Politics
The House Article | Parliament is about to make a grave mistake over its own restoration

(Alamy)
3 min read
No one disputes that the Palace of Westminster needs serious work. It faces fire risks, crumbling systems and decades of underinvestment.
Essential safety repairs are unavoidable.
But Parliament is now being steered towards something very different: a vast, expanding and insufficiently scrutinised programme that could cost tens of billions of pounds — with no credible guarantee of cost control, no clear line of delivery authority and no meaningful parliamentary grip on the process.
The first problem is scrutiny — or rather, the lack of it. Parliament may soon be asked to authorise up to £3bn in preparatory spending over seven years. That sum excludes VAT and inflation. It will be presented through a single vote in each House shortly after publication of a long, complex and technical report. There will be limited time for Members to digest it.
And, at a time when money is short, it is an order of magnitude more than the public might expect. It threatens to make this project another HS2.
Families are under sustained financial pressure thanks to Labour’s mismanagement and public services face real constraints. In this context, a programme of this magnitude demands rigorous scrutiny, firm cost discipline and clear prioritisation. Those standards are not currently being met.
If this were ordinary government expenditure, ministers would be at the dispatch box. Officials would appear before committees. There would be sequenced scrutiny and democratic accountability. None of that applies here. Internal boards meet in private. Hundreds of millions of pounds are already spent annually with relatively little public visibility. Parliament is being asked to approve one of the largest capital programmes in British history through a process that would not pass muster anywhere else.
Secondly, cost. The underlying options currently favoured could cost as much as £39bn. The report itself acknowledges design immaturity, uncertainty and inflationary drift. Anyone with experience of major public works will know what that language implies.
Past experience does not inspire confidence. Portcullis House ran substantially over budget and now suffers from serious defects less than 25 years after completion.
Yet taxpayers are now being asked to fund a programme several orders of magnitude larger. Where, exactly, is the credible delivery authority capable of imposing discipline at this scale?
The governance proposals are themselves revealing. The report suggests that roles and responsibilities across the various bodies involved should be clarified — but only after Phase One is approved. It also floats the creation of an additional management board alongside the two already in place. That is a recipe for failure.
Third, there is mission creep. What began as a safety-led intervention increasingly resembles a radical transformation. That is how large public projects lose focus and taxpayers lose control.
Finally, the choice being presented is misleading. The two preferred options presented by the Client Board are not simply technical alternatives. One of them, the “full decant” proposal, would remove Parliament from the Palace for more than a decade, sharply curtail public access and great ceremonial occasions such as the State Opening and fundamentally disrupt centuries of continuity. That is not a marginal operational adjustment; it is a constitutional rupture. It underlines how decisions over restoration cannot be reduced to technocratic issues.
The danger is clear. And the result could be a loss of confidence in Parliament itself.
There is a better path. Begin with urgent, defined safety works. Move to phased renewal. Authorise spending incrementally. Impose hard cost ceilings. Establish a clear and accountable delivery structure working through named individuals before, not after, committing new capital.
The Palace of Westminster belongs to the British people, and they deserve better than these proposals.
Jesse Norman is the shadow leader of the House of Commons and Conservative MP for Hereford and South Herefordshire
Politics
trial in murder of young deaf woman begins
A “chance” meeting with strangers on a night out led to the “callous attack” and murder of a young deaf woman in Romford, last summer, by a man nicknamed “Nasty”, a court has heard.
Zahwa Mukhtar, 27, was by herself socialising outside a pub in Stoke Newington Road, Hackney, when she first encountered Duane Owusu, 36, and a group he was with in the early hours of Saturday 16 August 2025.
Within a few hours, Zahwa was dead, having suffered a fatal head injury after being punched in the neck and assaulted by Owusu, who had first thrown her out of a parked car.
Her tragic murder, described as a “senseless killing of a vulnerable young woman” by prosecutor Henrietta Paget KC, was captured on CCTV outside Chadwell House care home, in Romford, and shown to jurors at the Old Bailey on Tuesday.
Owusu, of Althorne Way, Dagenham, denies murder and manslaughter.
Zahwa Mukhtar: killed last year
Ms Paget told the court how Zahwa had gotten into a silver Mercedes with Owusu and four others, including two women, who had driven from a “rave” in another area of Hackney.
Ms Paget said:
The occupants of the vehicle had been drinking and taking drugs, Ms Mukhtar included.
You will hear evidence that she was behaving erratically within the car, flirting with the boys and picking fights with the girls. Nobody knew her, and it appears that her behaviour was causing increasing annoyance.
The group were making their way towards Dagenham with Zahwa sitting on Owusu’s lap in the overcrowded car.
As they neared Chadwell Heath, she began filming with her mobile phone. The footage was brief, Ms Paget explained, but was a “trigger” for Owusu, who had been “agitated and acting aggressively” earlier that night according to one of the group.
Jurors saw roadside CCTV footage of him sucking nitrous oxide, or “laughing gas” from a balloon before the car journey, and were told that Zahwa had popped one of the occupant’s balloons inside the car.
After telling the driver to stop, Owusu threw out her phone before pushing her from the car. She “landed on her backside on the pavement”.
As Zahwa shuffled backwards, the defendant left the car and aimed a kick towards her face and then a second “savage kick towards her head”. One of the group who tried to intervene, a woman, was swung out of the way, leaving Owusu free to deliver the “blow that killed [Zahwa]”.
Ms Paget said Owusu “punched her hard, to the neck, knocking her to the ground where she lay motionless”. She suffered “a fractured skull and fatal brain injury” having fallen backwards.
Instead of helping her, he allegedly got into the car, shouted at others to do the same, and told the driver to drive off, Ms Paget said.
“There was no stopping him”
When Zahwa Mukhtar was attacked, jurors heard Owusu was “so mad there was no stopping him”:
Ms Mukhtar was scared and pleading with him to stop.
A minute later the car returned to the scene in Chadwell Heath Lane, where Zahwa lay motionless, “with headlights illuminating her”. The car stayed for only a few seconds and nobody left it.
The court heard there was a discussion about Zahwa, and helping her, but nobody did.
She was eventually found unresponsive by a police officer at 5.31am on Saturday morning when two separate passersby alerted police to a woman lying in the road. They thought she was either drunk or had fallen asleep. Despite the efforts of the emergency services Zahwa was pronounced dead at the scene less than an hour later.
Before reaching Zahwa, officers had spent 50 minutes with Owusu and the group in the Mercedes nearby after stopping the car on suspicion of drugs at about 4.40am.
Police found nitrous oxide canisters in the boot of the car, a small amount of cannabis in the defendant’s gilet pocket and a “man bag” with a “small bag of white powder in it”. No arrests were made, but officers told the group to find alternative ways home.
While Owusu and the Mercedes driver waited for a taxi, their conversation was picked up by neighbourhood security systems, the court was told.
The case continues
Ms Paget said:
Far from showing any concern for Ms Mukhtar, [Owusu’s] concern was that their presence in the area had come to the attention of the police.
The pair began to blame one another and Owusu “berates” the driver for not being “militant”, calling him “soft” and a “weak link”. In response, Owusu was told he “can’t control his emotions”.
The defendant was arrested for Zahwa Mukhtar’s murder on 17 August 2025 and answered no comment to questions during his interview.
Aspiring accountant, Zahwa, worked as a financial assistant at the Young Vic theatre in the Waterloo area of London. Ms Paget described her in court as “bright, bubbly, enthusiastic and very eager to learn”.
She was deaf in one ear as a result of contracting meningitis at three years old — so she wore a hearing aid — but “coped well and was adept at lip reading” as well as British sign language.
Zahwa, from Hackney, came from a traditional background, but wanted to live like any other young person in their twenties, the court heard.
“She had tattoos, piercings and enjoyed food and travel, and remained close to her siblings, especially her younger sister,” Ms Paget added.
The Old Bailey trial continues.
Featured image via the Canary
Politics
Labour councillors deselected after raising pedophilia concerns
Keir Starmer’s Labour party has deselected three Labour councillors and blocked them contesting May’s local elections — punishment for demanding:
an independent inquiry into the election of a paedophile councillor.
When Clare Johnson, one of the three, successfully overturned the centralised deselection, she says the party orchestrated the local branch’s selection vote to ensure she couldn’t stand.
The councillors’ primary crime appears to have been to demand the debate on Labour’s 2023 selection of paedophile Tom Dewey. Party officials already knew, when they confirmed his candidacy, that Dewey had been charged for possessing the “most serious” categories of child-rape images.
Dewey subsequently admitted the offences and was convicted and added to the sex offender register. When local women party members tried to discuss the issue, Labour locked them out of its systems to prevent them.
Dewey was an organiser for right-wing pressure group ‘Labour First’, which supports Keir Starmer and is rabidly pro-Israel. Hackney mayor Philip Glanville was later suspended and forced to step down after images surfaced of him partying with Dewey after Dewey’s arrest.
Starmer is still reeling from his decision to appoint Peter Mandelson as his senior adviser — and ambassador to the US — knowing Mandelson had was close to the convicted serial child-rapist Jeffrey Epstein. Mandelson’s protegee Morgan McSweeney resigned last week as Starmer’s chief of staff in an unsuccessful attempt to take the heat off his boss. And the heat is well deserved. Under Starmer, Labour has a deep and ongoing paedophile and sex offender problem.
Starmer followed his Mandelson fiasco with another ‘Labour nonceberg’ scandal over his decision to award a peerage to his former adviser Matthew Doyle. Starmer knew, when he recommended Doyle, that Doyle had campaigned for the election of notorious Scottish Labour paedophile Sean Morton.
Earlier this month, female MPs complained to Starmer that Labour is now known as a party of paedophiles — without mentioning the victims. Labour’s ‘white feminists‘ have routinely ignored the plight of victims. Meanwhile, Starmer’s record as Labour leader is an appalling continuation of the impunity of celebrity paedophiles when he ran the CPS.
Diagnostic
As well as the cases of Mandelson and Doyle/Morton, Starmer:
This issue is so endemic among Starmer’s right-wing, pro-Israel faction as to be basically diagnostic:
Sacked whistleblower
Perhaps most seriously, Starmer and his then-sidekick David Evans covered up Jewish whistleblower Elaina Cohen’s allegations of serial abuse of women by a party staffer.
Cohen repeatedly warned Starmer and Evans that a staffer working for then-Perry Barr MP Khalid Mahmood — and allegedly Mahmood’s lover — was engaged in ‘sadistic’ and ‘criminal’ abuse of vulnerable Muslim women. The victims were fleeing domestic violence, allegedly inflicted through the now-defunct domestic violence ‘charity’ that she ran. Starmer and Evans did nothing. Mahmood remained on Starmer’s front bench and Cohen was sacked from her role as parliamentary aide.
One of the victims gave evidence at Cohen’s successful wrongful dismissal tribunal. She spoke of the horrific abuse she and others suffered. This included blackmail and sexual exploitation. Her evidence was not challenged by Mahmood or his lawyers. At the tribunal, Mahmood admitted under oath that he’d personally made sure that Starmer was aware of Cohen’s allegations.
Labour’s sex offender problem is mountainous, as is Starmer’s protection of them and his contempt for their victims. All of this has been almost entirely ignored by ‘mainstream’ media.
For more on the Epstein Files, please read the Canary’s article on how the media circus around Epstein is erasing the experiences of victims and survivors.
Featured image via the Canary
Politics
The Rev. Jesse Jackson Dies
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Politics
The House Article | Labour Faces Calls To Rethink Its 2030 Clean Power Mission

(Illustration by Tracy Worrall)
6 min read
Ministers remain committed to the 2030 target. But the voices calling for a rethink are getting louder – and some are coming from the government’s friends, reports Nadine Batchelor-Hunt
Donald Trump says they are for “losers”, Kemi Badenoch thinks they are destroying jobs and Nigel Farage says he will put the whole lot in the bin.
But not every critic of the government’s commitment to decarbonise the UK’s electricity supply – heavily reliant on wind farms – is on the right. Tony Blair, or at least the institute that bears his name, is among those calling for a rethink.
In October, the Tony Blair Institute (TBI) issued a report calling on the government to “reform” its 2030 green power target – arguing that when the target was established it was “right for its time but circumstances have changed”.
Speaking to The House, TBI senior policy adviser on climate and energy policy Tone Langengen, who authored the report, says the Clean Power 2030 target “will not be met” and that it would be “damaging to try to meet it”.
“What the voters will care about the most is lower energy bills, and that is basically the way that you maintain consent for net-zero,” says Langengen.
“And secondly, the real challenge for the UK is not the supply side… The problem is the demand side. It is the electrification challenge.”
The Warm Homes Plan was, she says, “an important step in the right direction, because it’s starting to focus on how you actually electrify homes. But I am afraid that having a mission towards clean power, you could risk doing the opposite of lowering bills.”
The analyst adds that it is “more important that the transition is done right” and “where you bring the public along with you” instead of prioritising meeting the target as rapidly as possible.
The government has already watered down some pledges on green power, over concerns about achievability and desirability from the sector. Ahead of the 2024 election, Labour said it was committed to the 2030 target to phase out the sale of new, combustible vehicles in the UK. But the government has already made significant concessions in this area – with its election pledge on sticking to the phasing out of the sale of new combustible vehicles by 2030 partially abandoned.
In April, Transport Secretary Heidi Alexander in a ministerial statement said: “In our manifesto, we promised to reimplement the phase-out of all new cars powered solely by internal combustion engines from 2030, restoring the certainty that has been sorely lacking. This response finalises that intention, confirming that from 2030 all new cars will need to be hybridised in some manner – or be zero emission. From 2035, all new cars and vans will be zero emission, and everything we do must now support manufacturers in reaching that end point.”
The UK is not alone in a shift on EVs, with the European Commission announcing a more substantial watering down of its electrical vehicles target than the UK. It declared in December that 90 per cent of new cars sold from 2035 would be required to be zero-emission – instead of 100 per cent.
Langengen is far from alone in her scepticism that the government will be able to meet its targets. Adam Berman, director of policy and advocacy at Energy UK, tells The House that while the clean power mission has “really focused minds within Whitehall” and “accelerated the pace” of the rollout of green infrastructure, it is unclear whether the 2030 target will be met – or should be met – from a practical perspective.
The 2030 target was always a political target – it wasn’t necessarily rooted in the engineering of the energy system
“We’ve got a hell of a lot further with the target than without the target, and it has meant they have removed blockages to planning and permitting,” Berman says.
“They have accelerated the pace of the rollout of generation infrastructure and network infrastructure. They have really put a lot of effort into moving faster than we ever would have otherwise – and so credit where credit is due there.
“I genuinely do think that there is a question as to what we do now; which is that the 2030 target was always a political target – it wasn’t necessarily rooted in the engineering of the energy system, or what was best for emissions. It was an eye-catching political target.”
Berman tells The House that “squeezing the last bit of gas out of the electricity system is probably less preferential than really focusing your energies on: how can you maximise the potential of a clean power we have now built?”.
“There is a moment now for the government to consider how can they pivot from really accelerating the ramp-up of clean power infrastructure – which they’ve done really well – to now prioritising thinking about how to actually use that infrastructure to decarbonise the rest of the economy and to bring bills down where they can,” says Berman.
Despite uncertainty about the achievability of the clean power target among stakeholders, a source close to Energy Secretary Ed Miliband tells The House the government remains committed to achieving clean power by 2030, pointing to decisions in planning and a recent successful renewable bidding auction as proof.
“We’re on track to clean power by 2030. We just had this massively successful offshore renewable auction last week where people expected us to get four or five gigawatts of power – we ended up getting eight,” they say.
“We’re massively going gangbusters on that, and at the same time something like two-thirds of all planning consents that have been made under this government have been made in Desnz [the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero].”
The source adds that while they accept the clean power by 2030 target is “very restricting”, the government is “confident” that it is on the right track to meet it.
“We feel that in the next year, you’ll begin to see projects being built because of planning decisions we’ve made and because of the procurements we’ve done that actually give us a really good chance of reaching the target,” they say.
“We’re really committed to it, we think that it’s the right thing to do, and we think we’re going to do it – and we’re feeling quite confident about it.”
A government spokesperson tells The House: “We are on track to deliver clean power by 2030, as shown by our recent record offshore wind auction, which secured enough clean energy to power the equivalent of over 12 million homes.
“Our clean power mission will protect household energy bills from volatile fossil fuel markets, drive clean energy investment and create thousands of jobs around the country.”
The more upbeat sentiment on reaching the targets is shared by Shaun Spiers, chief executive of Green Alliance, who tells The House it is important that the government remains committed to the 2030 clean power target.
“It seems to be pretty well on track, and the reason for going for it hasn’t changed: which was basically to drive energy security… lower costs in the long run, but also get us off the rollercoaster of dependence on fossil fuels,” says Spiers.
“With Donald Trump behaving so erratically, you really don’t want to be dependent on international gas prices – you don’t want to be dependent on imports of liquefied natural gas from the States. The quicker we can get to energy independence – clean power, energy independence – the better.”
Politics
The House Article | Community Health is driving economic resilience in Winchester

3 min read
Healthcare is nearly always discussed as a cost upon society. A cost which we must pay for by extracting the hard-earned income of the people and businesses of Britain.
A luxury we can only afford to improve if we achieve economic growth. A service for which we must make so-called “tough choices” and perhaps cut to make it more affordable.
I believe that this way of thinking is entirely back-to-front. Far from being a national luxury only afforded to a growing economy, our community mental health and social care services are key investments that create the very growth this government claims to seek. Paying to keep our people healthy is what saves us from the much greater costs of a society without quality healthcare for all.
When people get ill and need hospital treatment, we rightly focus on the personal impact that has on them and their family and the medical care they receive. But that can mean we overlook the impact on the wider community and the economy. When people become unwell over the long term, that means they can fall out of the workforce, they can struggle to pay bills, rent or their mortgage. They may come to rely on family members or state support to get by. It may have a knock-on effect and require families to reduce their hours or leave paid employment in order to provide care work to their loved one.
Without adequate support, what might have been a small or short-term financial difficulty for a family can escalate into major economic harm.
In Winchester, we’ve seen how much difference it makes when we join the dots properly. At Melbury Lodge, our local mental health hospital run by Hampshire & Isle of Wight Healthcare NHS Foundation Trust, staff work in partnership with Citizens Advice Winchester District to help inpatients manage their finances and practical affairs while they’re still in hospital. That means when someone is finally well enough to be discharged, they don’t go home to a pile of unopened bills, eviction notices or court letters they were in no state to deal with.
The project has now helped around 600 people across Hampshire, preparing them for life in the community, free from the stressors that had been impacting their mental health. The main advice areas were around finance and housing, but the holistic service provided by Citizens Advice meant people could address a wide range of issues affecting their lives.
The research on this project found that for every £1 spent, around £14 was saved for the hospital Trust largely from shorter lengths of stay, fewer readmissions, reduced medication and better engagement in community services. With this incredible return on investment, a service like this should stop being thought of as a luxury that would be unaffordable to fund publicly. It’s smart, evidence-driven policy that also treats people like human beings – and provides good value for public finances.
This government has been desperate to find economic growth under the difficult economic circumstances left to them by the Conservatives – limiting their ability to spend or borrow.
That’s why I believe we need to boost ‘Spend to Save’ solutions just like this, which both generate a strong economic return for the economy and do so while following a more affordable cost path than the alternative of allowing people to fall further into debt and economic hardship.
Debt and in-work poverty ruins lives. It saps the joy from life, puts strain on relationships, and contributes towards our growing economic and mental health crises. But by supporting initiatives like this across the country, we can begin to tackle both crises together.
Politics
I Opposed The Death Penalty. Then I Got A Serial Killer Case.
I was 14 the first time I really thought about the death penalty. Every day in freshman English, our teacher wrote a new question on the whiteboard. Before class began, we had to write a short essay on the topic. One day, the prompt read: “What is your opinion on capital punishment?”
Until that moment, I hadn’t given it much thought. Whenever I heard that someone had been sentenced to death, I just assumed they probably deserved it. But I’d never been asked to consider whether it was morally right.
I wrote my first sentence with a No. 2 pencil: “I believe the death penalty is appropriate when a serious crime has been committed.”
Then I stopped. I picked up the eraser and erased it. I realised I couldn’t, in good faith, justify capital punishment.
Unlike my answer to the question on the board, death wasn’t a decision that could be undone just by picking up an eraser. Death was final. So, from that moment forward, I knew where I stood: I was against the death penalty.
As I grew older, my opposition to the death penalty never faded. It became a core part of my identity, a topic I often returned to in conversations with friends, or sometimes even strangers.
The more I read about the topic, the more disturbed I became by how unevenly capital punishment is applied. Two people can commit the same crime and receive completely different sentences, depending on where the crime occurred, or on their access to money and legal resources.
I learned about the many people who were executed and later found to be innocent. I began donating to The Innocence Project, an organisation that works to free the wrongfully convicted. At times, my donations were small. But it was my way of staying connected to a belief I had carried since I was 14.
I never expected that 20 years later, I would again be confronted with the same question written on that whiteboard. But this time, it wasn’t hypothetical.
In April 2025, I received a jury summons. I didn’t have time for jury duty, but the court’s website said most proceedings last only two to three days. I assumed I would not be selected, and if I was, I expected it to be brief.
Ultimately, I was selected to be a juror, and I quickly realised this wouldn’t be the case. It was a trial of an accused serial killer who was alleged to have murdered eight people: Andrew Remillard; Parker Smith; Salim Richards; Latorrie Beckford; Kristopher Cameron; Maria Villanueva; his mother, Rene Cooksey; and her partner, Edward Nunn.
As the scope of the case became clear, I knew that a death sentence was a real possibility, and I felt conflicted about moving forward as a juror. But as I listened to other potential jurors answer the attorneys’ questions during selection, I began to think maybe I belonged there. I hoped I could keep an open mind and bring nuance to deliberative conversations.
One of the most difficult days as a juror was when the youngest daughter of Maria Villanueva testified. Maria had been abducted and sexually assaulted. Her lifeless body was found in an unpaved alley – nearly naked, surrounded by trash cans and cigarette butts.
After listening to her talk about her mother, I had a 6pm dinner reservation for pasta and drinks with my neighbours. The juxtaposition felt shameful, but I was desperate to think about anything other than what had happened in court.
After months of testimony, the jury deliberated on whether or not the defendant was guilty. We found the defendant guilty on all charges, but the jury still had to determine if the defendant would receive life in prison with no release or the death penalty.
Before the sentencing phase of the trial began, the victims’ families read their impact statements.
When Kristopher Cameron’s partner spoke, I knew her words would hurt.
“Our son was only 10 months old when his father was taken. My daughter never got to meet him. My kids will never experience dances or donuts with their dad. He had dreams. Now all we are left with is the void his absence will carry.”
Kristopher’s children will never hear his voice or watch him walk through the front door after work and kiss their mother. Instead, they’re left with ashes on a mantle. They won’t know his smell, his laugh, or how it felt to hug him. They will never unwrap a gift with a tag that says, “From Dad.” Kristopher’s murder ended one life, but it also fractured every life he was connected to.
After several more months of listening to the prosecution and the defense arguing over mitigating circumstances, it was time for the jury to deliberate again. We immediately took a preemptive vote.
I was the only one who didn’t instantly vote for death.

Photo Courtesy Of William Ehlers
Attempting to keep an open mind, for six out of the eight counts, I voted as “undecided”. For the murder of the defendant’s mother and her partner, I voted in favour of life without parole.
I braced for the judgement from the other jurors. I explained that I had tried to consider all the mitigating circumstances related to the defendant. He had been abused. I know his childhood was difficult, and I know that he had a problem with drugs. Legally, these factors all allowed us to grant leniency. But any attempt to have these conversations fell on deaf ears.
Many jurors refused to acknowledge the defendant’s history of drug abuse and mental illness, despite expert testimony from both the defense and the prosecution. All the mitigating circumstances were irrelevant to them. The only thing that mattered was making sure the defendant was executed.
It didn’t feel like justice for the victims – it was vengeance toward the defendant.
After just a few days of deliberation, I knew if I didn’t change my vote to execute, I’d be the cause of a hung jury, which meant the sentencing phase would have to be retried, a process that would take months. A new group of jurors would be tasked with deciding a sentence for a verdict they hadn’t delivered. And there was no way to know how long it would be before the new trial began.
I sat on the floor of the jury room hallway, creating a list.
If I choose death, that’s it. He’s dead.
But if I choose life, the jury will hang. His sentence will be retried, some new set of jurors will go through it all again, and the victims’ loved ones will be denied closure.
There was no option that did not harm someone, if not many people. There was no option that minimised the damage. I’d gone into this trial initially believing I would not vote to execute the defendant under any circumstance. I romanticised the idea of refusing to crack under pressure, and the mercy I would be extending to someone. But after a week of sleepless nights and several bottles of wine, I knew what I had to do.
“All in favour of life for count one, regarding Parker Smith, raise your hand.”
“Now, all in favour of death, raise your hand.” Twelve votes.
I was forced to put my hand up for each individual charge until I had voted for death six times. I couldn’t bring myself to vote for death regarding the murder of the defendant’s mother, Rene Cooksey, and her partner, Edward Nunn, because I did not believe the defendant was in a coherent state of mind when he committed these murders.
Once the vote was done, I managed to lift my head off the table, only to drop my face into my palms and weep. I couldn’t hold back any longer. I could hear backpacks zipping as the other jurors packed up their belongings to head out for lunch, while I just cried.
The defendant had been arrested on Dec. 17, 2017. Exactly eight years later, we turned in our verdicts. They were read out loud the next day.
Being a juror on a capital murder trial unearthed frustrations with our system that I never knew existed. I always knew that I didn’t support capital punishment, but I supported it even less after this experience.
I know I will always partially regret my decision. My life will forever exist in two sections: before trial and after trial. If I was able to give in on my most strongly held belief, what do I really believe in, and what do those beliefs even mean? Being responsible for an execution is a burden I will carry with me. While the death of each victim brings me sorrow, so does the inevitable death of the defendant.
I wish the trial hadn’t ended this way. But I wish there didn’t have to be a trial at all, because I wish that all eight victims were still here. I think about Andrew, Parker, Salim, Latorrie, Kristopher, Maria, Rene and Ed constantly. I will always do my best to make sure they live on.
I chose death, not because I wanted the defendant to die, but to bring closure to the families and to allow the victims to finally rest in peace. Although I know I am going to carry the burden of that choice with me forever, I hope it lifted at least a little of that burden off them.
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Politics
Gaza is subject to a cultural genocide
According to a recent academic study, the Israeli onslaught on the Gaza Strip does not stop at mass murder and the destruction of infrastructure, but extends – according to American researcher Henry A. Giroux – to the systematic targeting of education, culture, collective memory and Palestinian identity.
In his study entitled “Scholasticide: Waging War on Education from Gaza to the West,‘ published in the Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies, Giroux proposes the concept of ’scholasticide” as an analytical framework for understanding war as a structural project that is not limited to physical destruction, but also targets the intellectual and cultural foundations of Palestinian society.
Israel is targeting the conditions for survival in Gaza
The study argues that military operations are not isolated events or incidental consequences of the conflict, but part of an integrated process that strikes at the conditions for the survival of society, including the institutions that produce and transmit knowledge: schools, universities, libraries, museums, and cultural centres.
Giroux writes:
War crimes do more than destroy bodies; they erode morality, memories, and the deeply rooted habits of public consciousness. The brutality of Israel’s military actions in Gaza is painfully evident in the images of children’s bodies, torn apart amidst bombed mosques, hospitals, and schools.
His work ties the destruction of Gaza – in all its many facets – with the broader aim of Israel normalising such destruction. That normalisation comes in the form of arrests, house demolitions, widespread bombing and the targeting of civilian facilities, including schools and hospitals, are presented, according to his analysis, as routine measures or security necessities, creating a cultural and ethical climate that accepts and reproduces oppression.
He also points out that any attempt to document violations or legally characterise them as war crimes is met with smear campaigns and ready-made accusations, which negatively affects freedom of expression, especially in the academic sphere:
The ideological assault on free speech and academic freedom lays the groundwork for the physical destruction of institutions essential to critical education as a practice of freedom and liberation
Figures reveal the extent of educational losses
The study is based on UN and human rights reports that point to widespread destruction in the education sector, including:
- A large proportion of schools in the Gaza Strip have been damaged.
- All universities in the Strip have been bombed or vandalised, resulting in the suspension of studies for tens of thousands of students.
- Large numbers of students, teachers and university professors have been killed or injured.
Giroux believes that these facts cannot be interpreted as collateral damage, but rather as part of a policy that effectively undermines the knowledge structure of society and threatens its ability to recover.
Definition of ‘cultural genocide’
Giroux defines cultural genocide as the systematic destruction of education, culture and intellectual infrastructure with the aim of erasing collective memory and preventing society from producing and transmitting knowledge. This process includes:
- The destruction of educational institutions, archives and libraries.
- Killing or displacing teachers and intellectuals.
- Targeting cultural and historical sites.
He adds that this pattern is not limited to the Palestinian context, but extends, according to his analysis, to universities in the United States and Europe, where controversy over freedom of expression and the punishment of academics and students for their political positions is growing, reflecting, in his view, a broader crisis in the independence of education.
Focus on children
The study pays particular attention to children, arguing that depriving them of education in the aftermath of war has profound psychological and social consequences. Giroux describes this impact as ‘slow violence’ because it does not immediately manifest itself in images of destruction, but leaves long-lasting scars on the fabric of society and its hope for the future.
The study also addresses the relationship between some Israeli universities and the military establishment and security industries, arguing that this entanglement contributes to the transformation of knowledge into a tool that serves the military system and influences the nature of the academic discourse produced about the conflict.
A global test of the meaning of education
Giroux concludes that what is happening in Gaza is no longer a local issue, but has become a global test of the value of education and human rights. When schools are targeted and the right to education is undermined, the question becomes broader than geography: what is the meaning of justice if the very conditions of knowledge are destroyed?
He emphasises that defending education and freedom of research is not a narrow political position, but a moral obligation to protect the future of societies, warning that silence on the destruction of knowledge could open the door to a world reshaped on the foundations of oppression and ignorance rather than justice and human dignity.
Featured image via the Canary
Politics
Brits tighten their belts, cash-strapped amid cost of living crisis
The neoliberal system leaves 40 percent of Britons with less than £25 at the end of each week, a survey by the Cost of Living Action (COLA) group has found. This is pittance and unlikely to stretch far under the cost of living crisis, where even employed people are finding themselves out of pocket.
Manufactured cost of living crisis
Privatised essentials like energy and extractive supermarket chains are driving the cost of living crisis. British Energy companies alone have accrued £125 billion since 2020, according to the End Fuel Poverty Coalition.
Meanwhile, profits for the German-owned supermarket, Lidl, rose by 297% since 2021. As for Aldi, its operating profit has risen by 50% and 72% since 2020.
While costs have increased due to climate change and other factors, supermarkets are using these pressures to break even but to fatten profit margins — otherwise known as ‘greedflation’.
In other words, the fuel feeding the cost of living fire is the ‘privatisation tax’ on common essentials — not a natural disaster but a manmade problem.
Public ownership
A publicly owned Green New Deal could tackle the cost of energy. Just 1.2% of the Sahara Desert would be necessary to power the entire world’s energy needs. Solar is gradually replacing oil because of cheaper costs. It does not appear to be happening fast enough to mitigate climate catastrophe.
Plus, energy is an essential service that would be cheaper under public ownership.
What’s more, non-profit supermarkets could dramatically lower the cost of food and alleviate the pinch for ordinary Brits.
Holistic approach
Speaking about the latest survey, Labour MP Yuan Yang, co-convenor of the Living Standards Coalition, articulated the need for a holistic (all hands to the pump) approach.
The Cost of Living Action campaign has identified a critical challenge for those of us in Westminster to grapple with: that we need a holistic approach in order to create growth while tackling the cost of living crisis. As their campaign has correctly identified, this approach requires increasing incomes, reducing costs, and fairer taxation.
Conor O’Shea, campaign coordinator of COLA, spoke of the grating impact of these inflationary pressures on British society.
Millions of people are struggling with sky-high costs, and left in debt or with next to nothing left after paying bills each month. It’s no wonder people are feeling so worried and angry. The government must deliver transformational change that truly responds to the scale of the crisis. That means making the essentials affordable for everyone, ensuring everyone has access to the income they need to live well, and rebalancing the tax system with more and better taxes on wealth.
If these issues are not tackled at the root, Brits will have to tighten their belts — as if they haven’t done exactly that over the past decade.
Featured image via Unsplash/the Canary
Politics
Unemployment climbs to 5.2%, its highest level since 2021
The rate of people not in employment in the UK has risen further to 5.2%, according to new figures published by the Office for National Statistics (ONS). With that in mind, it’s clear why 82% of the UK supports an economic package that includes a Job Guarantee, polling from the Lancet shows. These new figures highlight the ongoing issue of UK unemployment.
Unemployment rises to its highest level yet
Labour’s unemployment crisis is impacting young people the most. More than 1 in 6 people aged 16-24 are unemployed — the highest level in a decade. Overall, the number of people not in employment stands at 1.88 million.
But that’s not the full picture. Another 9.4 million people are economically inactive — meaning they haven’t looked for a job in three months.
At the same time, there are only 734,000 job vacancies. And that’s before one considers if people have the skills for the job. It exposes the flaws in the government’s neoliberal outlook — the view that the market automatically solves everything doesn’t stack up.
This comes into sharper focus when considering 22% of Brits work a 60 hours of more a week, while millions don’t have a job.
Job Guarantee, the solution?
A Job Guarantee could be the solution to a disorganised labour market. To avoid some people doing no work, while almost one in four do 60+ hours, roles could be shared. Previous Canary analysis found that if everyone of working age dedicated just five hours a week to public sector work that would cover the lot.
To be sure, 46% of public sector jobs are specialist that require skills like doctors or firemen. But the five hour figure shows that people could do a small amount of work a week to cover the public sector as it currently stands — which would ease unemployment rates.
Free university training should simultaneously deliver the skills for a strategic jobs of the future such as automation and AI. It doesn’t mean forcing people into roles but finding the balance between a liberal approach and covering necessary roles. Higher pay packets could encourage people into positions that are strategic for the economy.
Meanwhile, a private market of small to medium size businesses should run parallel.
A Job Guarantee could ensure a modern work-life balance while scaling down damaging and unnecessary production, which 82% of the UK also supports, according to Lancet polling.
Featured image via the Unsplash/the Canary
Politics
Starmer is still an enemy of democracy
What do you call a government that cancels elections, cracks down on free speech and curtails the right to trial by jury? Illiberal? Authoritarian? Autocratic, even? Because until a screeching u-turn yesterday, Keir Starmer’s Labour government was hell-bent on all of the above.
The UK prime minister has now conceded that local elections in 30 English councils will actually have to go ahead in May, reversing an earlier decision to delay them to 2027. Had the elections been cancelled, 4.6million people would have been deprived of their right to vote for their local councillors. Elections in five county councils – West Sussex, East Sussex, Suffolk, Norfolk and Surrey – would have been delayed twice, with councillors there serving seven-year terms. Such a denial of democracy would have been unprecedented in peacetime.
The ‘official’ reason given by the government for delaying local elections was that many of the seats up for grabs will soon be abolished. Under a planned shake-up of English local government, new unitary authorities will replace the current two-tier system of district and county councils. But this was never a compelling reason to cancel elections. As the Electoral Commission warned, the bar for postponing elections needs to be ‘very high’ and that Labour’s excuses were nowhere near ‘sufficient’.
Of course, by now every man and his canine companion knows the real reason Starmer was so eager to postpone these elections: he was running scared of the voters – and especially of Reform UK. Polling by JL Partners suggests Labour could now shed half of the council seats it’s defending in May, and lose majority control over around 10 councils. In the areas where elections were almost postponed, Reform is polling at 28 per cent, with the Tories on 21 per cent and Labour facing a humiliating 17 per cent.
That these elections will now go ahead is certainly a relief, but the threat to democracy from Labour is far from over. After all, it was only thanks to Reform launching a legal challenge – which government lawyers conceded they were bound to lose – that these democracy-dodging tactics have been stopped in their tracks. Starmer may have backed down, yes, but he has not suddenly discovered some hitherto-hidden democratic principles. And aside from the u-turn on local elections, Starmer’s war on the hard-won rights of British citizens is roaring ahead at pace.
Among the most egregious plans is the PM’s ‘Brexit reset’. Starmer likes to present this as a pragmatic, progressive attempt to seek closer, more amicable ties with our European neighbours. In truth, it involves the wholesale transfer of decision-making powers from the UK’s elected parliament to the unelected bureaucracy in Brussels. It is a brazen attempt to roll back the EU referendum result – the largest democratic vote in British history.
Then there is Labour’s assault on jury trials – a liberty so ancient it was enshrined in Magna Carta. That great foundational text of English liberty states with absolute clarity: ‘No free man shall be seized or imprisoned… except by the lawful judgement of his peers.’ But perhaps we are not free men in Starmer’s Britain?
Certainly, our freedom to speak has been beaten to within an inch of its life. Thirty people per day are arrested in England and Wales for saying things online that police deem ‘grossly offensive’ – that’s 12,000 arrests per year, more than America was arresting at the height of the first Red Scare. Meanwhile, the Online Safety Act – passed under the Tories, but implemented and embraced by Labour – has blocked vast swathes of the internet from British eyeballs, including social-media posts about gender ideology and asylum hotels, a speech in parliament about the rape gangs, and an irreverent article about the plummeting popularity of the Christian name ‘Keir’. Without the right to speak freely, the liberty to debate and test ideas (or simply to take the piss out of politicians), we have democracy in name only.
None of this should surprise us, of course. As Labour’s Brexit spokesperson in opposition, Starmer led the elites’ reactionary crusade to overturn the Leave vote and crush the democratic aspirations of 17.4million people. His illiberal, anti-democratic instincts even came to the fore before he even entered politics. As director of public prosecutions, between 2008 and 2013, Starmer weakened the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty. He pursued ‘speech criminals’ in the courts with particular zealotry, from Paul Chambers, accused of telling a joke on Twitter, to 30 journalists who were later all found innocent, mostly from the Sun. Then as now, free speech and liberty withered on Starmer’s watch.
Luckily for us, Starmer is not nearly wily or dogged enough to make good on all of his worst, anti-democratic impulses. The local-elections u-turn reminds us that while he may be authoritarian, he is also mercifully inept. We are blessed to be lumbered with such a useless enemy.
Fraser Myers is deputy editor at spiked and host of the spiked podcast. Follow him on X: @FraserMyers.
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