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Polling shows public see the Green Party as the anti-establishment party

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Zack Polanski and Hannah Spencer of the Greens, as well as Andy Burnham, Kemi Badenoch, and Nigel Farage

Zack Polanski and Hannah Spencer of the Greens, as well as Andy Burnham, Kemi Badenoch, and Nigel Farage

According to new polling from Ipsos, the British public see the Green Party as the true anti-establishment party:

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Green Party: for the people

The above polling tells us a few interesting things:

  • Pretty much no one thinks the Tories are a party of ‘the people’ – only 13% of voters. The Tories still attract around 20% of the national vote share, which is interesting, because it shows many Tory voters don’t give a sh*t about ‘the people’ (who could have guessed?).
  • Voters think the Liberal Democrats are more anti-establishment than Reform UK.
  • More voters think Labour are pro-establishment than pro-people.

Reform UK’s polling is particularly interesting, because the party explicitly sells itself as ‘anti-establishment’. As we’ve reported, Reform UK is basically just the Tories with a harder stance on migration, which is why all the former Tory donors have flocked to it.

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While Reform’s loyal supporters have bought the ‘anti-establishment’ shtick, the broader public has not. This explains why more national voters want Count Binface to win than Nigel Farage in the Clacton by-election. Reform has certainly built up a base of support, but in doing so it’s polarised the rest of the electorate against it, leaving the party vulnerable to tactical voting.

Reform certainly manages to attract a lot of attention with its anti-establishment crusading. The problem is the pushback that comes with this attention:

“For the people”

Reacting to the polling, Zack Polanski said:

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The party for the people. And the planet.

As we’ve reported, the Green Party does actually have policies which would benefit the broader public, including:

Reform UK, meanwhile, are offering little besides endless whining about Black and Brown people – all to distract from infinite tax cuts for their mates.

Featured image via the Canary

By Willem Moore

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Policy-pinching Reform has this to offer in Manchester mayoral election

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A Reform branded open top double decker bus parked with people on top waving and a woman in the doorway waving too, in 2013

A Reform branded open top double decker bus parked with people on top waving and a woman in the doorway waving too, in 2013

Reform UK has beaten Labour to a manifesto launch in the Greater Manchester mayoral election race. Both parties are, of course, going through by-election-related leadership dramas.

The latter saw former Greater Manchester mayor, Andy Burnham, unseat its historically unpopular leader, Keir Starmer, in Makerfield. Reform now faces the not insignificant prospect of its leader being challenged by Count Binface. And Nigel Farage’s popularity is tanking too, thanks to his repeated corruption.

With all this going on, Reform reportedly sent internal WhatsApp messages to party activists telling them to get themselves down to Clacton and abandon Manchester’s mayoralty. (Reform denied this in Manchester Mill.) All because Reform is worried it can’t take on a character almost as unserious as Farage.

But it hasn’t stopped Reform putting out a mishmash of ideas for Manchester, many seemingly borrowed. (The Canary hasn’t been able to confirm whether its manifesto is properly costed either.)

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Given all their competitors’ furore, the Green Party must be laughing. The Greens are celebrating their ability to out-match Labour by beating them to a proper manifesto.

Green Party mayoral candidate, Geraldine Coggins, said:

Labour need to get serious…You can’t hope to run a 3 billion budget based on a cartoon bus.

Greens slam ‘unserious’ Labour in Manchester mayoral election

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Reform: Is this Manchester’s great Reformation?

Reform’s candidate, landlord Sian Astley, is in fact promising to “go to war” with vape shops and “dodgy” barbers. Meanwhile, Reform promises to:

Cut waste, slash spending on little-used cycle lanes, reverse the increase in the Mayor’s tax and end spending on DEI projects such as equality panels and funding for greener future programmes.

This is despite every elected Reform-controlled council promising to do similar, failing to find the phantom woke DEI “waste”, and instead raising taxes. Anyone who cycles around Manchester — an activity that’s not party political — knows that the idea that bike lanes are somehow overfunded is nonsense.

Reform pledges to “shut down every migrant hotel” with no mention of where asylum seekers are intended to go after.

However, councillor Astley, previously pledged to build immigrant prisons in non-Reform-voting areas. This viciously punitive — not to mention likely illegal plan — is part of Reform’s national policy. Astley doubled down on it, but the general public hated those plans when announced.

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Astley also pledges to create the “toughest police force in Britain” if elected. This is despite the fact that Greater Manchester Police was recently found to have used “disproportionate and unnecessary force” against anti-fascist demonstrators in April. The question, then, is: tough on who, exactly?

Not fascists, presumably. Just drugs, knives and shoplifters, according to the manifesto.

Poll shows public hate Reform’s plan to punish voters

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Is Reform just pinching policies?

This rhetoric is perhaps standard Tory-esque stuff. “Tough on crime”, yada yada yada. Maybe a little bit more of a fascist flavour when the time comes, we’ll see…

Reform is in lockstep with the Tories and both parties’ fossil fuel donors, railing against “Net Zero measures” and pledging to scrap all of them in Greater Manchester Combined Authority. You couldn’t publish this at a worse time as Manchester and much of the lower North West is covered in smoke from a raging wildfire burning near Oldham.

But Reform has also pinched policy ideas from its further right, with a pledge to launch an inquiry into “grooming gangs”. The party has alleged to pursue every perpetrator and “publicly expose the officials who enabled them”. This language is a clear imitation of Rupert Lowe’s Restore Britain party, which is likely eating into Reform’s vote again as we saw in Makerfield.

Lowe calls Farage a “coward” for not launching an inquiry, which Lowe did himself. He claims it found 250,000 cases of child rape — a figure seemingly plucked from thin air, in a biased document clearly targeted against Muslims.

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The inquiry was truly hateful and dangerous and led to stabbings against five people in Edinburgh mere days after its launch. Right-wingers are farming racist mass psychosis.

This is standard fare for Reform now, who time and again has been caught with racist councillors, hateful spads and vicious MPs. From racist dog whistles to overt hate, we know its direction of travel.

Reform UK sees its sixth councillor suspended over racist rhetoric

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Vague unaccountability and watered-down policy

There’s also a commitment to “proportional” funding for regeneration across the boroughs and plans to build on all brownfield sites. Not bad ideas, in theory. The latter is certainly something that many could get behind, including greens.

But surely Astley, whose business is property sales, will be a boon for the unaccountable development interests that have dominated this city under Burnham.

Reform seems to have some consciousness about Burnham’s shocking legacy. That legacy was fully overseen and enabled by Labour candidate, Bev Craig, as city council Leader.

Reform has promised:

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For luxury developer contracts in the region, Reform UK say they will publish every loan agreement, decision record and contract above £1million held by TfGM and the GMCA, commission an independent audit of the Housing Investment Loan Fund and Renaker loans, impose a conflict of interest regime, enforce terms of existing deals and refer evidence of wrongdoing by developers, officials or contractors to relevant authorities.

The question is whether it’s purely political vengeance, or whether the party will hold itself accountable too. Reform offers very vague plans for housing, without even bothering so much as to put a target on building homes. Instead it only promises “affordable homes where they need to go”.

The thing about not having targets, like the Greens’ 20,000 homes plan, is that you don’t have to be accountable. That seems to be Reform’s underlying plan. Accountability and apology is not its game.

Lastly, in a policy blatantly pinched from the Greens, only measurably shitter, Reform pledge free bus travel… for 16-18s only. Hardly as ambitious or crucial as the Green pledge of free for under-22s.

It’s just more evidence that Reform grifters are short on ideas and lack real substance.

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Featured image via Manchester Gazette

Reform’s Manchester mayor candidate is a landlord, because of course

By Cameron Baillie

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New report shows inequality and poverty are putting children at risk

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child poverty

child poverty

A new report from a group of renowned paediatricians has raised huge alarm as poverty and inequality mean that child health outcomes have either stalled or declined so much that this generation has the poorest health in decades.

Inequality and poverty are significant factors in this critical issue hurting the UK’s children, with those living in more deprived areas seeing rates of infant deaths and childhood obesity that are twice as high as the least deprived.

Dr Helen Stewart, officer for health improvement at the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health (RCPCH), has powerfully stated:

The UK’s record on children’s health should be a national embarrassment.

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Children’s health stagnating by every metric

The report examined 12 internationally recognised indicators used to measure child health and wellbeing. These indicators include infant mortality, oral health, obesity, vaccination uptake, mental health disorders, and asthma. Its analysis found that children’s health has stagnated across every indicator, with the UK now lagging behind many countries in western Europe and ranking among the least healthy for children.

Examples given refer to the uptake of the MMR vaccination which stands at 84% by the age of five, despite the World Health Organisation (WHO) setting a target of 95%. The report says this makes the UK the worst amongst G7 countries.

The picture gets even bleaker: the UK records one of the highest rates of asthma-related deaths among children anywhere in Europe. Looking at infant deaths, there has been little improvement since 2023, and the UK’s rate of deaths remains higher compared to other European countries.

It also raises concerns about rising obesity, with almost 1/4 of boys being obese and almost 1/5 of girls. Given how expensive extra-curricular clubs are in schools, the cost-of-greed crisis squeezing the pockets of lower-income families, and a lack of accessible green spaces in more deprived areas, this is hardly a surprise.

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Poverty wake-up call

But it should be a wake-up call for our leaders if they truly cared about improving the chances of the next generation.

Dr Helen Stewart from the RCPCH says we are “failing children” in the UK:

Across western Europe, many other countries are achieving better outcomes for children, yet too many children here are being left behind. The State of Child Health report shows that we are categorically failing children in the UK, but especially those from ethnic minorities and poorer backgrounds.

The new government has a chance to be bold on child health. Without action, more children will grow up in poor health, entering adulthood at a disadvantage and putting even greater pressure on families and public services.

She then challenged the incoming Burnham government:

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In its first 100 days, the new government should set out how it will make children’s health a priority through sustained investment, better use of data and clear national targets.

Paediatricians have provided the blueprint, now policymakers must listen.

Poverty: class war is hurting life chances of children

Deprivation brought on by rising poverty and widening inequality have a huge impact on the life chances of children, which is emphasised by the findings of this crucial report.

For instance, the prevalence of obesity and infant mortality is twice as high as children from wealthier families revealing further how the class war we are currently living in is having very real, and potentially fatal, impacts on young children today.

As a result of this inequality the report urges the government to implement a variety of measures, such as more investment in children’s health services and in the workforce looking after our children.

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The report also calls for better collection and sharing of child health data, alongside legally binding national targets to close the health gap between children from the richest and poorest families.

Stop blaming parents

Efforts to blame this on parents are already coming in on X. This is despite the fact that parents on low incomes have little power over the exorbitant costs they are having to cover through high rents, the ever-increasing cost of food, and trouble accessing healthy food being a significant challenge for those on tighter budgets.

In fact, some are attempting to offload state responsibility for children’s health entirely:

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Children growing up in social housing have far greater challenges. They are more likely to live alongside industrial sites, breathe polluted air, and have limited access to safe green spaces because of years of underinvestment. Many families are also priced out of clubs, sports, and other extracurricular activities.

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Even the most determined parents can only do so much when the places around them deny their children the opportunities to thrive.

I, like many, know this from personal experience. I lived briefly in social housing with my eldest daughter in Salford in an incredibly deprived area with high levels of antisocial behaviour. We were surrounded by lorries, plastic recycling factories kicking out fumes, and industrial businesses. My car was covered in an orange dust every morning and my daughter had a cough every single day.

Chief exec of health charity the King’s Fund, Sarah Woolnough, insists this must be a “wake-up call” for the government and that without sustained and urgent remedial action, children will be left to pay the price for the failure of the generations who came before them.

This, alongside the climate crisis, has become a consistent pattern, it must be said.

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She said:

This report paints a deeply worrying picture of children’s health across the UK. It is a stark reminder that health inequalities begin early in life and can shape health, wellbeing and opportunities for years to come. Whether it is infant mortality, obesity, mental health or vaccination uptake, the evidence is clear that children from disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to experience worse outcomes.

Will the government listen?

The government has spoken out in response to the report’s concerning findings with an apparent lack of humility and showing just how out of touch with reality they truly are. They have been in power for two years, yet little has changed, in fact poverty and inequality have risen.

Nevertheless, they have said they are:

expanding mental health support in schools and colleges, opening family hubs and local health centres, and protecting children through tougher rules on smoking, vapes and junk food ads.

We’re also giving primary pupils a healthier start to the day with free breakfast clubs and providing free school meals to every single child from a household in receipt of universal credit.

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However, tackling the concentration of wealth and power that is driving inequality, pushing up living costs and making life harder for most families would do far more to improve children’s lives.

Without addressing the root causes of inequality, its damaging impact on children’s health and wellbeing will continue.

Featured image via the Canary

By Maddison Wheeldon

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Rich’s Monday Morning View

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Rich’s Monday Morning View

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12 July carnival of hate and destruction ends with calls for change

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A male holds a flag in front of the Loyalist Corcrain Redmanville bonfire, which was lit to mark the start of the unionist 12 July celebrations, in Portadown, Northern Ireland, on 11 July 2021.

A male holds a flag in front of the Loyalist Corcrain Redmanville bonfire, which was lit to mark the start of the unionist 12 July celebrations, in Portadown, Northern Ireland, on 11 July 2021.

Another 12 July commemoration has now passed in the north of Ireland, leaving behind a trail of bile, death, pollution and charred remains of homes.

The yearly knuckle-dragging is a sectarian festival marking the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, in which Protestant king, William III, defeated Catholic king, James II.

The hate-fest lasted longer than usual, with bonfire groups lighting some pyres on 9 July, and parades not taking place until 13 July due to 12 July falling on a Sunday this year. The first major disgrace was the Moygashel Bonfire Association’s torching of a replica mosque.

Deputy leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, Diana Armstrong, claimed the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) scaled back its presence prior to the hate crime, in response to her requesting they do so. The PSNI has contradicted this.

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Nonetheless, the pattern across the Six Counties is one of near-ubiquitous criminality across the long 12th weekend, almost entirely allowed to proceed by police. That includes incitement to violence through loyalists displaying threatening messages at bonfire sites, to property destruction, including homes burnt to the ground.

The X account, Kulture Watch, conveyed plenty of evidence for that.

12 July bonfires blaze message of sectarian and Islamophobic hate

A bonfire in South Belfast featured both sectarian and anti-migrant hate. The pyre’s creators placed a sign with ‘KAT’ written on it, which is an acronym for “Kill all Taigs”, a slur referring to Catholics.

Others were saying, “Stop illegals” and “Stop the boats”.  An Irish tricolour flag was placed for burning at the top of the pile of pallets.

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Elsewhere in Belfast, bonfire builders burned effigies of republican rap group Kneecap, alongside a Palestine flag. Islamophobia was a common theme, with another bonfire featuring a placard reading, “F*ck Islam”.

In a sign of the absurd leeway authorities grant to the toxic festival, a massive fire featuring a tricolour collapsed as firefighters hosed down nearby properties. At an enormous cost, the Northern Ireland Fire & Rescue Service (NIFRS), attended.

The service logged 303 emergency calls between 6pm on 11 July and 2am on 12 July.

This resulted in firefighters attending 151 operational incidents. 54 of these were bonfire-related.

The NIFRS reported how:

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In an isolated incident, firefighters withdrew from a bonfire in the Cookstown area as a result of a hostile crowd.

Such events sometimes occur when firefighters try to intervene early to stop a dangerous blaze, but attendees block the bonfire being extinguished. It’s not uncommon for the heat to melt windows.

Councils, again, effectively subsidise the destructive pyres by paying for boards that people can use to prevent their houses suffering this fate. What they can’t prevent are the inevitable worst case scenarios, like the homes completely destroyed by embers spiralling off the vast blazes.

The Belfast Telegraph reported:

A row of terraced homes caught fire near the bonfire in the Knockleigh Walk area of Greenisland.

David Haighton recounted how in the incident he “lost everything”. He’d lived in his home for more than 50 years.

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Tragically, a man also died while helping to construct a bonfire in East Belfast. Warren Lyttle, a father-of-one, fell from the structure in Braniel housing estate. John Steele died in similar circumstances in Larne in 2022.

Time to move beyond toxic ‘culture’ of destruction

Bonfires are a health hazard in other ways, with organisers burning toxic material, harming air quality and contributing needlessly to climate breakdown. Another form of pollution are the piles of rubbish revellers leave in the streets, which sometimes look like an attempt rival the size of bonfires themselves. Taxpayers, again, have to foot the bill for cleaning this up.

All this mess is left by people apparently expressing pride and fondness for their community by littering it, burning it and disgracing it with a torrent of hate. There are increasing calls to “move beyond bonfire sectarianism”, in the words of People Before Profit MLA, Gerry Carroll.

Carroll has called for:

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…a movement of working class people, drawn from every background, ready to stand together and challenge sectarianism head on.

Working class Protestants are failed by being perennially dragged into sectarian and racial hate. Such sentiments are a convenient misdirection away from justified hatred for the policies of the British ruling class that impoverish them, alongside working class Catholics, Muslims and migrants.

The grand secretary of the Orange Order, Mervyn Gibson, had some pleasant words about reaching out to those outside unionism. But that means little while his organisation does the minimum to clamp down on mass displays of hate by its own adherents.

He also conjured up a fictitious notion of embracing “true Britishness”, apparently symbolised by “Civil and Religious Liberty for all”. Britain has never represented such a thing, and today the Union Jack unquestionably stands for diminishing freedom and increasing impoverishment.

At some point maybe bonfire revellers and sash-wearing marchers will realise the folly of identifying in a bigoted, exclusivist way with a sinking ship that harbours largely disdain for them. They might then appreciate that the 12th is an act of mass self-harm — from the smouldering homes to the corpses at the foot of stacked pallets, to the toxic bonfire embers that poison the body and entrench a ‘culture’ that poisons the soul.

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Featured image via Jason Cairnduff/ Reuters

By Robert Freeman

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Wings Over Scotland | Blue In The Face

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Before we start, let’s note that this took 37 days.

As you’re about to read, it says almost nothing other than “Please go away now”.

It takes quite a long time to say it, but nevertheless those four words are pretty much the sum total of the actual content. It does not in any way whatsoever address the contents of our letter of 6 June, of which the below is an extract.

DCC Houston does say one intriguing thing, though.

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Now, we can’t be certain of exactly what he means by “the comments made recently”, since he refers to “various individuals”. But the comments OUR letter referred to were those made by the First Minister of Scotland.

So we must reasonably assume that DCC Houston is talking about those. Which means he’s saying Police Scotland already KNEW that the SNP had misappropriated the fundraiser money and spent it on another purpose.

The Dean of the Faculty Of Advocates, one of Scotland’s most distinguished lawyers, and one who’s been employed by the Scottish Government itself, is unequivocally of the professional opinion that that constitutes the crime of embezzlement, as indeed almost any lay observer would be.

37 days of holding our breath later, we’re none the wiser as to why the Deputy Chief Constable of Police Scotland apparently disagrees with both the First Minister and the Dean Of Faculty that donors to the fund were the victims of criminal embezzlement.

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We will now consider our next steps, and keep you updated.

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Tom Holland Admits He 'Wanted To Hit' Robert Pattinson Filming Tense Odyssey Showdown

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Tom Holland and Robert Pattinson in The Odyssey
Tom Holland and Robert Pattinson in The OdysseyTom Holland and Robert Pattinson in The Odyssey

Tom Holland has revealed that he felt like he wanted to come to blows with Robert Pattinson for real when they were shooting a tense confrontation in their new movie The Odyssey.

In Christopher Nolan’s new epic, Tom stars as Ithacan prince Telemachus, while fellow Brit Robert appears as Antinous, a suitor of the Spider-Man star’s on-screen mum.

Viewers have already been teased with some tense scenes between the pair in The Odyssey’s trailers, with the Marvel actor admitting to Digital Spy that Robert did a great job of getting under his skin while they were filming these sequences.

“He is such a treat to work with because he’s so good and he really keeps you on your toes as an actor,” Tom enthused.

“You can never coast when you’re working with Rob. Everything is going to challenge you. He’s going to make big choices.”

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“Acting is listening, you have to be able to react to him,” he continued. “I do remember in that scene when he’s talking to me, having this feeling inside of like, ‘I want to hit him so fucking bad’. But he’s great and I love him, he’s excellent in this film.”

@digitalspyuk

Robert Pattinson might have been too committed to the “daddy” scene with Tom Holland 😂 The Odyssey is released in cinemas on 17 July 🎥 #TheOdyssey#TomHolland#RobertPattinson

♬ original sound – Digital Spy

Tom added: “I feel like he’s probably the only person that could have found that version of Antinous. He really has a unique way about him.”

During the promotion of The Odyssey, Tom has already weighed in one of the most divisive aspects of the movie, after his character was heard using modern language while speaking to his adversary in preview footage.

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Meanwhile, Robert has spoken candidly about his numerous inspirations behind his villainous character, which include James Woods’ performance in the 1995 Martin Scorsese film Casino.

Joining Tom and Robert in The Odyssey’s star-studded cast are a host of A-listers including Matt Damon, Anne Hathaway, Charlize Theron, Lupita Nyong’o and Zendaya, Tom’s wife and co-star from the Spider-Man movies.

The Odyssey hits cinemas on Friday 17 July.

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Tom Holland ‘Wanted To Hit’ Robert Pattinson Filming Tense Odyssey Scenes

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Tom Holland 'Wanted To Hit' Robert Pattinson Filming Tense Odyssey Scenes

“He is such a treat to work with because he’s so good and he really keeps you on your toes as an actor,” Tom enthused.

“You can never coast when you’re working with Rob. Everything is going to challenge you. He’s going to make big choices.”

“Acting is listening, you have to be able to react to him,” he continued. “I do remember in that scene when he’s talking to me, having this feeling inside of like, ‘I want to hit him so fucking bad’. But he’s great and I love him, he’s excellent in this film.”

Tom added: “I feel like he’s probably the only person that could have found that version of Antinous. He really has a unique way about him.”

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The Odyssey hits cinemas on Friday 17 July.

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Scott Mills Was BBC’s Top Earning Presenter Before He Was Fired

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Laura Kuenssberg

The BBC has confirmed that Scott Mills had become its biggest on-screen earner prior to him being fired at the end of March.

Before his abrupt departure from the broadcaster, Mills had been best known for fronting Radio 2’s flagship breakfast show, as well as taking part in the BBC’s coverage of the Eurovision Song Contest each year.

He was dropped immediately by the BBC earlier this year, and it later emerged that he’d been investigated and questioned by the police almost a decade earlier over “allegations of serious sexual offences against a teenage boy”, who was under the age of 16 at the time.

Shortly after he was dismissed, Scott’s team issued a statement saying he had “fully cooperated and responded” to the allegation back in 2018.

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On Tuesday morning, the BBC published its annual report, in which it was revealed that Mills had risen to the position of its highest-earning presenter, pulling in around £745,000 in his final year of employment.

Behind him on the list was his Radio 1 counterpart Greg James, whose salary was said to be around £440,000, followed by Stephen Nolan at £425,000.

In joint fourth position was Laura Kuenssberg, at around £405,000, the same figure as Radio 2 staple Vernon Kay.

Laura Kuenssberg
Laura Kuenssberg

BBC/October Films/Jonathan Callery

Completing the top 10 were Alan Shearer (around £390,000), Justin Webb (around £375,000), Naga Munchetty (around £360,000), Fiona Bruce (around £345,000) and Sophie Raworth (£340,000).

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This data only includes money paid directly by the BBC, and not those whose earnings come from external production houses (such as The Traitors host Claudia Winkleman or talk show favourite Graham Norton).

In April, Mills released a statement following his departure from the BBC, which read: “An allegation was made against me in 2016 of a historic sexual offence which was the subject of a police investigation in which I fully cooperated and responded to in 2018.

“As the police have stated, a file of evidence was submitted to the Crown Prosecution Service, which determined that the evidential threshold had not been met to bring charges.

“Since the investigation related to an allegation that dates back nearly 30 years and the police investigation was closed seven years ago, I hope that the public and the media will understand and respect my wish not to make any further public comment on this matter.”

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The BBC also issued an apology for failing to “follow up on” an additional allegation relating to Mills that was raised by a freelance journalist last year.

Earlier this month, Sara Cox took over as the new host of Radio 2’s breakfast show, with her debut show going down well with critics.

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The House Article | Community sponsorship is a proven way of fixing our asylum system

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Community sponsorship is a proven way of fixing our asylum system
Community sponsorship is a proven way of fixing our asylum system


3 min read

It has been two years since the government pledged to restore order to the asylum system so that it operates swiftly, firmly, and fairly.

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A new asylum system that works for British communities and those in need of sanctuary must be built with integration and consent at its core. Community sponsorship is the only viable policy that provides both facilitating partnerships with local communities and providing accessible, safe and legal routes for those currently being exploited by smuggling gangs.

The Home Secretary’s commitment to open the named sponsorship scheme to greater numbers this autumn is welcome progress. Communities across the UK have shown again and again that they are ready to welcome those in need of protection, and this scheme rightly places community capacity, agency and consent at the heart of the UK’s protection offer. 

We know this works. We have seen first-hand the power of community sponsorship since it was introduced ten years ago. Thousands of refugees from Syria, Afghanistan and, most recently, Ukraine, have been supported and integrated into communities up and down the country, with the consent of the British public. The Homes for Ukraine scheme has seen my own constituents in Hornsey and Friern Barnet welcome over 1,600 Ukrainian refugees, with hundreds of sponsors opening their doors to support those in need. 

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It is that community leadership which makes this scheme so powerful. Local people get the chance to raise their hands and say, ‘we want to take responsibility for this family.’ Sports teams can welcome athletes fleeing war. Churches can support persecuted Christians. LGBTQ+ groups can support those fleeing persecution. The community groups at the heart of our civic life are empowered to take the lead.

We know that the energy exists up and down the country, but for community sponsorship to make a lasting impact – both in terms of providing sanctuary for refugees fleeing war and dislocation, and in restoring consent to the asylum system – it must be ambitious.

It must have a pathway and clear steps to scale to ensure that all who need protection can access it. It must be a genuine partnership with communities and ensure that eligibility criteria are sufficiently open so as to ensure as many people as possible can sponsor refugees. If done in this way, the scheme will reach far more people in need, support integration, undermine the pull of the smuggling gangs, and reflect the best of this country’s welcoming tradition. It has potential to reopen routes to family reunion for refugees. 

At a moment of political transition, this is the time for bold policymaking. Two years ago, this Labour government inherited an asylum system that was failing refugees and the British public. We have taken the first steps to restoring order and fairness. 

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As the asylum backlog begins to come down, and small boat arrivals show signs of reducing, we now have an opportunity to use community sponsorship to restore consent to the asylum system while continuing to offer sanctuary to all those who need it. 

To take full advantage of this once-in-a-generation opportunity, the government must put in place the necessary supporting measures, such as access to employment support and English language classes, so that refugees can integrate and contribute to the communities which welcome them. 

 

Catherine West is the Labour MP for Hornsey and Friern Barnet

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Should Andy Burnham face the House of Commons before summer recess?

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Should Andy Burnham face the House of Commons before summer recess?

Ruxandra Serban explains that the gap between Andy Burnham taking office and facing Parliament will be the longest of any incoming Prime Minister in history and considers what this means for democratic accountability.

The Labour Party is now certain to elect Andy Burnham as its new leader on 17 July, and he is set to become Prime Minister on 20 July. The House of Commons is scheduled to go into recess on 16 July, so Burnham will not address MPs as Prime Minister until they return at the beginning of September. This would mean almost seven weeks in office before making a statement or answering Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs). While this is not a constitutional problem, it definitely raises questions about democratic accountability.

There is no constitutional rule requiring a newly appointed Prime Minister to appear before the House of Commons immediately after being appointed. Once appointed by the monarch, a Prime Minister assumes office straight away and is expected to fulfil their parliamentary responsibilities such as attending PMQs when the House next sits. Indeed, had Keir Starmer remained in office, Parliament would also have normally been in recess during the summer, with regular scrutiny resuming in September.

But Andy Burnham is likely to appoint new ministers, announce new priorities and begin setting the direction of the government in the coming weeks. He has already signalled an ambitious policy agenda. During the summer recess MPs would have no opportunity to question the Prime Minister directly, ask ministers Urgent Questions, or hold debates on the government’s new agenda.

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From a historical perspective, this delay would be unusual. Since 1945, ten Prime Ministers have entered office between general elections. In most cases, they did so while the House of Commons was sitting and addressed MPs soon after. Theresa May in July 2016 and Boris Johnson in July 2019 both took office shortly before the summer recess, but still made statements in the Commons before the last sitting day. Three other postwar Prime Ministers also entered office shortly before recesses but nevertheless addressed the House shortly before the House adjourned: Anthony Eden in April 1955, James Callaghan in April 1976, and Liz Truss in September 2022.

Johnson became Prime Minister on 24 July 2019 and made his first statement and answered questions in the Commons the following day, which was the last sitting day before recess. Amid the political tensions related to Brexit in the summer of 2019, Sarah Wollaston MP, at the time Chair of the Liaison Committee, argued that the recess should be postponed to allow MPs more time to scrutinise the new government. Her proposal was unsuccessful, but it demonstrated that concerns about a newly appointed Prime Minister avoiding parliamentary scrutiny are politically important. Parliamentary experts argue such controversies could be avoided by giving MPs more control over when the House of Commons sits.

Only two post-war Prime Ministers first took office while the House was not sitting. Harold Macmillan succeeded Anthony Eden on 10 January 1957 and first answered questions in the Commons about two weeks later on 22 January. Alec Douglas-Home became Prime Minister on 19 October 1963 while the Commons was not sitting, and without being an MP. After winning a by-election, he first spoke in the Commons four weeks later on 14 November, after the House returned on 12 November. But even these exceptional cases involved shorter delays than would occur if Burnham did not appear at the despatch box until September.

Looking beyond the UK

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Among countries that share historical links with the UK and institutional similarities, there is no constitutional requirement for immediate parliamentary scrutiny when a new Prime Minister takes office between elections. In Australia, New Zealand, and Canada, Prime Ministers can also assume office while parliament is adjourned by being replaced as party leaders.

Chris Hipkins became Prime Minister of New Zealand in January 2023 during the summer adjournment and first faced the House of Representatives when it returned in mid-February. Scott Morrison became the Prime Minister of Australia on 24 August 2018 after a Liberal Party leadership spill. The House was not sitting and did not return until 10 September, meaning Morrison was in office for just over two weeks before facing parliament.

These recent examples show that a delay between appointment and parliamentary scrutiny is not unusual in countries that share a similar relationship between Prime Ministers and parliament. At the same time, they did not involve a gap as long as the one that may arise in the UK this summer.

Many European parliamentary democracies follow a different model in which a new Prime Minister cannot take office without parliamentary approval. In countries such as Germany, Italy, Spain and Ireland, a new head of government takes office following parliamentary approval through an investiture vote. This also applies to changes of Prime Minister between elections. In these systems, parliament is directly involved in the process of government formation, so a situation in which a new Prime Minister could go for a while before facing parliament does not occur in practice.

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Should anything be done?

One possibility would be for the House of Commons to sit for an additional day before the summer recess so that Andy Burnham could make a statement and answer questions, as in the case of Boris Johnson. This would require government support, as the parliamentary calendar is largely determined by the government and recess dates are approved by the House of Commons on motions put by the government which cannot be debated or amended.

So far, there has been limited political controversy over this, aside from calls from the Leader of the Opposition, Kemi Badenoch, and from the Shadow Leader of the House, Jesse Norman, for recess to be delayed. According to the House of Commons Standing Orders, Select Committees can sit during recess, so another possibility would be for the Liaison Committee to hold an evidence session with the new Prime Minister during the summer, providing at least some parliamentary scrutiny before the normal schedule of questions resumes.

Andy Burnham has signalled that he wants to reset the relationship with his backbenchers and change parliamentary culture. But the gap that will arise as a result of the clash between the Labour Party internal procedures and the parliamentary calendar nevertheless raises questions about the control that MPs have over when the House of Commons is sitting, and about the expectations around the relationship between the Prime Minister and Parliament.

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By Dr Ruxandra Serban, Lecturer, School of Social Sciences, Birbeck University.

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