shift,” says Marshall.

“What’s important to remember is that this isn’t a ‘loss’ so much as a transition. Our relationship to pleasure evolves over time, and menopause is another opportunity to get to know your body again. For many, a lot of life is actually post-menopause; so this isn’t the end of pleasure, it’s a new phase of it.”

In case you were looking for a reason to start this new phase, like ASAP, sex toys can be an excellent tool to reconnect with your body, according to Marshall.

Sex toys aren’t just about pleasure in the moment; they can support circulation, explore new types of stimulation, engage your pelvic floor and help you stay in touch with your body as it changes.

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“Having tools that make exploration easier and more intuitive can help reconnect with that sense of desire, too.”

To help you on your journey to re-prioritise your pleasure, we’ve rounded up the best sex toys for menopause, as well as tips for how to add them into your sex life after menopause.

What happens to libido during menopause?

Our hormones (famously) go through a huge shift during menopause. This can contribute to changes in our sex life, with up to 86% of menopausal women reporting vaginal dryness, reduced libido, and discomfort, according to research by Smile Makers.

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“Hormonal changes can play a big role in libido, but they’re only part of the picture,” Marshall says. “Things like stress, routine, sleep, medication, and life changes often have just as much, if not more, influence on desire.”

The drop in oestrogen can also impact our vaginal health, she adds. “Dryness or atrophy can cause pain or discomfort during penetrative sex and then in turn might make sex feel less desirable,” Marshall explains.

While these changes can result in wanting less sex, menopause doesn’t have to mean the end of pleasure.

“It’s about getting curious and finding new types of stimulation, not ignoring our most intimate parts and burying our head in the sand, but acknowledging that it’s such a worthwhile investment of our time and energy to seek our and allow ourselves pleasure,” Marshall explains.

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What to look for when buying sex toys during menopause

As your body inevitably changes during menopause, you might find the stimulation you previously enjoyed changes.

External

Menopause can result in vaginal dryness and tightness, so Marshall recommends looking for toys that stimulate the external portions of your vulva.

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“Many of us rely on clitoral stimulation to orgasm, and during menopause, internal sensitivity can decrease or feel uncomfortable,” she says. “Start with a design for exploring in and out.”

Adjustable

“Look for toys that let you easily control intensity, especially if sensitivity varies,” Marshall explains.

This might also involve using toys in more inventive ways, such as a suction vibrator on your nipples and other erogenous zones, rather than just your clitoris.

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Material

As sensitivity fluctuates during menopause, you’ll also want to look for soft, body-safe materials like silicone.

“As our vulva and vaginal tissues can become drier or more delicate, softness matters more than ever,” Marshall explains.

Certified

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If you’re not sure whether a toy is menopause-friendly, look for products that carry the GenM MTick, Marshall recommends. “This is a trusted symbol that shows the product is suitable for menopause and has been independently assessed to meet the needs of women and people experiencing it,” she explains.

21 of the best sex toys for menopause to shop now

To save you time scrolling, our shopping writer has found 21 of the best sex toys for menopause, including options made from body-safe materials, that are versatile, and some that have the GenM MTick certification.

While you might not want to venture inside the vagina, there’s no reason you can’t reap the benefits of exploring its entrance. This vibe from Biird not only mimics oral sex on your C-spot, but sends vibrations around the rim of your vagina, too, for blended orgasms that can’t be beaten.

If you’re looking for something that hits the spot, the Dot from Swedish brand LELO is truly the best of the best. Thanks to that pointed tip, it provides eight modes of ultra-targeted vibrations to whatever erogenous zone you please: clitoris, nipples, or even behind the ears. Yum.

Our pelvic floor naturally weakens as we age, especially if we’re not exercising it like we would any other muscle. This intuitive, app-free pelvic floor trainer from Smile Makers Collection will finally teach you how to engage your pelvic floor, which in turn will boost your orgasm strength and (less sexily) prevent incontinence in later life.

If you’re feeling sensitive down there, this vibrator shaped like a coco de mer seed (see what they did there?) is designed to cradle your clitoris for stimulation that’s as direct, or indirect, as you’d like. Its motor with 10 different vibration settings is also surrounded by a layer of ultra cushioned silicone, for extra softness.

Exploring pleasure for the first time in a while? You might not want everyone on your street to know about it. Luckily, Womanizer has created a completely silent (our shopping writer can confirm) vibrator that sends 10 intensities to your C-spot via your choice of its curved head, swooping hook, or entire length. It really depends on your vibe.

Do you love oral sex, but you’re bored of telling someone to move slightly to the left? Relatable. Well, we have good news for you because this vibe from LELO is designed to feel exactly like a tongue so you don’t have to rely on anyone else to get you off. It’s powered by a rotating nub that moves in 12 motions, and is 100% waterproof in case you like to get it on in the bath.

If there’s anyone you can trust to create a pleasure pal specifically for folks with vulvas, it’s the MIT engineer and sexologist behind NYC-based brand Dame. This simple vibe sits perfectly in the palm of your hand, and can be bent and squished any which way to make sure your choice of its 10 vibration modes hits exactly where you want it to.

New to the sex toy game? This simple vibe from So Divine is called irreplaceable for a reason: it’s easy as pie to use, thanks to being powered by one button that levels up between 11 suction intensities, and that soft silicone head comfortably cushions your clitoris for what one reviewer describes as a ‘cloud nine finish’. Dreamy.

In case you do still feel like venturing inwards, this versatile vibrator from LELO gives you the option to switch between two kinds of stimulation. That round ribbed head can be used for external exploration, while the opposite end doubles as a G-spot vibrator. If you feel like getting techy, it can be controlled via the LELO app to unlock two extra vibration modes, or else you’ll have 10 patterns and 16 intensities to control with its manual buttons.

Not sure how much direct stimulation you can take? Introducing sensory play could be a fun way to reconnect with your body without having to go near your erogenous zones, and this vibrator can both heat to 38 degrees and cool to 20 degrees to add a new dimension to your stimulation. It’s also loaded with three vibration intensities and three patterns in case you want to spice things up.

If you’ve decided your next holiday is the time to prioritise your pleasure, this curved clit toy comes in its own travel case that will keep it safe from the suncream and sand that inevitably makes its way into your luggage. The shape makes it ideal for resting against your vulva, making for an effortless expedition to O-town.

In pursuit of discretion? We’ve got you – or, rather, Maude has, with this minimalist ‘massager’ that can be left out on your bedside table without rousing any suspicion. This one’s also great for beginners, as it’s powered by just three vibration modes, controlled by its one button.

Looking for a quick fix to abracadabra your way to renewed pleasure? Magic wand vibrators are some of the most powerful and versatile toys out there, and this one from Rocks Off comes with two attachment heads that open up a whole new world of play. As well as being packed with six vibration modes, Quest has a handle so you don’t lose control of your vehicle, and comes with its own remote so you can hand the reins over to your lucky lover.

To quote one Britney, this Womanizer is so damn charming, you’ll never look back. Powered by the brand’s Pleasure Air Technology, it’s designed to simulate the sensation of the best head of your life. There’s a reason it’s loved by celebs like Katy Perry and Lily Allen. Plus, it’s rose gold – need we say more?

Sometimes bringing a fuck off huge sex toy into the bedroom has the opposite of its intended effect: it completely kills the vibe. This tiny vibrator won’t get in the way if you’re playing with a partner, as it slide onto your digits to send its whopping 17 vibration patterns and 3 speeds to any zone you like without you barely having to lift a finger.

Bullet vibrators are another great option for sliding between you and a lover in the heat of the moment; this one from Bellesa won’t raise any alarm bells with your neighbours as it’s completely silent. And, whether you’re using it solo or as an add on during penetration, it comes with plenty of power thanks to its five vibration speeds.

You deserve to be treated, so get you a vibe that can do both. This purple pal from Smile Makers Collection can be used either inside or out, depending on your mood, and it’s as beginner-friendly as it looks.

For a hands-free experience, this bumpy buzzer from Rocks Off is designed to be sat on and controlled with a remote. The smaller of its two nubs rests against your C-spot, while the other stretches across your vaginal opening and perineum for full-genital stimulation. Its flat base makes it ideal for riding, but you can also use it as a hand-held vibe if you prefer lying on your back.

A flat surface isn’t for everyone, so to add a little extra texture into the experience, this bullet is covered in lumps and bumps to mix up your stimulation. If you’re not feeling vibration, you can roll it over your sensitive spots to wake them up, or switch between its five rumbly vibration intensities and seven patterns for the duet of a lifetime.

You don’t have to go all the way to Paris to find a lover, Smile Makers has made one that’ll come straight to you. Intended to mimic a french kiss down there, this bullet is crowned by a silicone ‘tongue’ to send its four vibration speeds along the length of your vulva. Oh, and top tip: use plenty of lube for an extra-realistic experience.

While this isn’t the most fun of toys, if you’re experiencing extreme vaginal tightness, a dilator set could help you work your way back up to full-on penetration.

Tips for using sex toys after menopause

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As with taking a break from anything, jumping back into the pleasure pool with a changing (or changed) body can be slightly intimidating.

To guide you through the process, we asked Samantha Marshall, head of brand at Smile Makers Collection, for her advice on using sex toys after menopause.

Lube first

Lots of women experience dryness during and after menopause, which lube can help with.

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“Lube can completely change the experience, making intimacy feel comfortable again and most importantly pleasurable,” Marshall says. “It acts as cushion to increase glide and decrease friction.”

Consistency

Consistency can prevent intimacy from feeling like a chore. “Keep it regular, not rigid,” Marshall says. “Like any wellness habit, consistency helps; but it should feel inviting, not like a task.”

Stay curious

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To avoid putting unnecessary pressure on yourself, be curious about what feels good, over performing. “This is a time to explore, not to recreate what things used to feel like but to meet yourself, your body, your pleasure exactly where you’re at today and be present,” Marshall says.

“Arousal may take longer, and that’s completely normal. Build sensation gradually, and remember that pleasure isn’t just about one area. Massage, touch, audio, or setting the mood can all help you reconnect with your sexual self.”

Comfort is key

You may experience discomfort or pain if you have vaginal dryness or tightness after menopause.

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“Don’t push through pain, especially with penetration,” Marshall recommends. “Discomfort can negatively impact desire over time, so it’s worth adjusting rather than enduring.”

Enhancement, not replacement

“Use toys as a bridge, not a replacement,” Marshall notes. “In partnered sex, they can take pressure off and open up communication; turning intimacy into something more shared and exploratory.”

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The Best 10-Minute Microwave Sticky Toffee Pudding Recipe

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Caramel sauce on the left: the cake dough (not very appealing, sorry) on the right

Let’s get this out of the way: no, I am not as good at reviewing sticky toffee puddings as STP Reviews. I have neither the expertise nor the drive to assess 60+ of the cakes, and certainly have not refined a marking system so good it’s earned me tens of thousands of fans.

But I do like the dessert, and I’m generally strict about baked goods (woe betide anyone who gets me started on fudgy vs cakey “brownies”). I demand plenty of glossy, rich, buttery sauce, a moist sponge, and a molasses-y mass of dates.

Which might lead some to wonder why I tried a microwave STP recipe last week. All I can say is that it was late, the recipe had hundreds of five-star reviews, and I craved it. Even Nigella has “emergency” baked goods for such urgent cases.

How do you make a microwave sticky toffee pudding?

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I followed the New York Times’ recipe. It starts with a mug of melted butter, to which you add brown sugar, salt, and cream before zapping for 30-second increments: that’s your caramel sauce.

Mine took me about a minute. It’s important to really thoroughly stir the sauce between microwave sessions, or else it could become gritty and split.

The recipe asked for dates, butter, cream, and baking soda to be mixed in a bowl next. I microwaved these before mashing them; the dates turn into an earthy-smelling puree remarkably quickly.

(Side note: they make a great caramel if you’re ever in a bind or can’t have dairy).

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Caramel sauce on the left: the cake dough (not very appealing, sorry) on the right
Caramel sauce on the left: the cake dough (not very appealing, sorry) on the right

Then, add flour, cinnamon, sugar, and salt, and microwave the lot for about 45 seconds.

Pour the thickened sauce over the cake, add cream if you like (I do), and you’re done!

The finished cake

The final verdict

I was impressed by how quickly the whole job was done. It took me 10 minutes, as promised. The process is both easy and gloopily satisfying (the dates in particular were fun to make).

It’s not gorgeous to look at, but come on: who cares? This is a 10 pm, over-the-kitchen-sink eat if ever I saw one.

The standout is the caramel sauce. The recipe authors said it’d thicken as the cake cooked, which it did; by the end, it was velvety, thick and smooth. If you’re ever in a dessert-mergency, I do recommend making that sauce and smothering anything vaguely cake-y in it.

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That said, I don’t believe the sponge in an STP should be relegated to the role of sauce carrier, and this one felt that way. The cake was a little rubbery and dry; its crumb was indistinct and far from tender. Still, nobody else said that in the comments, so maybe I left mine in too long.

Regardless, for ten minutes and a microwave, I was pretty wowed. It hit a lot of the marks of a great sticky toffee pudding (luxurious sauce, date-y stickiness, and rich butter flavour), and it more than exceeded my expectations.

It’s not going to score highly on a pro’s account, I reckon. But when you’re in a rush and/or have a craving, its value rockets to at least an 8/10. Reviewers have given it five stars for good reason.

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Met Gala 2026: The Best Celebrity Red Carpet Looks From Heidi Klum To Luke Evans

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Met Gala 2026: 19 Best Celebrity Red Carpet Looks

Every year, the Met Gala gathers together some of the most famous faces from across the world of music, cinema, sport and, of course, fashion for a star-studded fundraiser in aid of the Metropolitan Museum Of Art’s Costume Institute.

This year’s event was held on Monday night, and proved to be as A-list as ever.

Co-chaired by Beyoncé, Nicole Kidman, Venus Williams and, as ever, Anna Wintour, the themed dress code of 2026’s Met Ball was “Fashion Is Art” – really allowing the famous guests to think outside the box and let their imaginations run wild when putting together their red carpet looks.

And what do you know – some of them actually did.

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On that note, we’ve pieced together some of the must-see looks from this year’s Met Gala, from some of the biggest stars on the planet…

Beyoncé

As one of the organisers of the Met Gala this year, Beyoncé will have known that all eyes were on her on the red carpet.

Leaning into the elaborate theme, the Break My Soul singer sported this glittering, skeletal-inspired look on the red carpet, where she was joined by her husband Jay-Z and eldest daughter Blue Ivy Carter, marking the 14-year-old’s Met Ball debut.

Sam Smith

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Sam Smith has become renowned for their dramatic approach to fashion in recent history, and this year’s Met Ball really afforded them the chance to go all out.

Channelling Norma Desmond, the British star gave us old school Hollywood glamour in a floor-length black dress complete with bejeweled adornments, billowing sleeves and a feather headpiece.

Madonna

Madonna’s Met Gala look was a real departure from what we’re used to seeing the Queen of Pop in, opting for something more gothic, dark and, frankly, weird that we’re totally here for.

The Bring Your Love singer’s ensemble was directly inspired by a Leonora Carrington painting, in one of the night’s more literal interpretations of “Fashion Is Art”.

Janelle Monáe

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Janelle Monáe brings it every single Met Ball, and a theme like “Fashion Is Art” was always going to be in their wheelhouse.

The 10-time Grammy nominee mixed the old and new with their imaginative look, which incorporated elements of nature and technology, merging moss and butterflies with wires and microchips.

Luke Evans

Dressed in head-to-toe leather, Luke Evans’ look was an obvious nod to Tom Of Finland.

Speaking to Entertainment Tonight on the Met Ball red carpet, the Welsh actor said that “playing such an iconic character on stage” in the current Broadway revival of The Rocky Horror Show made him want to put a “twist” on an “iconic gay artist who has influenced so much”.

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Gwendoline Christie

Former Game Of Thrones star Gwnendoline Christie has never been one to shy away from leaning into a Met Gala theme.

On Monday night, her look consisted of a massive feathered hat and a floor-length red dress nodding to faded glamour – but our favourite part of the whole ensemble was the hand-held mirror, adorned with a recreation of her own face.

Katy Perry

John Salangsang/Shutterstock

Perhaps inspired by her own trip to space last year, Katy Perry’s Met Gala look consisted of what appeared to be a fencing mask, with a shiny and opaque face covering on the front.

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As she made her way down the red carpet, Katy revealed that the mask also swung open, adding even further to its futuristic elements (and putting us slightly in mind of a Star Wars villain).

Emma Chamberlain

We’re going to be very honest and say that content creator Emma Chamberlain was not exactly the person we thought was going to turn it out the hardest at Monday night’s event – but you can’t argue with this look can you?

In fact, the influencer may have just given us our favourite Met Gala look of 2026, with the dripping paint effect creating an optical illusion that really served the night’s theme.

Chase Infiniti

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Fresh from her Oscar nomination and leading performance in the new Handmaid’s Tale spin-off The Testaments, Chase Infiniti’s Met Gala debut was also one of our favourites from this year’s event.

The One Battle After Another star’s colourful dress almost put us in mind of painting-by-numbers (in the best way!), with its graphic design.

Sarah Paulson

On its own, Sarah Paulson’s expansive, red carpet look would have been show-stopping enough, putting us in mind of a presidential ball as much as an event like the Met Gala – but that dollar bill blindfold accessory really gives it something extra.

Sadly, even though Madonna was there too, we didn’t get a recreation of one of our favourite moments in Met Ball history.

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Ben Platt

One of the more literal “Fashion Is Art” ensembles came from Ben Platt, wearing a colourful suit inspired by one of Georges Pierre Seurat’s most famous works.

The Seurat painting, of course, was also the basis of the iconic Stephen Sondheim production Sunday In The Park With George, which makes Tony winner Ben wearing it all the more fitting.

SZA

SZA’s Met Gala look consisted of a layered gown in this absolutely gorgeous yellow colour, as well as a floral headpiece and some beaded face jewellery for the evening.

Our favourite part of the whole look, though, was just how much of a blast the Good Days singer was clearly having wearing it.

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Lisa

Extra body parts always go down well on the Met Ball red carpet, and Lisa’s look was no exception.

The jury’s out on whether “Fashion Is Art” really came into play here, but we just think the Blackpink and White Lotus star looks really cool, to be honest.

Skepta

Another big name doing the UK proud on the Met Gala red carpet was Brit Award nominee Skepta.

The rapper made a big impression in this matching white co-ord, which he later revealed was adorned with embroidery inspired by his own tattoos, as well as his own song lyrics.

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Nicole Kidman

Listen, Nicole Kidman never misses on the red carpet, but given how imaginative some people were with their looks, this feels a little out of place.

We’ve mostly mentioned it in this round-up so we can include her explanation for it.

Fashion is art and I wanted something red, because I wanted to embrace the way in which red has been used in art through the years,” she apparently claimed.

Kim Kardashian

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Kim Kardashian’s latest Met Ball look consisted of a molded bodysuit in an eye-catching shade of orange.

Again, it wasn’t exactly our favourite outfit of the evening, but given just how synonymous with the Met Gala that Kim K has become, we just had to include her, alright.

Heidi Klum

For the 2026 Met Ball, Heidi transformed herself into a living artpiece, paying homage to 19th century sculpture with the aid of prosthetics and unconventional materials to deliver one of the night’s most talked-about looks.

Bad Bunny

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And speaking of prosthetics – Bad Bunny’s look was certainly an unconventional one, too.

The recent Super Bowl headliner walked the red carpet as an older version of itself, which it’s been pointed out was a probable nod to “The Aging Body”, a key element of the Met’s Costume Institute’s exhibit this year.

Rihanna

Her latest Met Ball look was another mix of the old and new – offering an unconventional silhouette and undoubtedly the night’s most intricate adornments.

We absolutely love what she did with her hair, too, with her partner A$AP Rocky also joining her on the red carpet later on, sporting a baby pink overcoat and tuxedo.

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Is a Green wave about to break in local and devolved elections?

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Is a Green wave about to break in local and devolved elections?

Rob Ford analyses the surge in support for the Green Party ahead of the local and devolved elections on Thursday 7 May.

The remarkable rise of Reform has dominated the political narrative of late. However, a new insurgency has started to make waves. The Greens have enjoyed a remarkable surge in the polls since the election of their charismatic and social media friendly leader Zack Polanski as party leader last September. In February, they proved this was no polling phantom by taking the formerly safe seat of Gorton and Denton from Labour in a by-election.

Source: 2021 and 2022 averages from David Cowling, April 2026 averages calculated as the average of the most recent polls from Opinium, FindOutNow, YouGov, MoreInCommon, Ipsos, Freshwater Strategy and JL Partners

Local and devolved elections this week may offer an opportunity to make bigger gains on a broader front. The political landscape has changed dramatically since these areas were last up for election in either May 2021 or May 2022. Then, Labour and the Conservatives still dominated the polls. Both parties’ support has more than halved since, while Green support has more than doubled, putting Polanski’s insurgents in a statistical tie with both traditional governing parties in the current polling.

The Greens have also advanced in Senedd polling, while the Scottish Greens, though a separate party, seem also to be benefitting from the rising tide. The Greens are polling an average of over 10% in the latest Senedd polling, double their showing last time, and potentially sufficient for them to enter government as a junior partner to the first Plaid Cymru lead administration, in a country where they have never previously won a seat. The Scottish Greens have hit the mid-teens in recent regional list polling, nearly double their 2021 showing and potentially a record result. The Scottish Greens could play a pivotal role after May if the SNP fall short of a majority, as they will be the only other pro-independence party in the Scottish Parliament.

The Greens could thus be about to emerge with power and influence in both devolved assemblies, but it is in the town halls of England that they may make the most dramatic gains. The first past the post electoral system used in English local contests, which has in the past marginalised the Greens, may now accelerate their advance. The rising Green vote has a distinctive demographic profile, with the biggest gains coming among students, young graduate professionals and Muslim voters. These groups all tend to congregate in the same urban areas where universities are based, graduate jobs are found and England’s largest Muslim communities live.

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The impact could be greatest in London. The capital was already the Greens’ strongest region in 2024, and London’s 32 boroughs elect all the councillors for multi-seat wards simultaneously in ‘all up’ contests – a system which can magnify the impact of polling shifts. Inner London features several Labour dominated boroughs with exceptionally Green friendly social profiles, including Camden, Islington and Zack Polanski’s home borough of Hackney. The Greens, who have never won control of a London borough before, may take charge in several patches of inner London governed by Labour for generations. This would be a seismic shift, and one which may bring broader political aftershocks, given how many Labour MPs (including the PM and many of his senior colleagues) represent London seats.

While London is the biggest prize, the Greens will hope to seize similar opportunities in England’s other big cities. Birmingham also has “all up” elections and a large Muslim community which swung strongly against Labour in Mayoral and Westminster contests in 2024. Meanwhile, in Greater Manchester the Greens will hope to ride the wave of their recent by-election triumph. There are many other opportunities in big urban boroughs such as Sheffield, Leeds and Newcastle with Green friendly demographics, but also in smaller cities and rural areas such as Norwich, Norfolk and Suffolk where the Greens have built up a strong local presence and now stand to benefit from the collapse of the traditional parties.

Success, if it comes, will bring its own challenges. In England, Green councillors with little or no experience of government could soon be running, or helping to run, large city councils burdened with many responsibilities and strained budgets. In Wales, Greens who have never even made it into the Senedd before may soon have a share in a devolved government with even wider responsibilities. As Reform discovered after taking over county councils last year, populist slogans may prove effective on the campaign trail, but they may equally be impossible to deliver on once in charge of the town hall. Many Green voters backing the party’s promise of radical change may find their high hopes are fast disappointed.

Yet the risk of disappointing voters in power is surely one the Greens will be happy to run after decades sat on the margins of British politics. And a big Green wave will have broader implications. As the Liberal Democrats and the SNP have shown before, local and devolved elections can be a springboard to success at Westminster contests. Big council gains will boost the Greens’ profile and organisation even in areas where they don’t win control outright, with local success helping to demonstrate to voters that the Greens are now a viable local option.

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Such electoral credibility could be a vital resource in the next general election, when the stakes will be higher, and many progressive voters who take a chance on the Greens this year will be weighing their options more carefully, worrying in particular about the risk of progressive splits helping Reform. The Greens showed in Gorton and Denton that they could overcome such anxieties and triumph even in a Westminster seat where Labour had long been dominant and Reform were a credible threat. A big advance in local and devolved contests will help convince wavering voters that the Greens are a credible option in a much wider range of seats. The Greens still have a long way to go if they want to challenge Labour as the dominant left of centre party at Westminster. But they may take a big step forward next week.

By Professor Rob Ford, Senior Fellow, UK in a Changing Europe and Professor of Politics, University of Manchester.

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‘Dual Task’ Walking Tests Say A Lot About How You’re Ageing

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'Dual Task' Walking Tests Say A Lot About How You're Ageing

Can you walk while successfully doing another activity at the same time?

Known as dual-task gait performance, a 2023 paper found struggling to do this has been linked to a risk of falls and cognitive decline in adults aged 65 and over.

The researchers found that most people begin to struggle with the test in their 60s, and that after that point, participants’ cognitive health seemed to influence their performance most.

Another paper suggested a dual-task gait test could help to predict cognitive impairment better than single-task gait speed measurement.

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But what is a dual-task gait test, and why might it matter? Here’s what Dr Donald Grant, a GP and senior clinical advisor at The Independent Pharmacy, told us.

What are dual-task gait tests?

These involve walking while doing another activity at the same time (hence the “dual” task). Often, the second task is distracting, e.g. counting back from 1,000 in sevens.

They might involve maths-based tasks or more physical jobs, like nodding your head or holding a glass of water. The real world is filled with these combined tasks, like accepting a call on a walk, a 2021 paper argued.

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What do dual-task gait speeds say about how a person is ageing?

We know that older adults’ gait, or walking style and speed, can say a lot about how they’re ageing.

But when you add a cognitive or physical distraction to that, Dr Grant said, dual task walking tests “can give us a useful insight into how an individual’s brain and body are working together”.

He added: “As we age, our cognitive abilities can be impacted, making these tasks less automatic, requiring more active thinking.

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“When people start to struggle with dual-task examinations, it could indicate cognitive ageing, which is perfectly natural as people get older. This means it can become more challenging to divide attention between thinking and movement simultaneously, which may increase people’s risk of falls.”

The doctor said “walking is more than a physical movement” as it requires clear thinking, coordination and strong mobility, “so dual task tests can help identify any early signs of concern”.

Dual-task walking tests are only one way to gauge how an individual is ageing

Despite being a “great functional assessment tool, as they accurately measure how well a person can perform everyday tasks simultaneously,” Dr Grant said dual-task walking tests aren’t the be-all and end-all.

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“These walking tests can provide a good snapshot of overall health, but they’re never used to actively diagnose potential health concerns. They can help form part of a larger assessment, allowing medical professionals to better understand an individual’s mobility and cognitive abilities,” he said.

But to measure ageing, GPs tend to look at a combination of factors, such as pre-existing health conditions, physical function and cognitive abilities, he added.

The expert ended: “Simple observations, such as memory tests, plus speed, balance or mobility examinations, can all help build a picture of how someone is functioning day to day.”

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Stranger Danger: Ex-Paramedic Explains Why Parents Should Teach Kids About ‘Safe Adults’

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Stranger Danger: Ex-Paramedic Explains Why Parents Should Teach Kids About 'Safe Adults'

Many of us grew up being warned of “stranger danger” which was, on reflection, a bit vague – and also pretty terrifying.

Some parents still use it today, however experts are increasingly advising people to shun the whole “stranger danger” line as it could heighten social anxiety and limit kids’ ability to develop healthy interpersonal skills.

Instead, experts are advising to teach about “safe adults” and “tricky people”.

Pattie Fitzgerald, founder of safelyeverafter.com, previously told HuffPost that a tricky person is someone who tricks a child or parent into believing they’re a safe person.

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They might ask a child for help, tell them to keep a secret from their parents, try to arrange alone time with them, touch their body excessively and/or inappropriately, or invade their personal space.

And on the subject of adults asking children for help, Nikki Jurcutz, an ex-paramedic who runs Tiny Hearts Education, recently warned that children would “willingly go with a stranger tomorrow” if they were asked: “Can you help me find my puppy?”

In an Instagram post, she said: “To a child, this sounds like the right thing to do. We raise our little ones to be kind and helpful. And that’s exactly what makes it work.”

Teach them ‘safe adults don’t ask kids for help’

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Parents should teach children that “safe grown ups don’t ask kids for help”, said Jurcutz. “If an adult needs help finding something, they ask another adult. If they’re asking a child, something is wrong,” she added.

And as part of this education, it’s important to practice what they would say to someone if they were asked to help find a puppy, or to go with them, until these phrases become automatic.

“Because in that moment, they won’t have time to think. They’ll fall back on what they’ve rehearsed,” the former paramedic added.

Fitzgerald previously suggested focusing on empowerment, rather than fear, when teaching kids how to stay safe in these situations.

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She said: “Use empowering words and phrases like ‘boss of your body’ or ’boss of your own touches,’ thumbs up and thumbs down behaviour in other people, listening to their ‘uh-oh feeling’ when their heart or their brain tells them something doesn’t seem quite right.”

In the UK, there has been a gradual shift away from stranger danger, with more of a focus from child safety charities on dealing with unsafe situations. The charity Action Against Abduction came up with ‘clever never goes’ after finding the stranger danger approach “doesn’t work”.

‘Clever never goes’ teaches kids that they must never go anywhere with anyone – so that means a stranger or a familiar face – unless plans have been made beforehand.

Bradford District NHS Foundation Trust urges parents to teach children how to identify and respond to threatening situations, rather than to specific people, with an emphasis on keeping them “safe, not scared”.

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It advises letting kids know who they can trust if they need help (such as a uniformed police officer or a teacher) and explaining they must tell a trusted adult if they have been approached by a stranger or if they feel uncomfortable about a situation.

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The tyranny of ‘public health’ knows no bounds

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The tyranny of ‘public health’ knows no bounds

The post The tyranny of ‘public health’ knows no bounds appeared first on spiked.

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Banksy’s art for the lanyard classes

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Banksy’s art for the lanyard classes

At times such as these, of extreme social disorientation and moral fragmentation, the public cries out for meaning, commonality, a light in the dark. Well bad luck, public, because what you get is another Banksy.

Banksy, the world’s best-known anonymous artist, has seen fit to gift the world another piece of art, in this case a sculpture. It depicts a suited man carrying an oversized flag, the flag obscuring the man’s vision as he is about to march, blinded, off the statue’s supporting plinth.

The statue appeared overnight on Wednesday in Waterloo Place in the St James’s district of Westminster – a street, as the BBC helpfully explains, ‘designed to celebrate imperialism and military dominance in the 1800s’.

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What could it all mean? Well, if Banksy has a skill at all, it is in being sledgehammer-obvious.

Being obvious – making things people understand – is surprisingly difficult. But where being obvious takes real talent is in making difficult ideas accessible. Banksy does not do this. Banksy takes easy ideas and reveals, through heavy-handed metaphors, just how breathtakingly obvious they are.

The badness of Banksy’s art is not a bug but a feature. It is designed to go down nice and easy, to be as inclusive and non-threatening as humanly possible. Its trick is to unite people around a lowest-common-denominator premise while convincing them that they are razor-sharp semiologists who can deconstruct the floating chain of signs and signifiers. Banksy flatters mediocre thinkers that they are the in crowd, and smarter than the next guy.

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As a sculptor, Banksy wears his artistic heritage lightly. Not for Banksy the subtle homoerotic contrapposto of a Michelangelo, nor the witty repurposing of objects à la Picasso, nor even the brute scale and tension of a Richard Serra. Rather, Banksy takes the aesthetics of mass-produced garden-centre ornaments and fills them with the moral complexity of a Catchphrase clue. Roy Walker’s gentle encouragement to nervous game-show contestants, ‘Say what you see!’, is also the best way of unlocking the meaning of a Banksy.

Let’s say what we see in Banksy’s latest. We are so blinded by nationalism that we risk putting ourselves in danger. Jackpot! An idea so facile it barely merits the resin it took to cast the statue.

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Nevertheless, Banksy’s art fulfils an important social function, which is to reassure worried, like-minded people that they are not alone. In this case, people who feel that strong national sentiment is misguided and dangerous – and there are plenty of them – can take comfort that this is a legitimate feeling. Banksy’s gift to them is to remove any iota of thought that might cloud the issue, any possibility of uncomfortable doubt.

Banksy skillfully avoids any chance of misunderstanding through the location of the statue and the timing of its deployment. St James’s – establishment, militarism, yeah? – in the run-up to the local elections, because politics, yeah? There is on the nose, and there is Banksy.

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And if you are worried that a hefty, spontaneous and unauthorised statue could be a form of vandalism, don’t be. There is certainly no risk of the authorities seeing it that way. Westminster City Council has already given the statue its unofficial blessing, with a spokesperson telling the BBC: ‘We’re excited to see Banksy’s latest sculpture in Westminster, making a striking addition to the city’s vibrant public art scene.’ Truly, as an act of subversion, the stakes could not be lower.

Banksy’s art is dissent for the lanyard classes. It is a way of turning their own contempt for the working classes, and working-class values such as patriotism, into something less obviously judgemental, ugly and upsetting to their own psychic health. Disdain becomes sophistication, and snobbery a self-contained culture. In an age of virtue-signalling, Banksy’s success lies in making both the virtue and the signal gobsmackingly explicit.

Alex Dale is a designer based in London.

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Reform UK in power: what we can (and can’t) learn from Western Europe

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Reform UK in power: what we can (and can’t) learn from Western Europe

Claire Burchett asks how can UK institutions and parties adapt to Reform UK gaining more power at a national and local level and considers what can be learned from countries in Western Europe where far-right parties have typically been more electorally successful.

On 7 May 2026, local elections will be held in the UK for over 4,850 councillors against the backdrop of increasing dissatisfaction with the Labour government, and a growing broader appeal of the Greens and of the far-right party Reform UK. The UK’s first-past-the-post (FPP) electoral system has historically prevented far-right parties from gaining substantial power at a national or local level. However, if this were to change, the UK has limited experience in monitoring and managing the far right.

Reform UK, and UKIP before it, have obtained the most substantial results for a far-right party under FPP. The more overtly racist British National Party (BNP) peaked in the 2006-2007 local elections with dozens of local councillors but never had a sitting Member of Parliament (MP). Following the 2024 general election and high-profile defections from the Conservative Party, there are now 8 Reform UK MPs. The upcoming local elections are likely to strengthen the party further. This raises the question of how UK institutions and parties will adapt to this.

Far-right parties in Western Europe have generally been more electorally successful in Proportional Representation (PR) systems on the continent. This means institutions and mainstream political parties have had to learn to adapt to a far-right presence through institutional safeguards and political strategies. Despite variation in the radicality of these far-right parties, and differences in historical context and party systems, what can the UK learn, if anything, from these experiences?

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The most common strategy is that of a refusal to cooperate, known as the “Brandmauer” in Germany or the “cordon sanitaire” in France. While the PR system gives the far-right easier access to institutions, other parties refusing to cooperate with them means they are often kept away from any real power. This kept the French National Rally in third place in the 2024 elections, and largely holds in Germany. The UK has some experience with this strategy: the two BNP Members of the European Parliament were isolated by other UK parties in 2009, and in last year’s elections local councillors in Cornwall refused to work with Reform UK. It is, however, a divisive strategy: it risks boosting the ‘victimhood’ narrative of the far right and can increase voter alienation. However, without it there is the risk of normalising the far right. Another problem is one of containment. It is easy to isolate a party when it has only a few seats in parliament, but this is much harder to do as the party gains seats. Under FPP, it is even more fragile, as Reform UK could eventually win a majority. Finally, isolating the far right only works if all other parties agree to do so, and is undermined by the increasing adoption and mainstreaming of far-right discourse.

A more extreme tool is that of banning a party. This remains controversial, with sceptics pointing to the anti-democratic implications of banning a party with substantial electoral support. There is also no guarantee that a ban would remove a party. In Belgium, the Flemish Bloc was effectively forced to disband after the Belgian High Court ruled that it was racist, but was then able to rebrand as Flemish Interest. In the UK, the most common way to ban a political party would be its proscription under the Terrorism Act 2000 or de-registration by the Electoral Commission, which would prevent it from running in elections. The latter is usually used to punish parties for not following the Political Parties, Referendums and Elections Act (PPERA). The BNP was de-registered under PPERA in 2016 for not paying the annual £25 registration fee, but reinstated a month later. With much less precedent in the UK and with Reform UK currently polling at 25%, this would be highly contested and not prevent a future iteration of the party.

There is also a role to play for public sector institutions. For instance, the media can contribute to increasing the salience and acceptability of far-right issues. In Francophone Belgium, the media refuses to platform far-right politicians and this has had a significant impact on their popularity. While effective, this would not be possible in the UK due to the BBC’s impartiality. Moreover, Reform UK may now be too big to be contained in such a way, and this would not prevent its visibility on social media.

Another tool, which is unique to Germany, is that of monitoring extremist groups and parties. The domestic intelligence authority, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), can observe parties and pass surveillance and reporting to the police. The UK’s closest equivalent to the BfV is the Security Service (MI5), although the BfV specifically focuses on anti-constitutional behaviour, while MI5’s focus remains broader national security and terrorism. Individual cases can be reported to the police for, for example, inciting racial hatred, as was done for UKIP’s notorious “Breaking Point” poster in 2016. Thus, reporting is ad hoc and reactive, and there is a limited institutional framework for monitoring potential anti-democratic behaviour, which Reform UK has already demonstrated through social media posts containing support for far-right activist Tommy Robinson and overtly racist and misogynistic views, and its status as a private company with limited transparency over decision-making.

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While the BNP gave the UK some experience of managing a far-right party in governmental institutions, the party never left the electoral margins, so Reform UK presents a novel challenge. The tools developed in France, Germany, and Belgium have emerged from decades of managing a far-right presence, which FPP has so far prevented in the UK. However, while these can curb the far right, they cannot remove it completely, especially in the face of deeper political trends like dissatisfaction with democracy and the mainstreaming of far-right ideas. The UK would be well advised to reflect on how to develop its own democratic resilience, for instance, through guidelines for the media on how to report on the far right, a cross-party consensus on how to respond to the far right in local councils and parliament, and an infrastructure for oversight and monitoring of anti-democratic behaviour. The local elections will be a good time to start this process.

By Claire Burchett, PhD Candidate, Department of European & International Studies, King’s College London.

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The Night Agent Season 4 Will Be The Last, Netflix Confirms

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Gabriel Basso will play Peter Sutherland for one last time in The Night Agent's fourth season

Netflix has announced that its hit spy drama The Night Agent is coming to an end.

But first, the show will go out with a bang, with one last season.

On Monday, the streaming giant announced that the fourth run of The Night Agent had begun production, and that this would be the show’s final outing.

Creator Shawn Ryan said in a statement: “Ever since the initial success of The Night Agent, I’ve been obsessed with eventually delivering a proper and thrilling conclusion to the show and to Peter Sutherland’s journey.

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“I’m so grateful to Netflix and Sony Pictures Television for partnering with me on The Night Agent and for giving us the space to deliver a definitive final season to our worldwide legion of fans.”

“We are hard at work to complete our story and to make our final season one our fans will never forget,” he added.

Gabriel Basso will play Peter Sutherland for one last time in The Night Agent's fourth season
Gabriel Basso will play Peter Sutherland for one last time in The Night Agent’s fourth season

Christopher Saunders/Netflix

Based on the novel of the same name, The Night Agent premiered in 2023, introducing Gabriel Basso as FBI agent Peter Sutherland.

It eventually became something of a sleeper hit, with its first season notably becoming the third most-watched inaugural run for any Netflix original at that time, as well as becoming one of the most-watched shows of that year.

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A second and third season followed in 2025 and 2026, respectively, with Netflix renewing it for a fourth run back in March.

Ryan said at the time: “It’s been a wild ride filming The Night Agent in five countries across three continents to this point and we’re so thrilled that the adventures of Peter Sutherland will continue into season four.

“Our writers, our cast and our crew stand ready to answer the call to bring our incredible fans even more twists, turns and thrills.”

The first three seasons of The Night Agent are now streaming on Netflix.

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The left has fallen right into Reform’s trap

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The left has fallen right into Reform’s trap

I want to be honest with you, because I think you deserve that. When I first heard about Reform UK’s new ‘Vote Green, Get Illegals’ policy – the plan to put migrant detention centres in Green-held constituencies rather than Reform ones – my instinctive reaction was discomfort. Real discomfort. I sat with it. I turned it over. I talked it through with friends, with colleagues. Because that is what you do when something troubles you, rather than simply reaching for the nearest banner and marching.

And what I found, when I sat with it long enough, was that my discomfort was pointing in entirely the wrong direction.

Reform’s plan, announced over the weekend by party chairman Zia Yusuf and leader Nigel Farage, is straightforward: a future Reform government would build detention centres capable of holding at least 24,000 illegal immigrants awaiting deportation. No such facility will be placed in any Reform-held constituency or council area. Green seats and councils, whose constituents voted for what the Green Party calls ‘a world without borders’, will be prioritised for detention centres. Reform has already published a draft Mass Deportation Detention Act. It means business.

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The reaction has been, and I say this as someone who tries very hard to take other people’s feelings seriously, extraordinarily overwrought. The word ‘dystopian’ has been used so many times this week that it has lost whatever meaning it once had. The left has reached, with impressive reflex speed, for comparisons that I will not dignify by repeating. I understand why people feel strongly. I genuinely do. Strong feelings about where people live, about community, about safety – these are not irrational. They are, in fact, exactly the point.

What I find harder to understand, and this is where I have had to really interrogate my own instinct to be fair to everyone in the room, is the complaint from Rupert Lowe’s direction. Lowe, who now leads the Restore Britain party (having departed Reform in some acrimony), called the policy ‘petty nonsense’. He accused Reform of ‘vindictively target[ing] Brits in potential Green constituencies’. I have read this several times, because I wanted to make sure I was being fair to him. But Lowe’s own published proposals speak of making conditions so deliberately harsh that migrants leave voluntarily. His objection is not that Reform is being too tough. It is something more personal than that, and I think most reading this will recognise the dynamic: it is the complaint of someone who wanted a fight on his own terms, furious that someone else has set the agenda.

But here is the question I cannot stop asking, and it is not a comfortable one: who has been living with the consequences of our immigration policy up to now, and did anyone ask them how they felt about it? Because I know the answer, and it troubles me more than any detention centre ever could.

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Those women and men who noticed, who raised their hands and said, quietly at first and then less quietly, that something in their street or their town or their child’s school had changed in ways nobody had prepared them for, were not treated with the seriousness their observations deserved. They were instead managed. They were reassured. They were, in the particular way that our political culture has perfected over 30 years, made to feel that their anxiety was the problem. The mothers tracking pressure on GP appointments, the women on night shifts noticing the changed texture of their neighbourhoods, the daughters trying to navigate social housing for elderly parents in areas absorbing numbers nobody had thought to mention: their experience was real. Their discomfort was not a personality defect.

‘Refugees Welcome’ signs, meanwhile, have long appeared in windows of houses in postcodes where no refugees were being sent. The consensus in favour of open borders was built by people whose daily lives were not affected by it. I do not say this in bitterness – I say it because it is simply, plainly true, and pretending otherwise has been doing real harm to real people for a very long time.

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I worry about things. That is not something I apologise for. And what I worry about, when I think about this policy, is not the Green voter in a comfortable suburb who will write a strongly worded letter, and man a street stall. It is the woman in a town that has been absorbing dispersed asylum seekers through hotels and HMOs (houses in multiple occupation) for years – without consultation, without notice, without so much as a community meeting. The chaos of the status quo is not neutral. It is not kind. It has consequences, and those consequences have been falling on the people least able to make them stop.

Secure detention before orderly deportation is not, whatever this week’s headlines suggest, a form of cruelty. It is a form of clarity. It is the managed, legal and humane alternative to the sprawling and unaccountable system we have been living with. It is not ‘barbarism’ to detain people who have broken the law – it is administration. The barbarism has been the pretence that the current system is working.

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And should democratic choices carry consequences? I think, if we are honest with ourselves, the answer has to be yes. We accept it everywhere else. We accept that communities voting for development get development, that those who choose certain policies inherit their results. The Greens have been entirely transparent about what they want: more asylum seekers and no borders. That is their honest position and voters are free to choose it. But the idea that you can vote for a borderless world and be wholly shielded from its practical consequences – the holding facilities and the processing centres – asks rather a lot of those who voted differently.

I have spoken this week with Reform members in areas their party doesn’t yet control. I expected anxiety. I found something closer to practicality – several have even written to suggest local former Royal Air Force bases they felt would be appropriate. People are more resilient, and more reasonable, than the people who claim to speak for them tend to assume.

I did not come to this position easily. I sat with my discomfort, as I said at the start, and I took it seriously. But sometimes what feels uncomfortable is simply the sensation of something true pressing against something we would prefer not to examine. The fury of the response to this policy has been, in the end, the most persuasive argument for it. Those who have spent 30 years ensuring that the consequences of their choices fell on other people are not well placed to lecture the rest of us about fairness.

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I think you know that. I think you’ve known it for a while.

Gawain Towler is a commentator and an elected board member of Reform UK.

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