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Iran has issued an order to the occupation’s military and illegal settlers to flee northern occupied Palestine before it bombards the area. Tehran also said the attack will come if the colony’s “criminal leaders” bomb Beirut, as they have said they intend.

Iran warns Israel’s criminal leaders

The order in Hebrew, translated to English, reads:

We announce to the settlers in the occupied north of Palestine that the area specified in the attached map, which includes the Upper Galilee, the Lower Galilee, the Golan, and Haifa, has become a closed military zone as of this moment.

In the event that your criminal leaders target the southern suburbs of Beirut or the city of Beirut, this area will be a target for attacks by the Iranian armed forces.

The terror state getting a taste of its own medicine. And given the performance of Iranian drones and missiles so far against Israel’s air defences, Tehran is capable of delivering on its warning.

Featured image via the Canary / X

By Skwawkbox

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A scandalous deal between hard-right AI war firm Palantir and the UK’s financial authority could hand the Trump administration your personal data. Meanwhile, campaigners and MPs say that the deal with Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) must prove that sensitive information will not fall into Trump’s hands.

On 1 June, the Guardian reported:

A US law that can oblige tech companies to disclose information to American authorities may apply to Palantir’s deal to help the Financial Conduct Authority detect crime.

House of Commons science and technology select committee Martin Wrigley MP delivered the warning. He was quoted by the Guardian saying that Palantir’s role poses grave concerns:

The $375bn tech company, co-founded by the Trump-supporting billionaire Peter Thiel, is expected to apply its AI systems to a wide range of the FCA’s information including case intelligence files, reports from lenders about proven and suspected frauds, consumer complaints and trawls of social media posts […] The arrangement is now at a 12-week trial stage.

From the UK government to military, police, NHS, and the Conservative Telegraph, Palantir’s AI reach extends far. Its complicity in Israel’s genocide in Gaza and Trump-vetted immigration raids is well documented. Furthermore, it is known for its far-right ‘civilisational’ ideology. As for the FCA, it oversees UK financial services firms. It sets standards they must meet and holds them accountable when they don’t.

helps underpin the UK’s reputation as a leading global financial centre – one where consumers are well served, and firms can operate and innovate with clarity and certainty.

That reputation, such as it is, is going to dissolve quickly if Palantir starts mining data for uncle Sam’s security machine.

Handing more power to Trump

Liberal Democrat Wrigley cautioned against the Palantir deal, saying:

My concern is the FCA is doing very significant investigations into sensitive data using a foreign-controlled company that could be advised to pass data across to the US government.

An FCA official told the Commons Treasury committee in March that US law would not apply. However, campaigners disagree. Digital campaign organisation Open Rights Group said American law:

gives US authorities the right to access data held by businesses based in the US, such as Palantir.

The group’s legal and policy officer Mariano delli Santi said:

the US was not bound by UK legal frameworks which define the right of “data controllers” to decide how and why personal data is processed […] By handing over data to Palantir, the FCA is pushing UK residents’ data into the meat grinder of the Trump administration.

The data could also fall under the Patriot Act. The data could also fall under the Patriot Act, which explicitly includes financial information, as well as the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which allows US authorities to monitor non-citisens’ digital communications outside the US without a warrant.

The Patriot Act is a post 9/11 legal framework used to ‘counter terrorism’. Supporters say so anyway… Critics say it is a licence for mass surveillance, indefinite detention and state oppression. In particular, it targets immigrants — especially Muslims. You can read the US NGO Legal Clarity’s critique here.

Palantir isn’t just an innocuous software firm. It profits from genocide-linked death merchants, and the Labour government’s cosy relationship with co-founders Alex Karp and Peter Thiel should disturb us all. After all, the tech behemoth should have no sway over governance, policing, the military, the media—or anything else, for that matter.

Featured image via Carl Court / Getty Images

By Joe Glenton

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Formula 1’s calendar flips into high gear in June. After a stop‑start opening to the year, the sport moves into a dense European stretch that will test cars, crews and championship nerves, starting with Monaco and running through Barcelona, Austria and Silverstone in the next five weeks. This block won’t just fill the schedule; it will sharpen the pecking order.

Formula 1: chance to build momentum

The opening rounds of 2026 were fragmented, with early flyaway races spread thin and some events disrupted. Now the paddock lands in Europe for a sustained development sprint with, nine grands prix clustered around the summer break, with an initial burst of four races in five weeks that will accelerate the in‑season upgrade race and crystallise title battles. Teams that bring pace and reliability here will seize momentum; those that don’t will be left playing catch‑up. 

Monaco Grand Prix, June 5–7

Monaco is the season’s first true pressure cooker. The tight, twisty street layout always rewards bravery and a perfect lap, and this year’s smaller cars change the calculus: drivers are expected to be able to push flat‑out in qualifying without the same battery‑management compromises that have sometimes blunted attack laps.

That raises the stakes for one‑lap heroes and makes qualifying even more decisive. Ferrari’s strength in slow‑speed corners and Charles Leclerc’s home‑race pedigree add spice, while McLaren’s recent form means they can’t be discounted around the harbour. Expect qualifying fireworks and, potentially, more wheel‑to‑wheel action than Monaco has seen in recent years.

Barcelona Grand Prix, June 12–14

Barcelona is the traditional upgrade battlefield. The Circuit de Barcelona‑Catalunya is an aerodynamic litmus test: long straights, sustained high‑speed corners and tyre‑punishing sectors expose weaknesses in aero balance and tyre management.

Teams typically arrive with fresh front wings, floors and other aero updates after Monaco’s likely damage and attrition. If a package works here, it’s a strong indicator of broader competitiveness across the calendar. If it doesn’t, the team will be scrambling for fixes. McLaren’s recent development pace makes them a team to watch for a step forward in Spain.

Austrian Grand Prix June 26–28

The Red Bull Ring is compact but rarely boring. Its short lap and uphill run to Turn 3 create overtaking opportunities that reward momentum and bravery. This year’s cars are better at following closely, and Overtake Mode is keeping battles alive for multiple laps, means a recipe for close racing in Spielberg.

Red Bull will be fired up at their home event, and Max Verstappen’s record there makes him a perennial favourite. Off‑track, the weekend could also be pivotal politically as discussions about power unit rules for 2027 are ongoing, and any clarity or change could influence driver futures and team strategies.

British Grand Prix July 3–5

Silverstone returns as a Sprint weekend for the first time since 2021, adding a new tactical layer to the British Grand Prix. The high‑speed layout rewards aerodynamic stability and driver bravery through Maggots, Becketts and Stowe.

Home crowds will be loud and expectant as Lewis Hamilton historically finds an extra gear at Silverstone and the Sprint offers eight additional points that can swing momentum before the main event. For Mercedes, and for drivers chasing form and confidence, Silverstone is a make‑or‑break weekend.

What to watch across the five weeks

• Development pace: Which teams convert upgrades into consistent race pace? Barcelona will be the clearest indicator. 
• Tyre management: Long, fast corners in Spain will punish tyres; teams that manage degradation will gain an edge. 
• Qualifying vs race balance: Monaco will reward single‑lap brilliance; Austria and Silverstone will reward racecraft and overtaking. 
• Driver momentum: Young contenders and established stars alike need strong results now to build championship runs. 

The next five weeks are more than a busy patch of the Formula 1 calendar, they’re a pressure test. Teams will bring upgrades, drivers will be pushed to the limit, and the championship narrative will either tighten or unravel.

Expect Monaco’s street drama, Barcelona’s development revelations, Austria’s compact chaos and Silverstone’s high‑speed theatre to deliver a decisive chapter in the 2026 title fight. Watch closely for the end of this run, the shape of the season will be a lot clearer.

Featured image via Rudy Carezzevoli/Getty Images

By Faz Ali

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The Israeli occupation regime is never afraid of rank hypocrisy. Presumably a result of its decades of impunity and the readiness of both western politicians and media to cover for it. That has continued today with coverage of wanted war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu’s announcement of new airstrikes on Beirut. These are supposedly because Lebanon has been violating the ‘ceasefire’ with Israel.

Israel has, of course, been criminally destroying entire villages, murdering families, displacing over a million Lebanese civilians and desecrating ancient religious landmarks. But readers of Western mainstream coverage would struggle to discern this.

Instead, Israel is “targeting terrorists”. It has not illegally invaded — it has “carved out a self-declared security zone in southern Lebanon“. Destroying villages is presented as an inevitable step to creating this ‘security’.

Netanyahu and Katz issue joint statement

According to the BBC, Netanyahu’s hand has been forced by a “conflict” that “continues to escalate”. The US is trying to ‘remedy’ the situation by telling the Lebanese government to “pressure Hezbollah to stop its attacks on Israel”.

If Lebanon caves, Israel won’t stop attacking, but there might be a “gradual de-escalation”. But not really: Israel’s defence minister, Israel Katz, says Israel’s invasion of Lebanon is “not over”.

There is no mention of Israel handing back stolen Lebanese territory, of course, or even the suggestion that it has stolen any. Hardly surprising when it has already started flogging it off to would-be illegal settlers.

‘Copy and paste’ enablers

Calling out such craven nonsense is left to independent media and commentators, such as historian Dr Assal Rad. He pointed out western media’s “copy and paste” habit of western so-called journalists when Israel makes its Orwellian pronouncements.

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A post shared by Assal Rad (@assalrad_)

Dahiyeh doctrine

Netanyahu’s selection of Dahiyeh (again) as his target is no coincidence and has nothing to do with targeting terrorists. Israel routinely commits atrocities against Dahiyeh’s civilian population. It does this to punish Lebanon for daring to exist and to try to spark a new civil war.

Such a war would, it thinks, allow Israel to roll in and occupy, then permanently settle, large areas of Lebanon. This has been such a common tactic that it even named it after the area in which its victims live: the “Dahiyeh doctrine”.

Israel’s Dahiyeh doctrine “intentionally violates international humanitarian law“. Developed in 2006-8, it involves the deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure. With the emphasis on “civilian”. While the mainstream media might forget to mention it now, its creators were quite open that it is about targeting civilians:

[Israel] should target economic interests and the centers of civilian power.

State terrorism

Leading professor of international law, Richard Falk, who is Jewish, is absolutely clear what the tactics still being deployed by the occupation really are. Falk said that there was no room for doubt that they are a violation of international law. One so egregious that it is terrorism.

The civilian infrastructure of adversaries such as Hamas or Hezbollah are treated as permissible military targets, which is not only an overt violation of the most elementary norms of the law of war and of universal morality, but an avowal of a doctrine of violence that needs to be called by its proper name: state terrorism.

Netanyahu claims his order is targeting “terrorists”. If he wants to target a terrorist, he should be bombing himself and his fellow ethno-supremacist, land-thieving mass murderers.

Featured image via the Canary

By Skwawkbox

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Arsenal’s champions parade on 30 June saw thousands of supporters take to the streets of London, celebrating their club’s triumphant Premier League victory.

After clinching their first league title in 22 years, Arsenal fans flooded Islington to celebrate. Four open-top buses paraded the players and trophy as supporters cheered wildly.

However, not all fans were there for these festivities. It presented an opportunity for others to protest the club’s new sponsor, Deel. The sponsor’s co-founder has shown public support for Israel during its genocide of Palestinians in Gaza.

Moreover, the club attracted further criticism when it dismissed long-serving kitman Mark Bonnick after he publicly spoke out against the war in Gaza. Bonnick has since received support from Jewish anti-corruption investigator, author, and Arsenal supporter Andrew Feinstein.

As a result, many Arsenal supporters, football fans, and pro-Palestinian activists have grown increasingly frustrated. This is due to the club’s continued association with a company whose leadership has publicly supported Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

During yesterday’s parade, Arsenal fans were seen protesting against the club’s new Israeli-linked sponsor, Deel, while also showing support for former kitman Mark Bonnick, who was fired after speaking out against genocide. pic.twitter.com/3TiMRofkNI

— Leyla Hamed (@leylahamed) June 1, 2026

Pro-genocide sponsor to appear on Arsenal kit

The club has faced backlash from its supporters and football fans generally. This started as it revealed that Deel, an Israeli-founded HR and payroll firm based in the US, will be on the left sleeve of Arsenal’s kit for the 2026/2027 season.

Moreover, the club’s decision to enter into a long-term partnership has heightened concerns among critics. They argue that it is embedding pro-Israel, pro-genocide interests within one of London’s most prominent football clubs.

By dismissing kitman Mark Bonnick for publicly condemning the war in Gaza, the club turned these concerns into a tangible reality. The decision cost a British employee his job. Furthermore, it signalled that staff may face professional consequences for expressing political views. This is especially true if these views conflict with the interests of those now associated with the club.

Andrew Feinstein sent a damning letter to Arsenal bosses in April, condemning their decision to sack Bonnick. At the time, the club stated that the sacking was required in order to protect the club from being brought into disrepute.

Nevertheless, the club’s owners appear unconcerned about the reputational consequences of their actions. They are becoming increasingly complicit in Israel’s conduct of the war in Gaza. In addition, they are complicit in its devastating impact on the Palestinian civilian population.

Over 75,800 Palestinians have been murdered by Israel’s IOF, cheered on by incendiary Israeli politicians. The vast majority of those brutalised and killed are women and children.

In his letter, Feinstein refuted the suggestion that Bonnick had a negative impact on the club’s reputation, writing:

Mark expressed views on the conflict in Gaza and Israel’s behaviour that are not inflammatory or offensive and certainly do not bring the club into disrepute. As an anti-racist who has experienced antisemitism personally, and having devoted my adult life to fighting all racism and discrimination, I do not believe anything Mark has said could be interpreted as an antisemitic trope or blood libel, except by those who will not tolerate any criticism of the state of Israel.

Crucially, Mark’s comments were made in the context of the world’s highest court, the International Court of Justice, determining that Israel was likely perpetrating a genocide in Gaza. This view is shared by 98% of human rights organisations, most human rights lawyers, relevant UN bodies and the vast majority of genocide experts, including a significant number of Israeli experts.

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At this point, over 70,000 people have been slaughtered, over 70% of them women and children. Senior Israeli politicians and military leaders have been charged by the International Criminal Court with war crimes and genocide.

I'm sorry, call me a prick, but I wont stop talking about Arsenal sacking their kit manager of over a decade for sharing pro-palestine posts, only to then go hire an Israeli sponsor. Just wrong. https://t.co/jnCYebJ7el

— Jack D (@JackDunc1) May 31, 2026

“Fuck Zionism, Drop Deel”

It is clear that, despite the momentous victory for Arsenal and its fans, supporters have not lost sight of Israel’s continuing genocide and its wars of aggression. Campaigners continue to press the club’s owners to drop Deel as a sponsor, arguing that their choice to associate with far-right, genocidal interests poses the greatest threat to the club’s reputation.

However, whether the club will take heed and distance itself from such a dodgy sponsor seems unlikely. So far, it has yet to step back on any of its highly dubious decisions.

As highlighted during the protest, Bonnick remains fired from his position as kitman. The sponsors look set to appear on the kit’s sleeves.

As a result, Arsenal risk underscoring their long-unseen victory with deepening ties to a state. That state is mass murdering thousands upon thousands of women and children.

Featured image via Alex Pantling / Getty Images

By Maddison Wheeldon

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New research warns that family hardship has deepened despite years of post-pandemic support measures, worsening child food hunger.

The survey of 2,500 UK parents, which Opinium carried out for the Social Market Foundation, found that nearly half (44%) were struggling more today to afford food than five years ago.

In addition, 1 in 5 (21%) parents reported their children regularly experiencing some form of food insecurity. This included being unable to access balanced meals, or relying heavily on cheap foods.

The Social Market Foundation report comes at a time when the cost of living remains among the top issues for the public.

The Social Market Foundation notes that existing official statistics still fail to show children’s experiences of hunger adequately and are calling for a renewed focus on the scale of family hardship across the UK.

Even with positive recent developments (including the lifting of the two-child benefit cap and move to expand free school meal eligibility), the scale of the challenge is such that further action is likely to be necessary.

Food insecurity hits parents as well as children

Among parents who reported not having enough food over the past year:

• 9% said their children are often or always unable to eat enough due to a lack of food.
• 10% reported being unable to feed their child a balanced meal.
• 15% said they relied on only a few low-cost foods.

And of parents’ own eating habits:

• 83% said they had eaten less than usual.
• 77% reported skipping meals.
• 59% said they had gone an entire day without eating because they couldn’t afford to.

Food insecurity varied sharply across regions and household types. London recorded the highest levels, with 27% of parents reporting child food insecurity, followed by the North West and Wales at 22%.

The report defines food insecurity as parents / caregivers experiencing either a lack of food for their children, being unable to provide them with a balanced meal, or relying on a few low-cost foods for their children “always” or “often”.

Those who are renting, whether from the local authority (31%) or from a housing association (28%), were far more likely to be experiencing child food insecurity than those who own their own home with a mortgage (17%).

Social Market Foundation findings also indicate a concerning reliance on emergency food aid. Among households using food banks, nearly three-quarters said they accessed them at least monthly.

But while uptake of free school meals, breakfast clubs and holiday food schemes was higher among food insecure families, the Social Market Foundation also found support services may not be reaching all the families that need them.

1 in 5 such families said they had not accessed any formal support services in the previous year, suggesting an unmet need or an untapped access to support.

Solutions have to tackle the cost of living

The Social Market Foundation is calling for a whole-of-government, long-term approach to address the underlying drivers of poverty and food insecurity, including action to reduce wider costs for families, including high energy bills and housing costs.

The thinktank is also calling for action to improve food access, such as introducing auto-enrolment for free school meals, and tax incentives to increase food donations and redistribution.

Jake Shepherd, senior researcher at the Social Market Foundation, said:

Few issues deserve greater urgency than hungry children. While the government has taken important steps to address the challenge in recent years, including expanding free school meals and publishing its landmark Child Poverty Strategy, our findings show that family food insecurity is so widespread that further action is likely needed.

The most effective way to reduce child food insecurity is increasing the amount of money families have in their pockets. This means ensuring households can afford the basics through strong social security and adequate incomes, as well as through new policies that help keep food accessible. While the current fiscal climate is challenging, there is scope for a more ambitious response.

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By The Canary

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Right-wingers are in moral panic over government plans in Wales to promote the Welsh language, culture, and history across publicly funded museums.

In characteristic fashion, the dog-whistling GB News outlet published an article titled:

Plaid Cymru accused of ‘cultural extremism’ and ‘attempting to rewrite Welsh history’ amid plan to decolonise museums.

This unsurprisingly frames the progressive initiative in dramatic terms. At the same time, it fails to engage seriously with the issues Plaid seeks to address.

Decolonising Wales

The newly-formed, Welsh nationalist government said the initiative aims to deliver the Anti-Racist Wales Action Plan (ARWAP). This will include the “decolonisation of museum collections to rebalance perspectives.” Formulated in 2024, ARWAP aims to establish Wales as an anti-racist nation by 2030, and promises:

an inclusive and equitable society for all our Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic [BAME] people and communities in Wales.

It promises a rights-based approach to equality and inclusivity, which inevitably includes museums as centre-piece cultural institutions.

The GB News article focused its backlash on Cabinet Minister for Culture and Sport Heledd Fychan. She said that Plaid expects:

museums to use guidance such as the Museums Association’s Support Decolonisation in Museums… when undertaking this work.

Plaid Cymru separatists are continuing to “decolonise” our museums.

Nothing has changed. pic.twitter.com/nbrCM0SIPJ

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— Andrew RT Davies (@AndrewRTDavies) May 30, 2026

The right-wing backlash

The GeeBeebies article also quotes former Welsh Conservatives leader Alex RT Davies, who labelled Plaid Cymru’s plans as “cultural extremism” and “far-left.”

Having long advocated the party primarily responsible for endless NHS crises, Tory Davies went on to say:

The people of Wales don’t want our museums decolonised, they want a functioning NHS.

If another failed Tory begins lecturing on NHS dysfunction, feel free to tune out. They recently dropped from first to last place in a Welsh council by-election.

The backlash comes after a written exchange in which Davies asked culture minister Fychan about Plaid’s 2026 manifesto commitments to decolonisation across Welsh museums. Fychan responded with:

Equality of access to the arts, culture and sport for people of all ages, backgrounds and abilities will be a priority and our museum sector is integral to the success of this.

Seems like a reasonable, principled approach, no? Not for these reactionaries. Yet even one paying GB News member pointed out that, under English law, it was once legal to shoot arrows at a Welshman…

Why Wales?

If in doubt that the UK is bordering on reactionary on this matter, consider France’s recent reversal. For example, French MPs voted unanimously to return colonial-era artefacts to the countries from which they were looted.

As the law was passed, one lawmaker referenced Victor Hugo’s famous 19th-century parable about France’s looting of China’s palaces:

One day, two bandits entered the Summer Palace. One looted, the other burned. […] We Europeans are civilized, and for us, the Chinese are barbarians. This is what civilization has done to barbarism.

The two bandits are said to represent French and English imperial armies. The Welsh were part of Britain’s imperial project, but were also conquered subjects, and, some argue, still are.

Some online responses link Wales’ poverty and health outcomes to English-dominated rule. Poverty data supports this in the Valleys and West Wales. Moreover, health data broadly reflects the same pattern.

Walter Rodney famously argued in How Europe Underdeveloped Africa that colonial railways served resource extraction rather than social need. Wales’ railways similarly reflect historic coal transport to English industry.

English assimilation efforts have also noticeably impacted spoken Welsh. While it stands at a meagre 27 %, that is still far above Scottish Gaelic at 2.5%. There, assimilation was more fatal. Meanwhile, French regional languages faced similar linguicide.

And despite devolution, Wales has no constitutional right to a vote on secession, unlike Northern Ireland.

not enough people are aware of the theft of land and language and autonomy wales has endured. wales is the poorest and sickest region of Western Europe because of English rule, Welsh is only spoken by 20% of us because of English assimilation efforts https://t.co/retg1GAKKV pic.twitter.com/21WVEoVvHm

— ᚈᚐᚌᚆᚐᚅ (@fearaidfangs) May 30, 2026

Crucial colonial context

Whatever they say, this is not an uncommon framework for museums. In Britain, these institutions are stacked with looted artefacts. Any attempt to justify keeping them tends to rely on the same imperial logic and systems that enabled their theft.

This was evident when the righteous British Museum caved to Zionist lobby lawyers’ pressure to erase all references to Palestine from exhibitions. In fact, the British Museum is now planning to host a revisionist history exhibition in conjunction with the Board of Deputies, a pro-Israel lobby group.

Launched earlier this year, the UK’s Jewish Cultural Month — backed by the genocide-denying Board of Deputies — was briefly postponed amid “protest concerns” amplified by centrist and right-wing media. Its backers are known for promoting narratives of “Ancient Israel and Judah,”  used by Israel to justify its unlawful occupation.

An anti-Zionist artistic collective, Jewish Artists for Palestine, said that treating fair debate as:

a security concern points to the event as a pro-Zionist propaganda exercise.

Like Black History Month or Queer Pride Month, there’s nothing inherently wrong with celebrating Jewish history. What’s wrong is rogue Lawyers for Israel intervening to wipe the name Palestine from displays and pro-Zionist lobby groups engaging in genocide denial.

The Tate, Victoria and Albert Museum and Museum of the Home are all institutional participants in the new pro-apartheid Board of Deputies-led Jewish Culture Month. Inevitably, more flashpoints are expected as narratives are legitimised and backlash follows.

Featured image via Matthew Horwood / Getty Images

By Cameron Baillie

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SUMMER OF HELL: The NYPD has quite a summer ahead, to hear Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch tell it.

During a four-hour budget hearing this morning (and afternoon), the mayor’s top cop provided new insight into possible threats during the World Cup, hinted at the beef between the police department and the mayor’s office over the scale of celebrations in New York City and ballparked how much police overtime will cost when America’s 250th birthday festivities, the NBA Finals, a large sailing event and annual parades are taken into account.

“Any one of those events on its own would be a major operation in New York City,” Tisch told members of the City Council’s finance and public safety committees. “Taken together, they place extraordinary demands on the NYPD.”

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has already announced five fan zones where New Yorkers can catch World Cup games for free. Tisch said Monday there would be more.

“My understanding is that the mayor is going to announce a very robust set of watch parties for FIFA around the whole five boroughs, which will run the length of the tournament,” she said.

Yet behind the scenes, as POLITICO has reported, police brass have chafed at the scale of watch parties desired by the mayor, an avid fan, who wants to host novel get-togethers like soccer on the beach. Some of those tensions appeared to seep through Tisch’s comments Monday as she ticked off all the ways the NYPD will be taxed in the coming months.

“I would appreciate it if you could think about the demands on this department in that context,” she said, stressing to lawmakers the NYPD has limited resources. “We would like to facilitate a lot, perhaps we will be able to facilitate everything — but there will be a lot of celebrating in New York City.”

Tisch and her team tried to paint a picture of the scale of the tasks at hand: The department will screen 200 buses arriving from New Jersey on eight days when games are being played at MetLife Stadium. Officers will also secure the staging areas in Midtown where passengers will board those buses before being ferried back across the Hudson River. The NYPD plans to screen an estimated 15,000 rail passengers before they take a train to the Garden State as well.

Tisch has previously expressed her fears about weaponized drones that could be used to launch attacks during the tournament. On Monday, she turned to a more grounded example of why the NYPD needs to be involved in planning.

“We don’t want cars driving into these watch parties, either on purpose or by accident,” she said. “We don’t want to see vehicle ramming attacks across the city.”

All told, Tisch and her team said overtime costs associated with the summer will run approximately $92 million. Officers will be put on mandatory 12-hour shifts from July 1 through July 7, as POLITICO has reported, a run Tisch said Monday may need to be expanded. Around $70 million of that cost is either already accounted for in the city’s budget or is being picked up by the feds, leaving a roughly $20 million shortfall at a time when the city has little money to spare. — Joe Anuta

From the Capitol

SLOP THERE IT IS: Just in time for NBA Finals, Gov. Kathy Hochul’s Republican foes are gleefully casting themselves as ballers in AI-produced videos and images dunking on the hapless Democrat.

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott today posted a photo on X of the Lone Star Republican in a San Antonio Spurs jersey scoring off Hochul kitted out as a Knick. President Donald Trump sitting courtside smiles along in approval.

This follows a video by Hochul’s general election opponent Bruce Blakeman dribbling circles around Hochul and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. (In this iteration, Blakeman is on the Knicks and the New York Democrats are on the Cleveland Cavaliers.)

Hochul — a Buffalo native who appears to be much more of a Bills and Sabres fan — scoffed at the Abbott photo this morning, making a reference to controversies over trans people participating in sports.

“I was actually surprised to see the president and Governor Abbott — with their memes of me, they’re dunking me on the court — that they’re supportive of men and women competing in the same sport,” she said. — Nick Reisman 

THE KIDS ARE ALERT: Students are learning more and scrolling less thanks to a statewide cellphone ban, according to research released today by the governor.

Roughly 80 percent of teachers across the state said in a survey that the ban, which went into effect this school year, has resulted in positive outcomes, including better student engagement. Another 60 percent reported a decline in bullying and cyberbullying incidents. And 75 percent said their ability to teach effectively improved.

Hochul, who attended a roundtable discussion with students and teachers at a Brooklyn school today, said she first sought to determine what was causing youth mental health issues more than a year ago.

“I quickly came to the conclusion that there were severely negative impacts on young people’s mental health in classrooms when they could not put down their cellphones,” she said. “Literally, it became an addiction.”

The governor’s office received 585 responses to the survey. Forty-seven percent of the educators polled were from New York City, according to Hochul.

It remains to be seen though whether the policy will have an impact on students’ academic performance.

“Logic would tell us that that is a result we expect to see at some point,” Hochul told reporters after the roundtable. “I don’t know that it follows at the end of any first year, but it is data I’ve asked for. We don’t have the final exams in, for example.” — Madina Touré

FROM CITY HALL

CLASS SIZE DELAY CEMENTED: Mamdani is set to receive two more years to comply with a state law mandating lower class sizes in public schools.

The legislation to allow for that would revise the benchmark for the upcoming school year from 80 percent to 70 percent, according to state Sen. John Liu, who chairs the Senate’s New York City Education Committee.

After that, the city will have to reach 80 percent by the 2027-28 school year, 90 percent by the 2028-29 school year and 100 percent by the 2029-30 school year.

Under the original timeline, the city had to reduce class sizes to between 20 and 25 students, depending on the grade, by September 2028.

“The legal timetable will be extended by two years, empowering the Mamdani administration to at long last bring all NYC class sizes down to state and national norms of teacher-student ratios,” Liu said in a statement. “This amendment to state law is respondent to clear and accountable teacher recruitment and classroom construction plans developed by the Mamdani administration to be fulfilled within the mayor’s current term of office.”

The class size law is a key priority for Michael Mulgrew, president of the United Federation of Teachers. He said the union preferred compliance over an extension.

“But the reality is that New York City, up until now, had not done all that was needed to make this law a reality in every classroom,” Mulgrew said in a statement. “If giving this new administration two more years gets us a partner committed to building the necessary seats, then it is the fastest way to turn the law into reality.”

The agreement includes an “accountability incentive” that requires the city to treat space and hard-to-staff exemptions — schools that receive money to hire staff but are unable to fill those positions for the fall — as temporary tools.

The city will have to pay teachers a differential when working at schools that received space or hard-to-staff exemptions to meet the 70 percent benchmark for the upcoming school year. — Madina Touré

IN OTHER NEWS

— NO DICE: Resorts World, New York City’s first casino, is in a tax dispute with the state’s Gaming Commission, which claims the casino must pay an additional $150 million annually to the state’s horseracing industry. (New York Focus)

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— BREAKING BREAD: Competing visions for the left are fueling tensions in the open NY-7 Democratic primary, with tribal politics framing the contest between progressive Antonio Reynoso and democratic socialist Claire Valdez. (The New York Times)

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Housing expert lawyers Nick Bano and Kate Bradley told a packed GMTU audience in Manchester that the recent Renters’ Rights Act (RRA) is a great foothold, but not the finish line. They balanced joy in the wake of the monumental Act with cautious pessimism about our collective next steps.

Greater Manchester Tenants’ Union was buzzing on a recent evening as campaigners, tenants and housing lawyers packed the GMTU offices for the Manchester area launch of the national Resist Rent Rises campaign.

Two of the sharpest minds in housing law — Garden Court barrister and Against Landlords author Nick Bano, and Greater Manchester Law Centre lawyer Kate Bradley — set out exactly why tenants now have more power than they realise, and why they must use it. Turns out that GMTU and GMLC are in fact joint office tenants!

From reform to rent controls

Nick Bano gleefully clarified that the RRA converted every private tenancy into a lifetime tenancy overnight on 1 May. But this was never the movement’s final destination, in his telling — it’s our launch pad.

He told the room:

We don’t stop. … The Renters’ Rights Act is what’s going to give us the stability to move on to the next thing, which is rent controls.

The shift on 1 May was seismic. As Bano put it:

Overnight, every single tenancy got magically converted into a housing association-style lifetime tenancy where you cannot be evicted unless the landlord can find a legal pretext.

He was candid about the risks. Landlords will lie, cheat, and push every loophole. It’s in their interests, as a class, to do so. But Bano insisted the narrative must change, and that it is:

A home is for life. Taking someone’s home away is unbelievably draconian.

And now landlords, he argued, are already on the back foot:

Landlords are losing. They’ve been at the centre of this debate for seven years. We’ve got used to giving them a kicking in the policy realm, on the streets, and in the activist scene.

Now is a brilliant time to use that momentum.

EXCLUSIVE: Shady property firm urges landlords to evict ‘liability’ tenants before Renters’ Rights Act

What the RRA gets right and wrong

Kate Bradley offered a forensic read of the legislation, welcoming the removal of dreaded Section 21 evictions from what Bano calls the “ratchet mechanism.” It’s the landlord’s longstanding power to serve a rent increase and an eviction notice simultaneously, thereby forcing tenants to either pay up or get out.

Tenants everywhere can sigh in deep relief now that it’s gone. Bradley and Bano are certain of that much.

But Bradley was unflinching about the gaps left behind by the RRA:

• Landlords can now cite intention to sell or move in as grounds for eviction, with a potentially cripplingly low evidential bar — and enforcement on the ground hasn’t kicked in yet.
• Defences that previously blocked Section 21 evictions (gas safety certificates, energy performance certificates, the How to Rent guide) are now gone. She said, worryingly:

I really predict we’re going to see an increase in carbon monoxide deaths and house fires as a result.”

• Anti-discrimination rules for benefits claimants and families with children exist on paper, but local authorities lack the funding and duty — not just the power — to enforce them.
• Key protections are enforceable only by local authorities, not tenants themselves — and most councils aren’t yet resourced to act.

“Paper rights are worth almost nothing,” Bradley warned:

Getting something that’s on paper but never being able to do anything about it is the problem.

The Tribunal, your new best weapon

That may sound grim, but there’s much to be hopeful for, too. Both speakers were clear that challenging rent increases through the First-Tier Tribunal is now a genuinely viable and low-risk tool.

Bradley spoke about any Section 13 notices served now, after 1 May. She articulated the removal of two of the previous gravest deterrents that tenants faced in challenging a rent rise:

• If a tenant refers a rent increase to the First-Tier Tribunal, the Tribunal cannot raise the rent above what the landlord originally asked for;
• Furthermore, any increase will only take effect from the date of the Tribunal’s determination, rather than being backdated.

Bano set out the positive case plainly for where we find ourselves now, regarding Tribunals:

• There are no disincentives to raising a tribunal challenge, because rents will be stuck at the old rate while the dispute is pending;
• The tribunal cannot increase the rent beyond what the landlord asked for, so the risks are low;
• When tenants negotiate lower increases — perhaps under threat of a tribunal challenge — those agreements are used by the tribunal to assess rents in other cases.

Hence, Bano says on this last point that these can be strategically leveraged by the tenant movement:

You’re doing your neighbours a service by reducing the general rate of rent increases.

Bano’s vision is where everyone picks a fight against annual rent increases. This is entirely new.

If everyone is fighting every single rent increase, that’s an incredibly empowering thing. If it’s just standard practice that every year we help each other fight our rent increases, that’s a way to build a movement.

A bag of sand: celebrating the end of no-fault evictions

The road to rent controls

The political weather is shifting. Bano noted that think tanks including the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and IPPR had recently backed rent controls, and that Rachel Reeves, however briefly, publicly floated the idea.

The dial has moved enormously in the past 12 months alone. That’s a testament to this movement.

He was pithy in dismissing the landlord lobby’s counter-argument:

They say rent controls push rents up. That’s utterly nonsense on its face. The fact they’re having to argue that — yes, rents going up is bad, but if you did this rents will go up — that’s them admitting rents going up is bad. That’s how badly they’re losing that argument.

Andy Burnham twice won Greater Manchester on a (supposed) rent control platform, and now eyes up PM. These campaigners are clear — local pressure, tribunal challenges, and collective organising are not just ends in themselves. These must now become the engine of all future fights.

The Resist Rent Rises campaign is just getting started. Follow it on social media and get involved through GMTU branches, the London Renters’ Union or your local renters’ organisation.

Featured image via Cameron Baillie / the Canary

By Cameron Baillie

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